the wants of the country may be greatly relieved. Again, sir, when such a state of things arrives as that the revenue of the country will not support the Government, it will be good time to inquire whether the expenses of the Government conform to an amount necessary to the permanency and well-being of a plain republican Government. Sir, according to any calculation that I have ever made upon the subject, I think the expenses of the Government (not on account of their amount, but on account of preserving that ancient republican simplicity which has hitherto characterized it) are far, very far, beyond what they ought to be, and perhaps double what they would be, if the people supported the Government by direct taxation. I do not wish to be understood as favoring a plan of direct taxation. I use the words merely to show or rather to convey the idea or opinion of the difference which a different mode of collecting revenue might make to the tax-payer. But, sir, if there be more expenses incurred than should be, is there no remedy? Certainly. But where? It is beyond the reach or control of cxecutive vigilance, and cannot be chargeable to the executive account. But, sir, the remedy is here, in this House, and here only. Here it is that offices are created. Here it is that salaries are created, and allowed, and extended, from time to time, until they become exorbitant; just as if we had to legislate exclusively for the benefit of the officers of the Government, without any regard to the situation or condition of those whom we more immediately repre sent; here it is that all moneys are appropriated; and here it is, in this House alone, that a remedy is to be found; and if the people will avail themselves of it, it is in their power. The people, in selecting their representatives in their national and State councils, should send more farmers, and fewer professional men; more mechanics, and fewer overgrown capitalists. I make the suggestion with perfect deference to the feelings of every gentleman present. But gentlemen will agree with me, that the different classes of the community are never represented according to their respective federal numbers, and which, in a Government where we know of no distinctions, they are entitled to be. But many people entertain an idea that unless a man can make a speech, he is not qualified for a seat in their councils. Let me say to them that I have not a doubt upon my mind that many of as good and industrious men, and no doubt as able as any in this House, do not pretend to make speeches; they will not waste time. A wholesome discussion is not to be condemned, but I would draw a material distinction between discussion and making speeches. But enough of this. [H. OF R. New York (and which constitutes the great part of the importation) was 2,718 bushels, producing an item of $659 in the revenue derived from imposts, amounting in the whole to about twenty millions. Then, sir, how is the object of the resolution to affect the farming interest? The tariff system is of no earthly advantage to the farmer, because foreign grain cannot, by the exist ing tariff, be brought into competition with his; and if we only import at times of extreme scarcity, when farmers have little or none to sell, it constitutes an unnecessary tax upon the consumer, without any adequate benefit to the farming interest. Sir, the farming interest is not protected; the small duty upon his wheat was, in the beginning, a mere cheat, to gull him into the support of the whole system-a perfect humbug, so far as the interests of the farmer can compare to the other protected interests; and if you had as many practical farmers here as you ought to have, they would tell you But, in another view, if the existing duty upon foreign wheat were an advantage to the farmer, I should still press this inquiry. The farmer at this time, who has the article of bread stuffs to sell, realizes at least double the usual or ordinary prices for his goods. Could he not better take twenty-five cents less than double price for his grain, than the poor consumer can pay such high prices as at present? Surely he could, and would still get an extraordinary price for his grain, while the consumer would be very much relieved. Sir, gentlemen say I go against the farming interest. This word interest seems to be the germe from whi ch sprang, in a measure, this whole system of protection. Sir, to elucidate my opinion, I fancy to myself that a number of gentlemen meet here; the one wishes to embark in the manufacturing of cottons, another of woollens, another of iron, another has a bed of stone coal, &c.; and they enter into an agreement that, for their mutual benefit, and to make those interests permanent and valuable, they must be protected from competition. As among the parties concerned there may be nothing wrong, for the advance paid by the one upon the interest of the other is repaid by his having the same bounty accruing upon his interest. But these gentlemen constitute but a very small portion of the community; and the great mass of the people, the laborers and mechanics, have no interests to protect; and, consequently, all the profits arising out of those different protected interests are paid by the mass of the community. The whole system is upheld and supported by those industrious poor who have no interest to protect. But some will say, if the wealthy portion of the community prosper, the poor man will prosper too. The argument When I offered the resolution under consideration, will not hold good; look around at your manufacturer gentlemen very earnestly, and, I doubt not, very hon- of cottons or woollens, your manufacturer of iron, your estly, asked me, why, are you not a farmer, and do not coal merchants, and, in nineteen out of twenty cases, you represent an agricultural district and interest? Cer- you will find they have realized fortunes, while the tainly I am; and if I represent any interest at all, it is the poor operatives have, nineteen in twenty cases, not inagricultural interest. But will any gentleman demon-creased a dollar; yet these fortunes are the result of strate to me that the farmer has any interest at stake in the existing tariff of duties upon foreign imports? Why, gentlemen tell me there is a duty of about twenty-five cents on a bushel of wheat! Well, suppose there is; the foreign wheat, upon an average, is not worth by twenty-five cents as much as our own. I show this, in a measure, from a paper handed me by a gentleman. This shows that, during the three quarters of the present year, the amount imported at New York was 164,000 bushels, valued at $137,000, making about eighty-four cents a bushel. Ccould our wheat have been purchased at the same price during the same period? No. Again: the importation of wheat, or of any grain, is a mere nominal thing; unless a time, like the present, of great scarcity, there is none imported; and to show that, will mention that, for the year 1835, the importation at VOL. XIII.-73 city...! their labors. Other gentlemen say a repeal of the duty could not avail the community any thing, because, before an act could be brought into operation, another and a more fruitful harvest may supply the present scarcity. Sir, I am informed, and I rely upon the information, that large quantities of bread stuffs are hoarded up, and stored away in the storehouses of heartless and soulless speculators in some of the large cities, who are holding back to the last extremity, in order that they may extort from the poor and the needy to the utmost farthing. Sir, repeal the duty upon foreign bread stuffs, and you will compel them to sell. That such a state of things exists, especially among the poorer classes of people, as I have mentioned, there can be no doubt; and that the repeal of the duty upon their bread stuffs would relieve them, to some extent, I have no doubt. I think I may safely calculate that if the present duty was taken down, the reduction in the barrel of flour would be one dollar and fifty cents, which would be material to consumers. The President has very properly and very feelingly referred to the subject in his message, and I feel very anxious that the House should act upon the matter. With regard to the subject of a repeal or modification of the duty upon coal, another necessary of life, second only to bread stuffs, upon the preliminary vote taken a few days ago, referring the subject to a committee, I differed with my colleagues, (I believe with a single excep. tion,) for whose opinions and experience in matters of legislation I entertain the highest respect, because I be lieved the Committee on Manufactures were in a measure pledged to report against any modification. Now, I will only add at this time, if the Committee of Ways and Means report a bill making such a reduction as will in some measure relieve the situation of the consumers, without embarrassing the mining business, as compared with the manufacturing and other interests, I will vote for it; otherwise, not. I wish, upon the whole, to legislate for the common benefit and general welfare of the community at large, and not exclusively for individual interests. Gentlemen may compromise themselves rights and advantages over the mass of the community which they have no right to do. I hold the people of this country equally free, and all equally entitled to the benefits of our legislation. I heard a gentleman, who is engaged in the mining business, a few days ago, say that be had sent an agent to Europe to obtain one thousand workmen, and send them here; and that he should soon despatch another agent, authorized to employ another thousand men. gentlemen, miners and others, parties to the benefits of the tariff system, are opposed to any reduction of the duties upon their respective interests, while they are importing the refuse, perhaps, of European laborers, by the one thousand men, to the great detriment of the laboring classes here, free of duty. Sir, I am prepared to revise the system, to bring the revenue down as far as practicable. Such a course I think necessary, as well to avoid accruing surpluses in the Treasury as to make the benefits of legislation equal to all. These These names of "home and industry,” and “Pennsylvania interests, are too often but "tinkling cymbals." I feel as much a Pennsylvanian as any other man; but I cannot consent to make the interests of Pennsylvania capitalists alone the interests of the State. Sir, the people of Pennsylvania were, at the last session of the Legislature, saddled with a "United States Bank," (against the existence of which they had repeatedly decided,) under the garb of Pennsylvania interests; but whatever can or may be done to advance the general interest and welfare, as well of Pennsylvania as any other State, shall, so long as I have a seat here, be my constant aim. I am done. I hope the House will let the inquiry go to the committee, free of amendment, and let them report. If they deem best, let it be but temporary; let the duty be taken off for a limited time; any thing that will in some measure relieve the present exigency; and if they think differently, and can satisfy the country that the duty upon bread stuffs ought not to be repealed, I shall be satisfied, conscious that I have done my duty. As soon as Mr. Fax had concluded, Mr. WHITTLESEY called for the orders of the day. Mr. OWENS made an ineffectual attempt to submit a resolution. Mr. MANN, of New York, moved a suspension of the rules for the purpose of submitting a motion that when the House adjourn to-day, it adjourn to meet on Monday next. Mr. WHITTLESEY, of Ohio, asked for the yeas and [DEC. 26, 1836. nays; but the House refused to order them, and the rules Mr. MANN then made his motion, and noes 95. After some further proceedings on private bills, MONDAY, DECEMBER 26. A new member, viz: WILLIAM C. DAWSON, elected from Georgia, to fill the vacancy occasioned by the de cease of General COFFEE, appeared, was qualified, and took his seat. ABOLITION OF SLAVERY. Mr. ADAMS presented the petition of I. Page and twenty-six other citizens of Silver Lake, Susquehanna county, State of Pennsylvania, praying for the abolition of slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia. Mr. A. moved that the said petition be referred to the Committee for the District of Columbia. Mr. PICKENS asked for the decision of the Chair upon the construction of the resolution reported from the select committee appointed on the subject of slavery in the District of Columbia, at the last session of Con. gress. By that resolution, all memorials and other papers relating to this subject had been ordered to lie on the table, without being referred or printed. Mr. P. wished to know what would be the destiny of these petitions under that resolution. The SPEAKER said it would be a matter for the con sideration of the House. After referring to such au thorities as he could find, he had come to the decision that the operation of the resolution referred to ceased with the last session of Congress. The question, however, was one for the House to determine. Mr. PICKENS said he could not consent that these petitions should be referred to any standing committee of the House. He objected, therefore, to the proposed reference of the memorial presented by the gentleman from Massachusetts, and he called for the yeas and nays on that motion. Mr. PARKS moved to lay the petition on the table. Mr. CUSHMAN called for the yeas and nays on the last motion; which were ordered. [The name of Mr. W. THOMPSON, of South Carolina, having been called, Mr. T. rose and inquired whether the act of recording his vote on this motion would imply that he assented to the reception of these petitions at all? The SPEAKER said that the question of reception could not be now entertained, the petition actually being at the present time in the possession of the House. Mr. T. thereupon asked to be excused from voting, and the House accordingly excused him.] And the vote, having been taken, stood: Yeas 116, nays 36, as follows: YEAS-Messrs. Chilton Allan, Anthony, Ash, Bean, Beaumont, Bell, Black, Boon, Boyd, Brown, Bunch, Cambreleng, Carr, Carter, Casey, G. Chambers, J. Chambers, Chaney, Chapman, Chapin, Chetwood, Cleveland, Coles, Craig, Cramer, Cushman, Davis, Deberry, Doubleday, Dunlap, Efner, Elmore, Fairfield, French, Fry, Fuller, Galbraith, Gillet, Graham, Haley, J. Hall, Hannegan, Harlan, A. G. Harrison, Haynes, Hol sey, Howell, Hubley, Huntington, Huntsman, Ingham, Jarvis, Joseph Johnson, Richard M. Johnson, Cave Johnson, Henry Johnson, Kennon, Kilgore, Klingensmith, Lansing, Laporte, Lawler, Gideon Lee, Luke Lea, Leonard, Logan, Loyall, Lucas, Abijah Mann, Martin, William Mason, Moses Mason, Maury, McKay, McKeon, McKim, McLene, Miller, Moore, Morgan, Owens, Page, So the motion was laid on the table. [H. or R. And, secondly, by Mr. WILLIAMS, of North Carolina, by inserting the words "and sugar." Mr. ANTHONY said he should not have deemed it his duty at the present time to make any remarks in reference to the resolution before the House, had it not originated with his honorable colleague, [Mr. FRY;] but as it came from the State which he had the honor in part to represent, he could not refrain from the expression of his surprise at the source from whence the NAYS-Messrs. Adams, H. Allen, Bailey, Beale, Bor- resolution emanated. His colleague represented an den, Bouldin, Briggs,' W. B. Calhoun, Childs, N. H. Clai- agricultural district, and had said that the present high borne, Cushing, Darlington, Dawson, Denny, Everett, prices of grain and flour operated heavily on the poor; Granger, Hard, Hardin, Harper, Hazeltine, Henderson, and, as there was a scarcity in the country, foreign imHiester, Hoar, Hunt, W. Jackson, Janes, Lane, Law-portations should be made free of duty. In examining a rence, McKennan, Parker, Pearson, Reed, Russell, Sto- question of such vital importance to the agricultural and rer, Vinton, Elisha Whittlesey-36. manufacturing interests of the country, Mr. A. contended that we should look at the tariff as a whole, and not attempt to legislate by piecemeal. His colleague had doubtless not foreseen that his attempt would be followed by those of the gentlemen from Massachusetts and North Carolina; but the numerous petitions from Boston and New York, for an abolition of the duty on coal, would at once suggest the amendment including that ar ticle. At first glance it might appear that the increased price of an article was a serious injury to the consumer and that competition in such case should be left open to the world; but was it not known to the whole House that the present high price of bread stuffs was caused by a deficiency of the crops in the grain-growing States? That the evil was merely temporary? And he submitted whether it was sound policy to violate the compromise bill, because the farmers had not been so fortunate the past year as heretofore. They were already seriously affected by the loss, and his colleague would now prevent them from receiving little more than the usual price for the scanty produce of their farms, by permitting the im After the roll had been called through, Mr. GARLAND, of Virginia, asked leave to vote. Objection being made, Mr. G. stated that if he had been in the hall at the time, he would have voted against receiving the petition in any shape or form. Mr. DAVIS asked the consent of the House, at this time, to take up and consider a resolution heretofore offered by him, providing that all resolutions, petitions, memorial, and other papers, which might be offered during the present session of Congress, in any manner relating to the abolition of slavery and the slave trade in the District of Columbia, or in any of the Territories of the United States, should, on presentation, be laid upon the table, without being read or ordered to be printed, and without debate. Objection having been made, Mr. D. moved a suspension of the rule. Mr. OWENS called for the yeas and nays on that mo. tion. A count having been taken on the motion of Mr. Ow-portation of foreign grain free of duty. Such a course ENS, there appeared no quorum voting. Mr. ADAMS asked whether the question was debate able? The SPEAKER said it was not. Mr. ADAMS said he would submit to the mover of the motion to suspend the rule, whether he had not better postpone the consideration of this question until some future day, instead of discussing it to-day, which was petition day. He (Mr. A.) was willing that the gentleman's proposition should be fully and thoroughly discussed, and he hoped it would be so. But he did not think this was the proper time for the discussion. Mr. ANTHONY said that, as gentlemen had been so anxious to come here to-day, and as there was no quorum present, he wished to know who was away; for this reason, he moved a call of the House; which motion prevailed: Ayes 77, noes 65. So the House ordered the call. The roll having been thereupon called, 170 members answered to their names; when, On motion of Mr. E. WHITTLESEY, further proceedings in the call were suspended. And the question on the motion to suspend the rule was then taken, and decided in the negative. So the House refused to suspend the rule. THE TARIFF. The unfinished business of the morning hour was the resolution heretofore offered by Mr. FRY, instructing the Committee on Agriculture to inquire into the expediency of immediately abolishing the duties on foreign grain, or on bread stuffs of all kinds. To which resolution two amendments had been here. tofore offered: First, by Mr. ADAMS, to amend by inserting the words "and also on foreign coal, salt, and iron." would make the burden fall with peculiar hardship on the agricultural community; whereas, if the price were increased on account of the scarcity, every portion of the people would assist to bear the burden; thus lessening the temporary evil by a participation therein of the mechanic and manufacturer as well as the farmer. It is, however, urged that the high price of fuel and bread stuffs materially affects the poor laboring class. To this proposition I (said Mr. A.) cannot assent; for although the necessaries of life cost more, yet it matters not to the workman whether he pays $1 or $2 for a bushel of wheat, if his wages are in proportion to the price. When trade is brisk, and laborers are in demand, notwithstanding provisions are high, the poor are much better provided for than when business is dull and industry paralyzed. Let me for a moment call the attention of the House to the coal and iron region of Pennsylvania, where we may see thousands and tens of thou. sands of the poor hard-working class daily engaged in mining operations, in the manufacture of iron, and in transporting their coal and iron to market. The busy hum of industry is heard throughout the whole extent of those mineral regions, and high wages are given to every working man. How much better is it for those men to pay $10 a barrel for flour, than to get it for $5 when they have no means of livelihood, and are thrown out of employ! While their services are in demand, their wages increase with the increase of the price of the article they supply; and when they can no longer be profitably employed, they must inevitably lose, however depreciated all the necessaries and comforts of life may be. The present price of coal is, in a great measure, owing to the fact that the demand has, within the past year, increased more rapidly than the supply. Although the means of the country are abundantly sufficient to supply all its wants, yet the demand has increased with unexpected rapidity, and dealers in coal were not prepared for it. From the year 1825 to 1833, there was a rapid increase of supply by the mines of Pennsylvania; but, at the end of the last-mentioned year, a large quantity was left on hand; and in 1834, although 100,000 tons less were mined than in 1833, yet coal was sold at from $1 to $5, and the owners could not dispose of all on hand at that reduced price. The consequence was, that a heavy loss was sustained on the article by those engaged in mining operations in that year, and miners were discharged by hundreds, and compelled to seek employment in other quarters. In 1835 and 1836 the demand increased with surprising rapidity, as mineral coal came into use much more extensively than heretofore; and although the supply greatly increased, yet, as a large number of miners had been dismissed for want of employ in 1834, it was not so easy to get them back at a moment's warning. With all these difficulties to encounter, and when the coal business in Pennsylvania is still almost in its infancy, and needs the fostering care and protection of our Government, we have been enabled to almost double the supply since 1834; and in the coming year a much larger quantity will be sent to market, as extensive preparations are in progress, throughout the whole coal region, to afford an abundant supply to the wants of the country. The scarcity of miners has increased their wages; this, added to the high price of provisions, has caused complaints of the present exorbitant price of coal; but it must be evident that these evils are only temporary, and will cease to exist with the causes which produced them. The competition that is now going on in Pennsylvania will insure a future supply of the article to consumers at a just rate, and one at which they will have no reason to complain. But my friend from Pennsylvania says, "all the profits arising out of those different protected interests are paid by the mass of the community. The whole system is upheld and supported by those industrious poor who have no interest to protect." Suppose we permit the importation of grain, coal, iron, &c., free of duty, what is to become of those "industrious poor?" Foreign capitalists will immediately glut our market with those articles at reduced prices, so as to prevent our competition. Hundreds of laborers will be without employment, because the iron, mining, and agricultural business will no longer be profitable; our canals and railroads will be unoccupied; our mountains and valleys will remain uncultivated; and where we now behold bustle, activity, and enterprise, we shall shortly see nothing but poverty and solitude. It is worse than folly to suppose that there is any distinct interest between the different classes of our country. The rich have the means to provide employment for the poor. The laborer contributes to the benefit of the capitalist, while he obtains a competent support for himself and family. Take away all inducement from the moneyed man to embark in business, and you most assuredly will take the bread from the mouth of the honest and industrious laborer. It is, however, objected by my colleague, that a mining gentleman has brought 1,000 laborers from Europe, and intends sending for 1,000 more; thus, as he says, "importing the refuse, perhaps, of European laborers, by the thousand, to the great detriment of the laboring classes here." If the gentleman is sincere in his partialty for those from whose labor, he says, all the real wealth of the country is derived, why is his friendship for that class so contracted? The laborer is worthy of his hire, let him come from where he may. But is it not far better that we should cultivate our own soil, mine our own coal, and manufacture our own iron, than buy them from abroad, where nearly the whole profits go to foreigners, and where foreign laborers are alone employed? [DEC. 26, 1836. The compromise bill, as it is called, of March, 1833, gradually reduces the revenue till 1842; and, on the faith of that law, a large amount of capital had been ex. pended, immense preparations have been made, and thousands of hands have been employed in Pennsylvania in the coal and iron region; towns and villages have aris en as it were by enchantment; canals and railroads have been constructed at vast expense; mechanics and laborers and manufacturers are receiving the highest wages, and so greatly are they wanted that capitalists are obliged to send abroad for them. Let me not be told that there is distress in the country where such a state of things exists. Our mountains, which, but a few years since, were a barren wild, are now teeming with a hardy, industrious, and thriving population. Every man who is able and willing to work can find profitable employment; and I would extremely regret to see any measures adopted by this House which would destroy the compromise, and, with it, the expectations of those who have embarked largely in business, by virtue of the fostering provisions of that act. If we look around us, we shall find ample means for disposing of a large amount of the surplus revenue the ensuing year. Your Post Office and your Patent Office are in ruins; a considerable sum will be necessary to erect fire-proof buildings for those departments of the National Government, and the money cannot be more judiciously expended. You also have on hand a Treas. ury building, which will require a large sum for its com pletion. In addition to these national edifices, which should be constructed in the most secure and permanent manner, the representatives of Pennsylvania, on behalf of their constituents, would respectfully though earnestly ask for the erection of a custom-house, in the city of Philadelphia, commensurate with the increase of business in that great and growing commercial city. The present customhouse affords neither convenience nor security; and although we do not desire the construction of a marble palace, cqual in splendor and magnificence to that in the city of New York, yet we want a good substantial edifice, that will combine utility with safety. The cir cuit court of the United States has no place to hold its sessions in Philadelphia, except in buildings belonging to the city; and the post office is in the same situation. Is it not better to appropriate some of the surplus to the erection of convenient buildings for our courts and for the collection of the revenue, and thus give employment to the "industrious poor," than at once to diminish the tariff so materially as to prevent any appropriations for those important and highly beneficial objects? If, after these expenditures, it is still found that we have more money than we know how to spend, let us adopt the recommendation of the President, who says: Much good, in my judgment, would be produced by prohibiting the sales of the public lands except to actual settlers, at a reasonable reduction of price, and to limit the quantity which shall be sold to them. Al though it is believed the General Government never ought to receive any thing but the constitutional curren cy in exchange for the public lands, that point would be of less importance if the lands were sold for immediate settlement and cultivation. Indeed, there is scarcely a mischief arising out of our present land system, including the accumulating surplus of revenue, which would not be remedied at once by a restriction on land sales to actual settlers; and it promises other advantages to the country in general, and to the new States in particular, which cannot fail to receive the most profound consider ation of Congress." By restricting the sales of public lands to actual set tlers, we shall prohibit that wild speculation which has been carried on for some time in Western lands, and DEC. 26, 1836.] Receipts and Expenditures-Amount of Duties. which must inevitably, if persisted in, do essential injury to the new States. If actual settlers alone are permitted to purchase the public lands, the country will have the advantage of an industrious, enterprising popu lation; but, as it now is, every eligible situation, all the best locations, are selected by speculators; and if a poor man wishes to purchase a home for himself and family, he must buy of those who have been beforehand in obtaining all the choice lands in the vicinity. The vast amount of twenty-four millions has been received the present year from our public lands; and it is evident that, if we refuse to sell them to any but actual settlers, but a small sum will accrue from that source the next year. If, therefore, the true policy of the Government be to reduce the receipts of the national Treasury to its expenditures, I would certainly prefer the suggestion of the President in relation to our lands, than to disturb the country by an agitation at the present time of the tariff, which was so satisfactorily adjusted by the compromise bill of 1833. Should it, however, be found absolutely necessary to take up the subject of the tariff, and thoroughly examine it in all its bearings, I will not raise my voice against it. All that I ask, as a Pennsylvanian, is, that the best interests of my native State shall not be the first at which the blow shall be aimed. If grain, iron, and coal, are to be deprived of protection, let us examine whether other protected articles shall not share the same fate. therefore, opposed to the original resolution, as well as the amendments, and hope they may all be rejected. I am, Mr. JOHNSON, of Louisiana, said that, as the question immediately before the House was on the adoption of the amendment proposing to include the article of "sugar," it was his wish to offer a few observations. But, by way of testing the sense of the House, he would move to lay the whole subject on the table; which motion prevailed. So the resolution and amendments were laid on the table, RECEIPTS AND EXPENDITURES. The House took up for consideration the motion, heretofore made by Mr. PARKER, to print five thousand extra copies of the accounts of receipts and expenditures of the United States for the year 1835. [H. of R. the present time, but it was unexampled; and, if done now, he took it for granted it would be done every year hereafter. He thought it was a document which was particularly prepared for the use of members of Congress. As such, it was very important; and, as such, it should be supplied in sufficient numbers to give the citizens all necessary information. But it was not a document usually circulated in large numbers among the people, nor one which would be productive of any beneficial effects if it was so circulated. He hoped the gentleman from New Jersey could give some sufficient reason why his motion should be agreed to. Mr. PARKER, in defence of his motion, replied that it was very important, in his opinion, that the document should be freely circulated among the people, because it showed the disbursements of the public money from time to time. It showed to the people what had become of the money which had been raised by means of imposts, taxes, and the receipts of public lands. It showed in what manner the trust reposed in Congress, for the disposition of the public money, had been executed; it showed what had become of that money, to whom it was applied, and for what purposes. He was willing, if any gentleman proposed it, to submit to a modification of his motion, so far as concerned the number of copies. But he hoped the House would support him in his endeavors to have some extra copies printed. And the question was taken, and decided in the negative: Ayes 52, noes, 84. So the motion was rejected. AMOUNT OF DUTIES. The following resolution, offered by Mr. HUNTSMAN on the same day, was taken up: Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be requested to communicate to this House the amount of duties collected upon salt in the years 1834, 1835, and 1836, as far as it can be estimated. Mr. McKIM moved to add the words "and coal” after the word " salt;" which Mr. HUNTSMAN accepted as a modification. Mr. McKAY suggested a further modification, so as to embrace a call for the whole amount of duties received upon every article of foreign imports for the last four years. Mr. McK. moved, as a substitute, the following: Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury cause to be prepared, for the use of this House, as soon as convenient, a tabular statement, showing the nett amount of revenue receivable from customs for the last four years, distinguishing the amount received in each year. Mr. CAMBRELENG hoped the gentleman from Tennessee would accept this as a modification, for it was of vast importance at this time to have the inquiry extended. Mr. HUNTSMAN accepted the substitute as a modifi. cation. Mr. PICKENS inquired of the gentleman from North Carolina if he meant the "gross" or "nett" revenue. Mr. McKAY replied, the "nett." Mr. PICKENS remarked that it would be scarcely possible to procure such a return. Mr. ADAMS said he believed this was an unusual motion. Ile had never opposed the printing of an extra number of a document, if it were important that it should be spread before the people. But this document, in the first place, was of very considerable size; and it was a new thing, he believed, though he was not certain, and, if in error, the gentleman who made the motion [Mr. PARKER] Could correct him, to print an extra number of this, which was an annual document. He believed it to be unusual, if not unexampled. Now, although he believed the document to be important, and although it was extremely proper that it should be in the possession of every member of Congress, and that it should be faithfully studied and reflected on by them, yet it did not appear to him to be a document of much use to cir culate numerously among the people. The people, in fact, might derive very little information from it. There was in that document a general summary, in the space Mr. GILLET said he would suggest to the gentleman of one or two pages, containing the amount of receipts from Tennessee, to ask only for the gross amount of and expenditures, which it would be proper to circulate revenue on such articles, as far as it can be given. As among the people, and which, he believed, was usually far as the great classes of articles were concerned, it done every year. But he could not vote for this motion, would be easily complied with. The nett revenue unless some reason was given for a proceeding so un- upon the aggregate of articles could be, he presumed, usual; although he did not know that he had ever before soon given. But it would be impossible to furnish, with opposed the printing of an extra number. Generally accuracy, the nett revenue on each article in detail. It speaking, he was in favor of going to this expense; he would be easy to furnish the amount of revenue at a sinthought it a well-deserved expense. But, in the pres-gle port, and the expenses of collection, and the amount ent instance, the expense would not only be heavy at of drawback thereon; but he knew of no way in which a Mr. McKAY, by consent of the original mover, modified the resolution by retaining both words, "nett and gross.' |