will be discovered that the tail palpably [otism and success. The Radicals held up wags the dog. The truth of the theory has their hands in holy horror that this idol of been vindicated by practice, but the cele the people should accompany a governbrated conundrum is henceforth valueless, mental party that was in favor of thirty-six as it presupposes a fixed and unalterable States in the Union, instead of twenty-five; relation between dog and tail.-[Mo. Repub- that advocated the extension of federal lican. rights to the whole country; that preferred civil authority over military despotism. Grant a Tyrant. Grant is essentially a tyrant. As late as 1866, three years after the war closed, he suppressed the Richmond (Va.) Enquirer, because he did not like its political course. Its editor (Mr. Pollard) had an interview with him, which he thus reported: "It was evident that I had nothing to hope from him, for he said to me expressly that if he had the authority he would that day suppress the New York News, the Cincinnati Enquirer, and the Chicago Times, adding that the Copperhead papers of the North, as he designated them, were doing quite as much harm as the papers in the South." The explanations of Gen. Grant's presence with this party were as unsatisfactory as they were various. Many said that he accompanied the President as an officer on the staff of the Commander-in-Chief. Subsequent events have proved that Grant does not regard the President as Commander-in-Chief. Others said that he was ordered to go, and obeyed as a military subordinate should always obey a superior. But there have been instances since that prove Grant not so willing and ready in subordination. At first, none were willing to admit that Grant had committed himself to the Presidential policy; but, before the excursion had come to an end, the Radicals regarded Grant as tainted with sentiments of Unionism, and treacherously favoring a speedy return to peace and prosperity. * * * * The only reason, therefore, that prevents him from establishing a general censorship over the press North as well as South, is the want of authority. He admits that he has the disposition. Appeals to reason and conscience, which he can not answer, he Whatever his motive for joining the party would silence with the brute force of a des- may have been, he looked upon it as an expot. Such is Gen. Grant.-[Cincinnati En-cellent occasion for a prolonged and uninquirer. Grant's Reticence. HE SWINGS AROUND THE CIRCLE WITH AN- [From the Chicago Times, Jan. 26, 1868.] Grant's uniform silence and meaningless expression of countenance have rendered his appearance much the same, whether under the deepening and intensifying influence of liquor, or merely reflecting the natural stolidity of his composition. The same absence of sensibility always characterizes his thoughts and movements. Appeal to the mental and moral man with all the acuteness of suffering, or cut away at him with broadswords of argument, and Grant would no more feel them than would a rhinoceros the pricking of a pin. * terrupted "drunk." He did not draw a sober breath from the time the party reached Niagara until after it had landed in Chicago. At Niagara Falls he made only one ap pearance in the open air, and that in a carriage, supported by a couple of friends. On the way to Buffalo, at Tonawanda, Admiral Farragut excused General Grant from making an appearance, because he was "played out." At Buffalo and other places, Secretary Seward excused Grant's non-appearance on account of "illness." The truth is, and it is well known to every man who accompanied the excursion, that Grant was sent to Cleveland by another train in order to give him the time and opportunity to sober off. This, however, was not the General's pleasure. He preferred to remain drunk; and, on the way from Cleveland to Detroit, he was in a staggering condition of drunkenness, and only made his way through the cars with support on each side, and his appearance on the platform at stations with the same assistance. The reporters of the New York Tribune and of the *Chicago Republican, who were in attendance, telegraphed to their respective jour nals that Grant was in the condition de scribed. Grant possesses only one pronounced characteristic, which is an imperviousness that resists everything except the desire for drinking and smoking. The country has not yet forgotten the Presidential excursion, popularly known as "Swingin' round the circle." The country also remembers that Gen. Grant was one of the most prominent men in the Presidential party. It was at a time when the name of Grant was synonymous with loyalty, patri It is equally true that Grant, on several occasions during this trip, committed himself fully to the conservatism represented by Mr. Johnson at the time, and denounced by the Radical party. At Detroit, Seward, | of traitors. Imagine Wellington smoking speaking to the people from the balcony of at Tattersall's, or any other horse market, the hotel, said: Let me tell those who while Ireland was in such condition as the are trying to make a distinction between South is to day! He never earned his " Iron General Grant and the President, that no- Duke" by any such effeminacy. While thing in this world could divide him from the Durant quits New Orleans because its streets President, or me from him and the Presi- are not safe for Union men-while riot rules dent;" and General Grant acquiesced in his Memphis and blood flows at New Orleanscustomary silence. Mr. Seward has kept while Union men, all over the South, hide faith and General Grant has broken it. themselves from rebels, Grant flaunts his undeserved title in the face of a disgraced nation, and filches his unearned salary from an impoverished people. At Battle Creek, Michigan, there was a great crowd and loud calls for General Grant, while Secretary Seward was expounding the President's policy for restoring the Union. "Gentlemen," the Secretary continued, with Grant by his side, "if you expect to hear anything different from General Grant from what the President would tell you, you are very much mistaken. The General allows me to do his speaking, and I allow him to do my fighting, and we have neither of us as yet fought or spoken against the other." The Secretary then turned to General Grant, who bowed in acquiescence amid the cheers of the crowd, and concluded, "That is General Grant's speech." Either There is but one alternative for Grant in regard to his position at that time. he shared the convictions and approved the policy of the President, which were fundamentally the same then as they are now, or he was too stupidly drunk to deny the sentiments attributed to him before such vast crowds of his countrymen. Both conclusions are equally discreditable in the turn that affairs have recently taken. If Grant had "But Johnson won't let him do his duty." Then do not let him take title and pay for a duty he is not allowed to discharge. But the excuse is sheer falsehood. done, at the time of the New Orleans riot, what Fremont or Butler would have done one to New Orleans and begun to do his duty-Johnson would not have dared to cripple him with restrictions. Had he done so, and Grant had returned to say to Congress and the country, "Union men were shot down in New Orleans because the White House would not let me do my duty," Johnson would have ceased to be President in thirty days. The same is true of Memphis and Texas. When through Grant's hands passed the report that Texas could be ruled only by martial-law, and it was not instantly after put under martial-law, Grant wrote "no soldier" or "traitor's tool "" on his own record. We speak in earnest, for there is not a more disgraceful blot on our recordand that is a daring statement-than the nation's cruel desertion of Union men at the "Cursed be the Soul of Benjamin Franklin"-Also South. For this Grant is the front sinner. that of Ulysses Grant. [From the Anti-Slavery Standard.] All readers of Swift know what sort of ideas nice men usually have. They swallow a camel of bad actions, but strain at a gnat of plain words. "I could easily have escaped," said the wretch who picked the old pensioner's pocket, "but conscientious scruples prevented my traveling on the Sabbath." Here is a man with a princely revenue, and a more than princely title, conferred on him-for what? That he may make the flag protect loyalty wherever it floats. No thanks to him that it floats in honor at New York or Boston. His soldiership is shown when loyal men are safe under it in Galveston and New Orleans. If we have indeed conquered Tennessee and Louisiana, then Memphis and New Orleans are ours. Grant's soldiership is proved when loyal He, more than any other man, could have prevented it. Of him it is more emphatically true than of any other loyal man, that he is responsible for it. The blood at Memphis and New Orleans will blight in history half of his Virginia laurels. If we were Grant we should feel more remorse for the Union murders of 1867, than pride in the Virginia victories of 1865. We should know ourself more truly the cause of the first than of the last. General Thomas reporting several hundred Union murders in his district, all unpunished and most of them uninvestigated, and yet-Grant a soldier! Grant knows that ten of these promptly and thoroughly punished in each State would put an end to this state of things. The bullies would creep back into their dens. He knows that he has ample strength to punish these crimes. Why he does not punish them, every man must decide for himself. If the reason be Mr. Johnson's opposition, Grant knows that, any time during the last two years, ten decisive words from himself would have obliged Johnson instantly to desist from his opposition and set the whole nation indig Lee, at the same date, had an effective force of 52,000. Grant's reinforcements up to the battle of Cold Harbor, June 3, were 97,000. Lee's reinforcements, up to the same date, were 18,000. Grant's total force, including reinforcements, was 222,000. Lee's total force, including reinforce nantly against him. Grant is ten times as Allow me to say, however, that I am not a politician, never was, and hope never to be, and could not write a political letter. In your letter, you say that I have it in my power to be the next President. This is the last thing in the world I desire. I would regard such a consummation as being highly unfortunate for myself, if not for the country. Through Providence, I have attained to more than I ever hoped, and with the position I now hold in the regular army, if allowed to retain it, will be more than satisfied. I certainly shall never shape a sentiment, or the expression of a thought, with a view of being a candidate for office. I scarcely know the inducement that could be held out to me to accept office, and unhesitatingly say that I infinitely prefer my present position to that of any civil office within the gift of the people. Returns to their respective governments showed that, when both armies had reached the James, June 10, the number of Grant's army that had been put hors du combat was 117,000. Up to the same date, the number of Lee's men who had been put hors du combat was 19,000. The two armies then met in front of Petersburg. It will be seen that Grant's total force, including reinforcements, was 152,000, and his loss 98,000 in excess of Lee's, or that, with a force outnumbering his opponent's three to one, this bungler lost every other man in his army, while Lee lost but two out of every nine-or, to put it still differently, that Grant lost just six thousand men more than one and a-half times Lee's entire army. That Grant succeeded is true, but a General would have accomplished the same result with less means and less loss. Gen. Lee was not conquered by fighting him, but by exhausting his resources. He stood on the defensive for nearly a year after Grant assumed command in the East, although the Confederacy was even then, when Grant crossed the Rapidan, tottering and well nigh spent by three years' exertion in a strenuous and unequal struggle. It is certainly just to credit Grant with the capture of Lee; but there is a debit as well as a credit side to the account. What General Scott called "the economy of life by means of head work," will be sought for in vain in the campaigns of Gen. Grant. His successes have been won by a prodigal expenditure of his soldiers. In his last and greatest campaign, he pitted an enormous army against a small one, and sacrificed twice as many men as Gen. Lee had under his command. It is not justice, but adulation, to praise him as if he had conquered an army as large as his own. It is not justice, but an affront to humanity, to give him as much credit as if he had achieved the same result without such wholesale sacrifices of men. Gen. Jackson won his brilliant victory at New Orleans, with 7,000 men against a British army of 12,000. Gen. Taylor had but 6,000 men at Buena Vista, and the Gen. Scott Mexicans twice that number. had 8,000 men at Cerro Gordo, the Mexicans 12,000. The splendid victory of Con treras was achieved by Scott with 4,500, | Ould for the exchange of prisoners of war against 12,000 Mexicans. Gen. Scott, in his has been referred to me for my orders. report to the Secretary of War, speaking Until examined by me, and my orders of the battles in front of Mexico, said: thereon are received by you, decline all fur"And I assert, upon accumulated and un- ther negotiations. questionable evidence, that in not one of these conflicts was this army opposed by less than three and a-half times its numbers-in several of them by a yet greater excess. U. S. GRANT, Lieut. Gen. Six days later, after General Grant had "L examined," he sent a long telegram to Butler, stating that he had been empowered If it be said that Grant had dis-" to give such instructions as I may deem advantages of ground and position to en- proper," and he gave instructions of which counter in advancing through an enemy's Butler says: country, the same is equally true of Scott, who nevertheless, with greatly inferior num-state of negotiations, rendered any further bers, advanced rapidly from triumph to triumph, while Grant, operating with superior numbers, against a nearly exhausted foe, required a whole year to capture Richmond, which finally succumbed to exhaustion, rather than to military genius. Grant's Cruelty to Prisoners. Let the sufferers at Belle Isle, Libby, Andersonville, and other Southern prisons-sufferers because of the very necessities of the country-read this. In December, 1863, Butler was appointed Commissioner of Exchange, and by March, 1864, effected a basis of exchange with the Confederate Commissioner, man for man. He then details the further proceedings in the matter thus: Mr. Ould left on the 31st of March, with the understanding that I would get authority and information from my Government, by which all disputed points possible could be adjusted, and would then confer with him further, either meeting him at City Point or elsewhere for that purpose. In the mean time the exchanges of sick and wounded and special exchanges should go on. Lieutenant-General Grant visited Fortress Monroe on the 1st of April, being the first time I ever met him. To him the state of the negotiations as to exchange were verbally communicated, and most emphatic verbal directions were received from the Lieutenant-General not to take any step by which another able-bodied man should be exchanged until further orders from him. On the 14th of April, Butler received a telegram from General Grant, at Washington, stating that the whole subject of exchange of prisoners had been referred to him, as follows: WASHINGTON, April 14, 1834. MAJOR-GENERAL BUTLER: Your report respecting negotiations with Commissioner "Of course these instructions, in the then exchange impossible and retaliation useless." Butler says he then made an effort to have the sick and wounded excepted, so that they might be exchanged, and he received the following telegram in reply: WASHINGTON, April 30, 1864. MAJOR-GENERAL B. F. BUTLER: Receive all the sick and wounded the Confederate authorities send you, but send no more in exchange. U. S. GRANT, Lieut.-Gen. Upon this extraordinary "instruction" Butler remarks as follows: "To obtain delivery of even sick and wounded prisoners without any return would be a somewhat difficult operation, save that the enemy, by giving us our wounded and sick in their hands, we retaining all the rebel sick and wounded in ours, burdened us with the care and cost of all the sick and wounded on both sides an operation of which it is difficult to see the strategetic value, and only to be defended because of the destitution and suffering permitted to its humanity in rescuing our wounded from them by the Confederates." In August, the Confederate Commissioner renewed his offer of March, man for man, and again Butler was, as it appears, disposed to accede, but again General Grant interposed, and in a telegram sent to Butler, August 18, 1864, said: On the subject of exchange, I differ from General Hitchcock. It is hard on our men, held in Southern prisons, not to exchange them, but it is humanity to those left in the ranks to fight our battles. Every man released on parole or otherwise becomes an active soldier against us at once, either directly or indirectly. If we commence a system of exchange which liberates all prisoners taken, we will have to fight on until the whole South is exterminated. we hold those caught, they amount to no more than dead men. At this particular time, to release all rebel prisoners North, If would insure Sherman's defeat, and would | Grant, Senior, Makes a Speech. compromise our safety here. U. S. GRANT, Lieut.-Gen. If Hiram is reticent, the venerable author of his existence lets off his It is proper to state that these ex-mouth occasionally, as witness the foltracts appear in the report of the lowing extract from a letter to the Committee on the Conduct of the Cincinnati Enquirer, dated at Mineral War, a public document wherein the Point, Wis., May 27, 1868: reader may find some other matters Gentlemen, there never was such a nomexplanatory of that murderous sys-ination made as the one the Radicals have tem of warfare, whereby Grant has made in nominating my son as President, and Colfax is a very good man for the posiwrought himself to greatness on tion of Vice-President. He said he was dead men's bones. glad that Ben Wade was not put in as Vice, for he had not a bit of sense, and talked too much, and would have been the means Grant Instructs his Military Commanders to be of the Radical ticket losing at least a hunRadical Congressional Tools. WASHINGTON, August 3, 1867. To Major-Gen. John Pope: I think your views sound-sound both in the construction which you give to the laws of Congress and the duties of the supporters of a good Government to see that when reconstruction is effected no loop-hole is left open to give trouble and embarrassment thereafter. It is certainly the duty of dis trict commanders to study what the framers of the reconstruction laws wanted to express as much as what they do express, and to execute the laws according to that interpretation. This I believe they have generally done, and, so far, have the approval of all who approve the Congressional plan of re construction. (Signed.) U. S. GRANT, Gen'l. dred thousand votes in Ohio-do n't believe in letting negroes vote; says it is too much like trying to make them equal to the whites, and said the only reason he thought they ought to have been freed for, was financially and politically, not because they were not in their place, for he thought the only place they were fit for was as slaves, for they are not able to take care of themselves, and he told a s'ory to illustrate the fact. Said the only way they would work and only way to treat them was by using the whip freely. He thinks the people will be ashamed of giving the negro his freedom. He says Gen. Palmer made a fool of himself at the Convention in his speech. He don't think much of Palmer or the platform. He said he advised them to leave nigger out of the platform, for he told them if they did not they would be beat; and said one of the most disgusting things he ever witnessed was the nigger delegates at the convention Grant's Indorsement of the Action of the Military at Chicago. If he had his way he would Commanders of the South. "In their civil capacity they are entirely independent of both the General and Secre tary, except in the matters of removals, ap pointments and details, where the General of the army has the same powers as have district commanders. It is but fair to the district commanders, however, to state that, while they have been thus independent in their civil duties, there has not been one of them who would not yield to a positively expressed wish, in regard to any matter of civil administration, from either of the officers placed over them by the Constitution, or acts of Congress, so long as that wish was in the direction of a proper execution of law, for the execution of which they alone are responsible. I am pleased to say that the commanders of the five military districts have executed their difficult trust faithfully and without bias from any judgment of their own as to the merit or the law they were executing." have kicked them out. He said never-no, never-would he be willing for niggers to vote; he thinks the more they are educated the worse it is for them, and says he do n't believe in educating them. He do n't believe in them voting in the South or any place else. They have no civil rights at all; this country was made to be ruled by white men and not niggers; thinks the Freedmen's Bureau the greatest swindle the world ever saw. He said he had seen the time when he had nothing to eat, and the United States did not feed him, but he had to work or starve. And as long as they indulged the nigger in idleness the longer they would have to; and said if he had ten cents and it would educate a nigger, he would throw it in the fire before they should have it. Says he thinks it will beat the General, and will be glad if he is defeated. Before he was done talking every one of the Rads had left, and the old gentleman was talking to Democrats. I heard all the above conversation. |