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revenue to distribute among the States. Let me say, at once, to all who thus speak of the amendment, that they misrepresent it. It makes no provision for the collection or the distribution of revenue. You will not collect a cent more or less of revenue, whether we adopt or reject it. It involves no question of policy, nor has it any connexion with the tariff; and the Senator from Mississippi is quite mistaken, when he attempts to prove that it has. It neither proposes to alter, modify, enlarge, diminish, or continue the revenue laws. Turn it which way you will, give to it whatever reading ingenuity is capable of, scrutinize it as closely as you please, and it provides for the safe keeping of the public money, if any sum over five millions shall be on hand; nothing more. And the only question here is, shall the States have the use of it till it is needed, or shall the stockholders of the deposite banks be enriched by loaning it out for their own benefit? This is all the matter we have to deal with; and let us meet it fairly; let us call it by the right name; and, if it is to be so, let the people understand that the interest of these banks is more powerful than their own in this place. Whose money is this? It belongs to the people; it is their property; and whom do you talk of corrupting and seducing from their duty by the fascinating influences of money? The people. The people are to be bribed and corrupted by possessing their own property. How wonderfully pure and patriotic the officers of this Government! They can trust themselves with the money; but the people will be corrupted and seduced, if their own property is permitted to approach so near to them as the State treasuries!

It is said, sir, that a spirit of avarice and cupidity will seize the people, and that members of Congress will become so infected with the mania that they will refuse to make the necessary appropriations; and what most astonishes me is, that our experience under the act of 1836 is urged to justify this reasoning. In my judgment, never was any thing more unfounded. Look at the appropriations of the last year, amounting to about $50,000,000. When and where has this extravagance any parallel? Look at the appropriations of this year, the amount of which I have no means of ascertaining, but scarcely less profuse, as we all know, than those of the last year. Nay, more: I appeal to every gentleman here to consult his own conscience, and then to declare whether he has felt any such sordid influence on his mind, in the votes which he has recorded. And if he has not, I leave him to settle the question whether he is more pure than his fellow-citizens, and more capable of resisting temptation.

Sir, I have seen a great and commanding influence exerting itself, ever since the bill of 1836 was proposed, to defeat it. It worked in vain last year, but its power has increased in this body. It has grown determined to set the States down as narrow-minded, avaricious, and unworthy of confidence; ay, not fit to be trusted with their own. And there seems to be such a conviction of this unfitness, that the deposite banks are to be placed over them as guardians.

Now, sir, there is but one of these arguments entitled to the slightest consideration; all suggestion as to the avarice and corruption of the people is a calumny-a slander; it is an attempt to teach them to disgrace themselves. But when we are told that the powers of this Government may be diminished by this process, I will not say it does not deserve consideration. I have hitherto seen no proofs of it, and yet I confess I should not regret to see the patronage of the Executive diminishedcut down to a tithe of its present ample dimensions. It is plethoric, and I am willing to see it depleted. If, therefore, it should produce this effect only to a reasonable extent, (and I should let blood freely,) I should be

[SENATE.

far from objecting to it; indeed, the medicine is needed, for this branch of the Government wants purifying. Here lies, whatever else may be urged, the great objection to this measure, which is felt by those in, and who hope to be in, power.

It is they who feel all this anxious solicitude about the avarice of the people, and their danger of corruption. But I cannot resist the belief that they feel much more solicitude about retaining power and patronage. No power works with more effect, or insinuates itself more certainly into the feelings, and winds itself about the hearts of men, than that of money. You have a host of deposite banks scattered throughout the country, one and all bowed down to the executive will. Connected with them is an army of stockholders, borrowers, and persons seeking special favors. The Executive is the magnet, the centre of attraction, which holds all these in their places, and in obedience. Those who have dwelt with horror upon the influence of the Bank of the United States, and its successor, will be able, by turning their eyes from that monster to this, with its multiplied heads, to understand the power and patronage which money bestows. It is the fear of losing this influence that creates this holy horror, and excites this distrust of the States. You are willing to pile up the public money in these banks till it overtops their capital, and run the risk of all danger, rather than part with the controlling influuence it gives you; and this is the reason why the people cannot be trusted with their own property; why the deposite banks are better entitled to use and enjoy the earnings of the public money than the people themselves. But they well understand this reasoning; they well comprehend that you have a very studious care of their morals, but a sharper eye upon your own power and inter

ests.

It is said there will be no surplus. Be it so; what harm will come of this law in that case? It only proposes to divide and deposite what may exist; and if none exist, there will be nothing for the law to act upon, and nothing to corrupt the people. It will be a harmless dead letter merely, for it is not permanent, as has been suggested, but provides for the deposite of such as shall be on hand the 1st day of January next. Nothing more. If the Senate resist this measure because the office-holders are in danger of losing some of their power and patronage, the responsibility must rest on those who do All I ask is, that the issue be fairly made up for the public decision. Let the people understand that they are considered less worthy of confidence than the officeholders and the pet banks.

it.

After some further debate, the question was taken, and the Senate determined to adhere to its disagreement, by the following vote:

YEAS--Messrs. Benton, Brown, Buchanan, Cuthbert, Ewing of Illinois, Fulton, Grundy, Hubbard, King of Alabama, King of Georgia, Linn, Lyon, Mouton, Nicholas, Niles, Norvell, Page, Parker, Rives, Robinson, Ruggles, Sevier, Strange, Tallmadge, Walker, Wall, Wright-27.

NAYS-Messrs. Bayard, Calhoun, Clay, Clayton, Crittenden, Davis, Ewing of Ohio, Hendricks, Kent, Knight, McKean, Moore, Morris, Prentiss, Preston, Robbins, Southard, Spence, Swift, Tipton, Tomlinson, Webster,

White-23.

The Senate, on motion of Mr. BENTON, spent some time in executive business.

When the doors were reopened, the Senate took up and acted upon some other minor business; when

Mr. HUBBARD submitted a joint resolution, providing for the appointment of a committee, to join such committee as may be appointed on the part of the House of Representatives, to wait on the President of the United States, and inform him that the two Houses, having

SENATE.]

Thanks to the President pro tem.-Cherokee Memorial, &c.

finished the business before them, were ready to adjourn the present session of Congress. This resolution was agreed to, and sent to the House for concurrence.

THANKS TO THE PRESIDENT pro tem. Mr. KING, of Alabama, the President pro tem., having temporarily left the chair,

Mr. DAVIS submitted the following resolution, which was unanimously adopted:

Resolved, That the thanks of the Senate be tendered to the honorable WILLIAM R. KING, President pro tempore, for his late impartial and dignified services as presiding officer.

CHEROKEE MEMORIAL.

Mr. SOUTHARD moved to take up the memorial presented by him some days since, from the Cherokee Indians, for the purpose of its being printed.

Mr. KING, of Georgia, objected to the printing, on the ground of there being no object but to keep up an unnecessary excitement.

Mr. SOUTHARD warmly advocated the motion, and asked for the yeas and nays.

After some remarks from Messrs. KING of Georgia, BUCHANAN, WALKER, and WEBSTER, the question was taken, and the Senate refused to take up the memorial.

Leave was then granted to the memorialists to with

draw it.

Mr. HUBBARD, from the joint committee appointed to wait on the President, and inform him that the two Houses of Congress, having finished the business before them, were now ready to adjourn, unless he had some further communication to make, reported that they had performed the duty assigned them, and were answered by the President that he had no other official communication to make, but that he had charged him to say that it was the wish of his heart that each member of Congress might enjoy health and prosperity in this world, and happiness in the next.

On motion of Mr. WEBSTER,
The Senate then adjourned sine die.

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In conformity with the above-recited summons from the President of the United States, the Senate assembled in their chamber, in the city of Washington, at 10 o'clock A. M. this day.

The Senate was called to order by Mr. KING, of Alabama, the late President pro tem.

RICHARD M. JOHNSON, of Kentucky, Vice President of the United States, being present, was conducted to the Secretary's table by Mr. GRUNDY, and the oath to support the constitution of the United States having been administered to him, Mr. KING vacated the chair, and Mr. Jonsson took his seat as President of the Senate and Vice President of the United States.

The VICE PRESIDENT, on taking the chair; addressed the Senate as follows:

[MARCH 4, 1837.

charge of the duties of the presiding officer of this body, the necessity of addressing its members has been very much lessened, if not superseded, by the opportunity afforded me of presenting some of my sentiments when I accepted the situation.

I cannot, however, permit the present occasion to pass without again tendering to you my grateful acknowl. edgments for the honor conferred upon me by your

choice.

There is not, in my opinion, upon this globe, a legis lative body more respectable and more exalted in character than the Senate of the United States; and there is not, perhaps, a deliberative assembly existing where the presiding officer has less difficulty in preserving order. This facility is attributable principally to two causes: the intelligence and patriotism of the members who compose the body, and that personal respect and courtesy which have always been extended from one member to another, in its deliberations. These qualities have a tendency to produce a unity of design, and a mutual confi dence, in the ultimate object of all, whatever difference of opinion may exist in relation to the means of gaining the common end; and inculcate that sentiment of equality among the members, which constiters the es sential principle of our free institutions, and which will never cease to animate a body so enlightened as this. These reflections have mitigated the intense anxiety of mind, and well-founded apprehensions, arising from a consciousness of my own deficiency of qualifications to preside over this elevated body.

In the exercise of the powers conferred upon me by the constitution, it shall be my effort to pursue that course of conduct which has recommended me to the consideration of my fellow-citizens-a faithful discharge of my public duties, to the extent of my abilities, and in a manner that shall seem best calculated to give satisfaction to all. Contemplating the duties and ceremonies of this day, it might be considered improper in me to consume any more of your time by adverting to other subjects, however relevant to the new position which I now occupy. I shall, therefore, close my remarks by informing the Senate that I am now ready to proceed with the busi

ness for which we are assembled.

There were now ascertained to be present every Sen. ator from every State in the Union, except one, (Mr. McKINLEY, of Alabama,) being fifty-one in number. The new members present were

From Indiana, OLIVER H. SMITH; from Illinois, RICHARD M. YOUNG; from Ohio, WILLIAM ALLEN; from Maine, REUEL WILLIAMS; from Connecticut, PERRY SMITH.

The oath prescribed by the constitution was then administered by the VICE PRESIDENT to the new Senators, and those Senators re-elected, except Mr. SEVIER, of Arkansas, the consideration of whose credentials of ap pointment by the Governor (as to filling the vacancy occasioned by the expiration of his own term) was post poned to Monday.

The Senate continued its sittings on Monday, Tuesday, Wednesday, and Thursday following, and were enga ged, principally upon executive business--acting upon the nominations of the President.

On Tuesday, Mr. GRUNDY, from the Judiciary Com mittee, reported that the Hon. AMBROSE H. SEVIER IS entitled to his seat as a Senator from Arkansas, under the executive appointment of the 17th of January, 1837, and that he now have the oath of office accordingly ad ministered to him." On Wednesday the report was de bated, and on the question of agreeing to it the yeas and nays were as follows:

YEAS-Messrs. Allen, Benton, Brown, Bachanan, Clayton, Cuthbert, Fulton, Grundy, Hubbard, Linn, Gentlemen of the Senate: In entering upon the dis-Lyon, Nicholas, Niles, Norvell, Pierce, Preston, Kives,

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Robinson, Ruggles, Smith of Connecticut, Tipton, Walker, Wall, White, Wright, Young-26.

NAYS--Messrs. Bayard, Black, Clay, Crittenden, Davis, Kent, King of Alabama, King of Georgia, Knight, McKean, Morris, Mouton, Prentiss, Robbins, Smith of Indiana, Southard, Swift, Webster, Williams-19.

Mr. SEVIER then appeared and took the oath of office. The VICE PRESIDENT having retired from the chair on Tuesday, according to usage, to allow of the choice of a President pro tem. before the adjournment, the Senate proceeded to ballot for a President pro tem., when WILLIAM R. KING, of Alabama, was elected.

[SENATE.

At the close of Thursday's sitting, a committee was appointed, on motion of Mr. WRIGHT, to announce to the President of the United States that the Senate had got through its business, and was ready to adjourn, if he had no further communication to make to them. Mr. WRIGHT and Mr. LYON were appointed a committee accordingly.

On Friday morning, at 10 o'clock, the committee reported that they had discharged the duty thus confided to them, and had received for answer that the President had no further communication to make them. And then The Senate adjourned sine die.

DEBATES

IN

THE HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES.

LIST OF MEMBERS

Of the House of Representatives, twenty-fourth Congress, second session.

MAINE-Jeremiah Bailey, George Evans, John Fairfield, Joseph Hall, Leonard Jarvis, Moses Mason, jr., Gorham Parks, Francis O. J. Smith--8.

NEW HAMPSHIRE-Benning M. Bean, Robert Burns, Samuel Cushman, Franklin Pierce, Joseph Weeks-5.

MASSACHUSETTS--Abbot Lawrence, Stephen C. Phillips, Caleb Cushing, Samuel Hoar, Levi Lincoln, George Grennell, jr., George N. Briggs, William B. Calhoun, William Jackson, Nathaniel B. Borden, John Reed, John Quincy Adams--12.

RHODE ISLAND--Dutce Sprague, jr.-2.

J. Pearce, William

CONNECTICUT--Elisha Haley, Samuel Ingham, Orrin Holt, Lancelot Phelps, Isaac Toucey, Thomas T. Whittlesey-6.

VERMONT--Hiland Hall, William Slade, Horace Everett, Heman Allen, Henry F. Janes--5.

NEW YORK--Abel Huntington, Samuel Barton, Churchill C. Cambreleng, Gideon Lee, John McKeon, Ely Moore, Aaron Ward, Abraham Bockee, John W. Brown, Nicholas Sickles, Valentine Efner, Aaron Vanderpoel, Hiram, P. Hunt, Gerrit Y. Lansing, John Cramer, David Russell, Dudley Farlin, Ransom H. Gillet, Matthias J. Bovec, Abijah Mann, jr., Rutger B. Miller, Joel Turrill, Daniel Wardwell, Sherman Page, William Seymour, William Mason, Stephen B. Leonard, Joseph Reynolds, William K. Fuller, William Taylor, Ulysses F. Doubleday, Graham H. Chapin, Francis Granger, Joshua Lee, Timothy Childs, George, W. Lay, John Young, Abner Hazeltine, Thomas C. Love, Gideon Hard--40.

NEW JERSEY--William Chetwood, Samuel Fowler, Thomas Lee, James Parker, Ferdinand F. Schenck, William N. Shinn--6.

PENNSYLVANIA--Joel B. Sutherland, Joseph R. Ingersoll, James Harper, Michael W. Ash, Edward Darlington, William Hiester, David Potts, jr., Jacob Fry, jr., Matthias Morris, David D. Wagener, Edward B. Hubley, Henry A. Muhlenberg, William Clark, Henry Logan, George Chambers, James Black, Joseph Henderson, Andrew Beaumont, Joseph B. Anthony, John Laporte, Job Mann, John Klingensmith, jr., Andrew Buchanan, Thomas M. T. McKennan, Harmar Denny, Samuel S. Harrison, John J. Pearson, John Galbraith--28.

DELAWARE--John J. Milligan--1. MARYLAND--John N. Steele, James A. Pearce, James Turner, Benjamin C. Howard, Isaac McKim, VOL. XIII.-66

George C. Washington, Francis Thomas, Daniel Jenifer--8.

VIRGINIA--James M. II. Beale, James W. Bouldin, Nathaniel H. Claiborne, Walter Coles, Robert Craig, George C. Dromgoole, James Garland, George W. Hopkins, John W. Jones, Joseph Johnson, George Loyall, Edward Lucas, jr., John Y. Mason, William McComas, Charles Fenton Mercer, William S. Morgan, John M. Patton, John Roane, John Robertson, John Taliaferro, Henry A. Wise--21.

NORTH CAROLINA--William Biddle Shepard, Jesse A. Bynum, Ebenezer Pettigrew, Jesse Speight, James J. McKay, Micajah T. Hawkins, Edmund Deberry, William Montgomery, Augustine H. Shepperd, Abraham Rencher, Henry W. Connor, James Graham, Lewis Williams--13.

SOUTH CAROLINA--Robert B. Campbell, William I. Grayson, John K. Griffin, Franklin H. Elmore, John P. Richardson, Henry L. Pinckney, Francis W. Pickens, James Rogers, Waddy Thompson, jr.-9.

GEORGIA-Jesse F. Cleveland, William C. Dawson, Thomas Glascock, Seaton Grantland, Charles E. Haynes, Hopkins Holsey, Jabez Jackson, George W. Owens, Julius C. Alford--9.

KENTUCKY-Lynn Boyd, Albert G. Hawes, Joseph R. Underwood, Sherrod Williams, James Harlan, John Calhoon, Benjamin Hardin, William J. Graves, John White, Chilton Allan, Richard French, John Chambers, Richard M. Johnson-13.

TENNESSEE-William B. Carter, Samuel Bunch, Luke Lea, James Standefer, John B. Forester, Balie Peyton, John Bell, Abram P. Maury, James K. Polk, (Speaker,) Ebenezer J. Shields, Cave Johnson, Adam Huntsman, William C. Dunlap-13.

OHIO-Bellamy Storer, Taylor Webster, Joseph H. Crane, Thomas Corwin, Thomas L. Hamer, Samuel F. Vinton, William K. Bond, Jeremiah McLene, John Chaney, Samson Mason, William Kennon, Elias Howell, David Spangler, William Patterson, Jonathan Sloane, Elisha Whittlesey, John Thomson, Benjamin Jones, Daniel Kilgore--19.

LOUISIANA-Henry Johnson, Eleazer W. Ripley, Rice Garland-3.

INDIANA-Ratliff Boon, John W. Davis, John Carr, Amos Lane, Jonathan McCarty, William Herod, Edward A. Hannegan-7.

MISSISSIPPI-John F. H. Claiborne, Samuel J. Ghol

son-2.

ILLINOIS-John Reynolds, Zadok, Casey, William L. May--3.

ALABAMA-Reuben Chapman, Joshua L. Martin, Joab Lawler, Dixon H. Lewis, Francis S. Lyon--5. MISSOURI-Wm. H. Ashley, Albert G. Harrison-2.

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