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Mr. UNDERWOOD said his motion was to suspend the rule to enable him to offer this resolution. Could he not read what was the purport of that resolution ” The CHAIR said he thought not, the reading of the resolution having been specially objected to. A member could not himself read what the Clerk was not permitted to read. After a few further remarks on the point of order, Mr. JARV1S, with a view to save the time of the House, withdrew his objection to the reading of the resolution. The same was accordingly read, and is as follows: Resolved by the House of Representatives, That the 3d clause of the 5th section of the 1st article of the constitution, in the following words, to wit: “Each House shall keep a journal of its proceedings, and, from time to time, publish the same, excepting such parts as may, in their judgment, require secrecy; and the yeas and nays of the members of either House on any question shall, at the desire of one fifth of those present, be entered on the journal,” confers no power whatever on either House of Congress, at a subsequent session, to change, alter, de face, expunge, or destroy, its journal, or any part thereof, when the same has been regularly and faithfully kept during a previous session, and duly published. Resolved, further, That the journals of both Houses of Congress, kept and published as aforesaid, after the adjournment sine die, become national archives; and that all attempts and acts of either House separately, or of both by joint resolution, to change, alter, deface, expunge, or destroy, either journal, or any part thereof, are violations of the constitution. Resolved, That the preservation of the national archives from mutilation, disfiguration, and destruction, is a fit subject of legislation. Wherefore, Resolved, That the Committee on the Judiciary be directed to report a bill providing for the deposite of the original journals of each House, after their adjournment sine die, in the office of the Secretary of State; and for the punishment of every and all persons, their aiders and abettors, who shall alter, change, deface, expunge, or destroy, any part of either journal after such adjournment. Mr. MORGAN called for the yeas and nays on the motion to suspend; which were ordered, and were: Yeas 77, nays 118. So the rule was not suspended.
THE PUBLIC LANDS.
The unfinished business of the morning hour was the resolution of Mr. C. AllAN, providing that certain grants of the public domain be made to such States as have not yet received them, together with the several amend. ments thereto proposed.
The pending question was on the motion he retofore submitted by Mr. Box D, to lay the resolution and amendments on the table.
On which motion the yeas and nays had been heretofore ordered; and having been now taken, were: Yeas 114, nays 82.
So the resolution and amendments were laid on the table,
EXECUTIVE ADMINISTRATION. .
The House proceeded to the consideration of the fol. lowing resolution, heretofore offered by Mr. Wis E.;
“Resolved, That so much of the President's message as relates to the ‘condition of the various executive de. partments, the ability and integrity with which they have been conducted, the vigilant and faithful discharge of the public business in all of them, and the caus's of complaint, from any quarter, at the manner in which they have fulfilled the objects of their creation,’ be re
ferred to a select committee, to consist of nine members, with power to send for persons and papers, and with instructions to inquire into the condition of the various executive departments, the ability and integrity with which they have been conducted, into the manner in which the public business has been discharged in all of them, and into all causes of complaint, from any quarter, at the manner in which said departments, or their bureaus or offices, or any of their officers or agents, of every description whatever, directly or indirectly connected with them in any manner, officially or unofficial. ly, in duties pertaining to the public interest, have ful. filled or failed to accomplish the objects of their creation, or have violated their duties, or have injured and im: paired the public service and interest; and that said committee, in its inquiries, may refer to such periods of time as to them may seem expedient and proper.” To which resolution Mr. D. J. PEARce had offered an amendment, for which Mr. FR ENch had offered a substitute. Mr. McKEON said the reading of the resolution must bring to the attention of the House the fact that a large portion of its time had been expended upon the discus. sion of the various topics which had been introduced in. to the debate. He was deeply impressed with the ne: cessity of confining any remarks he might offer within a narrow compass. He assured the House that nothing would have induced him to prolong a debate already too much extended, except that justice to those with whom he acted, and to himself, required him to notice some of the observations made in the course of the debate. When the resolution of the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. W1st] was introduced, I viewed it (said Mr. McK.) as a measure novel in its character, and one calculated to establish a precedent which might hereafter be perverted. Łn the phraseology of the resolution I saw a power of unlimited extent intrusted to a committee of this House. I am not of that school which insists upon a search war. rant to authorize you to examine your public offices, but I cannot but believe that, if you intend to examine any matter beyond the manner in which your public agents discharge the duties of their appointment, you will require something more than a resolution of this House. What does the original resolution propose' To examine into the official and unofficial conduct of those who are directly or indirectly connected with the public departments. This is the task which is to be ak lotted to a committee of this House. This is the inquis" torial tribunal you propose to create. If we appoint the committee, how can it proceed in the discharge of its duty? The power of this House can go no further than to examine into the official conduct of those who are in office, who receive their compensation at your hando and who are liable to censure and removal for any breach of duty. In every point connected with your public of. fices, in every matter of an official character, you have the right and the power to exact a rigid, strict examino: tion; but when you will attempt to inquire into the unof ficial conduct of a public officer, or to make the wide. spread investigation proposed by the resolution, the so cess of your investigation will depend more upon the dio position of those who may be called before the commo tee than on any power of this House to compel them to satisfy your inquiries. You will search in vain for a pro: cedent for this movement in parliamentary history; but you may find one elsewhere. There can be found one direction to which it bears a strict resemblance. The command of this House to the committee may be found in that of Dogberry to the watch, a sweeping resolution to “comprehend all vagrom men,” and to let all go who will not stand according to order. Let it be considered that we have several standing committees, whose duly 4 is to investigate the affairs of your departments. Let" JAN. 17, 1837.]
be considered, also, that, but a few days since, we appoint: ed a committee, at the head of which is the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. GARLAND, which committee is daily engaged in the examination of one of the subjects referred to in this resolution. Yes, sir, the very point which, I believe, according to the mover of this proposition, gave rise to this proposed investigation. But in addition to these means which are within our power, the anoendment of the gentleman from Rhode Island is offered. That amendment is, in my opinion, not open to the objections which may be made to the original proposition. It is in accordance with parliamentry practice. It is no part of the duty of a Legislature to undertake an exploring expedition in search of abuses; but if abuses are charged, it becomes a solemn duty to investigate them. The amendment proposes to create a tribunal before which charges can be made, and to examine into the truth of those charges. Suppose a petition was presented to this House, and referred to one of the appropriate committees, praying an examination into the manner in which your public officers discharge their duties, and setting forth that abuses existed. Your committee would ask the petitioners for specific charges, and if they were produced the examination would be made. I doubt very much whether they would inquire of your different departments and bureaus for something to sustain the allegation of the petitioners. But, sir, it appears that. your standing committees, your select committee, the amendment, will not be satis. factory. Nothing will give sufficient latitude but the original resolution. I prefer sustaining the amendment, believing it cannot be perverted hereafter into a dangerous precedent; but if that cannot be adopted, I shall not be found denying investigation. I am willing to give every facility, and to afford ample means, to pursue the desired examination; to have the official transactions and correspondence of your public offices laid open. As the representatives of the people, we are bound to guard every department. We are bound to pour light into every portion of this Government. It is due not only to the country, but to the incumbents, to those on this floor who wish the examination, that some decision should be had on this subject, and that without delay. The debate which has arisen upon this resolution has resuscitated the denunciations and charges which we had reason to believe were long since buried. I have been surprised to observe the course of the present discussion. The same accusations of corruption, of proscription, and of abuses of every nature, which were made at the last session, with a view of operating on the then approaching political contest, are reiterated upon the present occa. sion. We ought to suspect that our fate has been that of Rip Van Winkle; that we have been sleeping quietly while the thunders of the opposition, louder'far than any which reverberated through the Catskill, have been pealing over us, and we have been unconscious of the presidential contest which has just closed. If there is to be a repetition of those charges, it is full time we should be aroused. I have sought for new statements, but none are offered. Let it be remembered that the same representations which are made now were made before the struggle commenced; that the same evidence, sustained by the aid of the same distinguished gentle. men, was laid before the people of this country, and that the people supported him against whom these charges were intended to operate. Why do gentlemen stop even now * ..Why do they halt? Why not cross the Rubicon; There is still remedy left. If outrages upon the constitution, if violations of the liberties of the people, have been committed, why, instead of making the accusation, is not the individual who is the author of these evils made liable to the consequences of impeachment? If he has violated the rights of any of your citizens, any of the
rights of any branch of the Government, why is be not placed in a situation where he will be required to defend his public character from these accusations? If we have watchful sentinels on the ramparts of constitutional liberty, let them not only sound the alarm, but let them seize upon him whom they represent to be an enemy of the country. That country has a right to demand this movement at the hands of those who are so desirous of preserving its interests from violation. Nothing is easier than to denounce. We ask for the evidences to support the charges they make—we ask for action. The Executive has been represented as a violator of his plighted faith, as one who had broken every pledge. Let us look to his inaugural address, which ought to be considered as an exposition of the policy which would characterize his administration. In regard to your foreign policy, he had stated that he would endeavor to preserve peace and cultivate friendship with all nations on honorable terms, and to adjust our differences in the forbearing spirit becoming a powerful nation, rather than the sensibility belonging to a gallant people. Has this been fulfilled? Do you find the violation of this pledge in the elevated position which our country sustains amongst the nations of the earth? He pledged himself to a spirit of compromise, equity, and caution, in regard to your tariff, by the promotion of agriculture, commerce, and manufactures; and if any encouragement should be given, it was only to those articles which might be found essential to our national independence. Let his messages to Congress show how far he has labored to discharge this pledge. He avowed his determination to reform abuses, by depending for the promotion of the public service not on the number, but on the efficiency, the integrity, the zeal, of public officers. Let the consequences of the toils of those agents, visible in the negotiation of foreign treaties, and in the happy results of the faithful discharge of duties within our country, be his defence on this point. He promised to facilitate the extinguishment of the public debt. Has that been discharged? Does not the contest here for the division of an immense surplus in your Treasury speak for him on this subject? Has not, during this administration, the novel spectacle been presented to the world of an immense republic, unshackled with a national debt? when the violence of political feeling shall have subsided, but one opinion, sir, will be given of the present administration; and if, as some gentlemen insist, the coming administration will be but a continuation of the policy of the present, the country may be congratulated on the prospect of a career of brilliancy and prosperity. It will be a continuation of a policy which seeks to enlarge the liberties of every citizen, and to promote the welfare of the Union. The corruption which exists in the Government is a fruitful theme. The dictation of the Executive, and his interference with the elective franchise, have been blazoned forth to the world. Sir, if we have had a dictator, he bears but little resemblance to the Sylla of other days. The Roman retired when the aristocracy had been armed with the sceptre, but our dictator is about to surrender his trust when the democracy is triumphant. Do gentlemen suppose that the intelligence of this country is to be deceived with this outcry? May, we ask when and where this dictation took place? Who were the individuals who yielded, or the States that submitted to his commands? We hear of Tennessee! That State did not vote for the individual who is said to have obtained his election by the dictation of the Executive. If the dictation of the President was of any avail, it must have been united not only with omnipotence but omnipresence. Its results are seen in Maine, and at the same time in Louisiana—in the Atlantic States and in your far west. This charge (let gentlemen consider) of dictation and of corruption, reaches not only the Executive,
but at those above that Executive. The poisoned arrows which are scattered strike not only those against whom they are aimed, but at the body of the American people. If there are corrupters, where are the corrupted? Are' we to seek for them amongst the honest yeomanry of the land? Is this degrading character to be given to our countrymen? I trust we are not ready to look upon a majority of our fellow-citizens as obedient slaves, obeying the édicts of an imperial master. The sin of the Executive has been that he moved in unison with the people, and for this he is denounced. This is his crime, in the eyes of his opponents. I cannot believe that his course will at any time be deemed unpatriotic, or prejudicial to the institutions of our common country. The gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Ron Entson] objected most strenuously to the proscription which had been carried out during the present administration. The opposition is distinguished, if we are to believe what we hear, by magnanimity, by generosity, by respect for freedom of opinion. Cases have been adduced to show the oppression heaped upon some of our fellow-citizens, 1 could not but observe the indignation excited amongst some of the opponents of the administration at the reotal of instances of removals from office. I cannot speak of the merits of these cases; I am ignorant of them. I cannot, however, but look upon the denunciations which have been made against removals from office as an evi: dence of a policy which has not heretofore distinguished our opponents. I suppose that hereafter, in no part of the country where they hold the power, no man is to be removed who entertains opinions in accordance with those of the democracy. The guillotine which I have seen ready to do its office in one city of this Union is to be removed—the victims are to be released. I have; I confess candidly, Mr. Speaker, some misgivings. Judging from the past, I can have but little hope for the so. ture. “To know the right, and yet the wrong pursue,” seems to be the sate of our opponents. Look at the city of New York, where the opposition, during the celebrated panic session, obtained power. The process of removal was sully carried out. The lamps in our streets were not allowed to be lighted by those who were democrats. Look to Philadelphia; one sweeping proscription, if rumor speaks truly. Look to Pennsylvania, when the Government of the State was changed. The offices given to those who had placed the present incumbents in power, and those who thought with the general administration proscribed, and their families, depending for subsistence on the emoluments of their humble offices, turned adrift upon the world. sir, this proscription which they denounce they practice. Let not the charge be made against us until, by their example, they can enforce their advice with more authority than they can at present. Let not their indig. nation be excited against the administration, or their sympathy cxpressed in favor of its supposed victims, so long as they have on every side an opportunity of bestowing their sympathy on those who have suffered by the exercise of the power they hold. The administration cannot be justly liable to this accusation. Here and elsewhere it has been confidently asserted, by those who have examined this subject, that a large majority of those holding offices are opposed to the administration; and the sweeping proscription and persecution for expression of opinion cannot with propriety be charged against it. we have heard much of the war on the currency which has been waged by the present administration. The disturbance of our financial operations, the chaos of our commercial affairs, have been placed to the account of the Executive. The party in power for the past seven years has been corrying on, if any, a war on the United states Bank; and is that be a war on the currency, they
must plead guilty. It has been a contest in which we have seen the concentrated wealth of the nation in arms against the Government and the people; and we have seen that contest concluded with the triumph of the people over an institution which had threatened to poison the very fountains of your prosperity. We have carried on a war against a system which carries within the most alarming ‘w ments. You have seen institutions invested with a power of creating a “paper currency,” starting into existence in every section. You have seen a power placed in the hands of a particular class of men to control the fortunes of their fellow-citizens. You have seen prices rising, values disturbed, an unsettled and severish state of public feeling. You have sen the swollen tide of speculation rushing from one end of the country to the other, bearing upon it every individual. Purchases made, not with a view to the natural operations of trade, but regulated alone by the credits which might be obtained. You have seen the favorable gale, swelling every man's sails; but now the tempest is seen," driving before it thousands, whose sate it will be difficult to predict. You have seen in this country, and on the other side of the Atlantic, gathering signs in the cornmercial horizon; anxiety, intense anxiety, pervading every section of the country. , when the cause of the excitement is examined, when it is asserted that the overissues have been the main cause of the present state of things, when we are told to look back to the troubles in England in past years, and observe that the same state of things was produced by similar causes; yet when the effort is made by the Government to check this evil, by calling into circulation the constitutional currency of the country, with a view to give security to your financial operations, to give stability to the value of property, and to afford labor its just reward, it is denounced as tyrannical and oppressive. The question of currency, I am willing to admit, is intricate; but I do not believe it too intricate to be beyond the understanding of an acute and intelligent people—of a people whose pursuits render it necessary for them to watch every movement in the in: dustry and finance of the country. They desire a sound currency, but not a currency which is given to tlem by holding their liberties at the will of any body of men. I cannot omit a reference to the allusions which have been made to the President during this debate. The gentleman from Virginia [Mr. Wise] has traced his course from the period of his early obscurity to the present exalted station which he now holds. From its rise in hum: bleness, he has found the tenor of his life a broad and sweeping current, rolling onward under the living light of day and the steady gaze of the nation. Paralle's one sought; but where? Are they sought for amongst the patriots whose reputations are interwoven with the brightest epochs of the past? Are they found in some brilliant example of devotion to country, of fidelity to her institutions, of purity of purpose, of undying patriotism; amongst the Aristides, the Curtii, or the Catos? No, sir; we find them seeking for parallels in the most corrupt and degraded periods of the Roman Government. They find them in a commodus or a Severus; in the vile, the profligate, and depraved emperors of a crumbling em. pire. Who is your modern Commodus? Shall 1 sum: mon from his many battle fields the manes of the dead to be his defenders? No, sir; let the living attest his worth! Let them answer whether or not it was by collecting around him the abandoned Cleanders of his time he led your country through many difficulties up to the eminence on which he now is saving her! Even in the highest excitement of a political contest, we ought not to forget the services of our public men—of those who “have done the state some service.” The petty differences of party will disappear, but the results of the labor of those men never will be destroyed. For
JAN. 17, 1837..] .
one, I will not desecrate the temple of our Union by any attempt to deface one particle of those brilliant names that may cast their splendor over it. Fidelity to our own principles never can be incompatible with justice and toleration for those of our opponents. I speak of this point not as a partisan, but as an American. I cannot be deterred, by the fear of being termed a flatterer, from doing justice to any man. I ask gentlemen how they can hope that the people will attend to their charges? We are told it is to inform the people of the dangers they have passed—of the conspiracies against their liberties that have been exploded. Why, sir, Cicero himself would not have been heeded when the conspirators were deprived of all power to injure. The people of this country will not, as the hour is approaching which is to separate them from him who has for years enjoyed their highest confidence, stand with ready ear to listen to denunciations. Not while one spark of gratitude remains will they refuse to shield him. They will be seen protecting him from the flames of political persecutions; they will be the first to rescue him—the patriot who has led their armies to victory and given permanency to their Union—from the ignominy of being placed in the same niche of immortal infamy with a Commodus or a Severus. There is one aspect in which the present discussion will be viewed with interest by the country. It is the objections which have been raised against the coming administration. We are told that the people have no pledge of any line of policy; that the President elect is unt rammelled by any promises. He can sustain a tariff or an anti-tariff policy; he may be for internal improvements by the General Government, or against them; he may be for a national bank, or against it; for distribution, or against distribution—that upon leading political questions he is in no manner committed. What, sir! no policy promised? If there is any point on which the President elect is not committed, the fault lies not with him. Not far from me is the member from Kentucky, [Mr. Willi AMs,) who submitted questions of the highest importance to the country before the election. The reply to those queries is part of your political history. That reply formed the chief point of attack in your presidential contests. On most of the points which agitated the country, the people of this country have had an ample exposition of the views of the individual who has been elevated by their suffrages to the first office within their Power. . You have, in the document to which I refer, his opinions with regard to the Bank of the United States. You have his views on the great and absorbing subject of your public revenues, and the policy of distribu. tion: When he speaks of this measure, it is but in accordance, so far as results are concerned, with the opinions of a distinguished statesman, whose course is sus. tained by a large portion of the opponents of the adminstration, and whose sentiments are given in a speech, delivered some years since, in the Senate of the United States. The Clerk of the House will read the passage in that speech to which I refer. The clerk then read as follows: * Speaking of the public debt, he remarked: “It is so near being totally extinguished that we may now safely inquire whether, without prejudice to any established pol. icy, we may not relieve the consumption of the country by the repeal or reduction of duties, and curtail, consid. erably, the public revenue. In making this inquiry, the first question which presents itself is, whether it is expedient to preserve the existing duties, in order to accumulate a surplus in the Treasury for the purpose of subscquent distribution among the scveral States. I think not. If the collection for the purpose of such a surplus is to be made from the pockets of one portion of the people, to be ultimately returned to the same pockets, the process would be attended with the certain
loss arising from the charges of collection, and with the loss also of interest, while the money is performing the unnecessary circuit; and it would therefore be unwise. If it is to be collected from one portion of the people, and given to another, it would be unjnst. If it is to be given to the States in their corporate capacity, to be used by them in their public expenditures, I know of no principle in the constitution which authorizes the Fedcral Government to become such a collector for the States, nor of any principle of safety or propriety which admits of the States becoming such recipients of gratuity from the General Government. “The public revenue, then, should be regulated and adapted to the proper service of the General Government.” These views were presented by one of the Senators from Kentucky, [Mr. CLAY.] These views were sustained by the minority which were found on the deposite bill of the last session; and it could not be objected to by that minority, that from those with whom they differed in sentiment they could obtain support for the course which they pursued. It is the pledge that we shall have aid in relieving the people from burdens of a grievous character, and a pledge which we have a right to insist on being fulfilled. IBut, sir, his opponents were not satisfied with the course which the President elect had pursued before the nation in a long life of political action; they were not satisfied with his open and avowed declarations, but in every section of the country he was represented to entertain different views, but always those which might be particularly unpopular. I will not attempt to follow the whole train, but I cannot forego the opportunity of referring to one of the means called into action against him. I allude to the fact of dragging his opinions on religious manners into the political contest. II is opponents, aware of the prejudice existing against one creed in this country, eagerly seized upon it to operate with effect upon some portion of our citizens. We are told that the votes of States were given against him on this reason. The spirit of intolerance—that spirit which has at all times, and in all countries, left the evidences of its triumphs in the blasted happiness and withered prosperity of thousands, was brought into the contest. In vain was the avowal of my colleague [Mr. VAN pen pokl] in favor of the can lidate, showing that he did not entertain certain opinions. It was insisted, that even if he did not entertain them, yet he had been guilty, at least, of an act which, in England, would have rendered him liable to the pains and penaltics of a præmunire. But even in England, under an enlightened and liberal legislation, that badge of barbarity had been destroyed, and in this country never had existed. Punishment was due for the transgression, and the guilty must be reaclied through the ballot-box. Sir, no language can express the deep humiliation with which I refer to this topic; I feel that in a land of freedom—that land which gave to the cause of civil and religious liberty a Carroll, and contains the ashes of him whose pride was not alone to have been the author of the Declaration of Independence, but of the code to secure freedom of conscience--that there is a spirit which would drive a portion of our fellow citizens from the advantages of the Government, and place them as outcasts without the pale of your constitution. Is this is to be the conscquence of entertaining certain opinions, your constitution will be a mockery, your pledge of equality of rights is violated. Are they who have unloosed this whirlwind blind to the ravages it has elsewhere comunitted? Are they desirous of substituting the war of fanaticism for the peace and charity which exist at present through the country? Let them consider that the persecution which follows and crushes one scct to-day may turn upon another to morrow. Let
them not hope to be able “to check the fiery steeds they have driven to the edge of the precipice,” and to save themselves from dashing down into the abyss where myriads lie entombed the victims of a similar spirit! is this the age in which such scenes are to be enacted? No, sir; extinguish the lights of civilization and intelligence, before you illumine the torch of fanaticism. Its lurid glare will be lost in the blaze of freedom. Bring back the days of the Vandal and the Goth. Let then the ministers of savage orgies shout with joy around the tombs of the dead they have violated, and with frantic exultation amid the blazing ruins of seminaries of learning; at such a time, let the demon of persecution be unchained, and rush from one end of the country to the other. But if we desire peace, if we seek for the exercise of feelings of charity, we must not violate the spirit of that constitution which secures protection to all. The persecution of the ballot-box is but the precursor of penal legislation. We must not permit the ballot-box to be converted into an engine of oppression upon any portion of our countrymen. Let it be remembered that amongst those who are denounced are those whose integrity and devotion to the country are not to be questioned; that they are your fellow-citizens, who ask for nothing more than their constitutional rights, and ought not, will not, submit to less. I cannot be mistaken in my countrymen, or our institutions, when I say that in the intelligence and the liberality which should ever distinguish Americans, there is a guarantee for liberty of conscience which can never be destroyed; and that American liberty consists in freedom of opinion, freedom of industry, freedom of conscience. We have been told that the approaching administration will be brought into power by the vilest means; that it is the triumph of the New York system. I find that it is the fashion of the hour to refer to that State. Her immense resources, her natural and artificial advantages, are paraded to excite a jealousy against her interests and her sons. Is this the spirit in which this Union was framed, or can be maintained? Why, to secure a petty triumph of party, is this effort made to array section against section, State against State? In sorrow, not in anger, have I heard the charges made against that State. I have witnessed the efforts to injure her fair fame; but still I look upon my native State with pride. Not one particle of her reputation is yet tarnished. That state can look back upon the past with high satisfaction, and look forward to the future with the brightest anticipations. What, sir, has been her system? She has had “a giant's strength, but she has used it like a giant.” She stands erect in the consciousness of her sacrifices to the independence, the liberty of the country, and to the Union of these States. She presents to you her Saratoga, as her evidence of her devotion to the cause of the Revolution. Every point of her whole frontier is the theatre of resistance to the invasion of a savage or a civiłized foe. In peace, as in war, no sordid policy has characterized her course. I challenge gentlemen to point out in the votes of her Representatives here, or in the legislation of the Sate, any disposition to elevate that State at the sacrifice of the rights or interests of any section of this confederacy. Her history contains not a single line for which one of her sons need blush. Proud of her history, proud of her enterprise, for one, I would, in the langu ge of one who has given glory, not only to that State, but to the whole confederacy, as soon forget the mother that gave me birth, as that State the trophies of whose system may be seen in the ur, rivalled prosperity of her millions of inhabitants. The power she wields was never exercised for oppres. sion. Mighty she has been, but none has been more me; k . To be the equil, not the superior, of her sister Stat “ has ever been her object. Gratitude demands
this humble tribute from one who owes her much; and justice requires that her character should not be misrep. resented. This debate, sir, is the announcement of a couise of policy which the country ought fully to understand. What is the development that we have seen made! That opposition is at once to be formed to the coming administration. We are told that a war is to be waged, a war of extermination, against him who has been placed in power by the sacrifice of the principles of liberty. A war against the man is to be declared. Why not avow at once a struggle, a “war to the knife,” with the de' mocracy? Where is the evidence of the violation of any rights by the successful candidate? Where the proof that, in his triumphant march to the Capitol, he has dry; en his chariot with savage exultation over the mangled corse of your constitution? If opposition is at once to be arrayed, let the country know it. I cannot believe that he who sustains the coming administration must neces. sarily be a “traitor to the interests of the South,” as we heard in this discussion. I will not admit that the South, which has but within a few short weeks past given two dence of its confidence, is at once to be marshalled in opposition, and that this position is to be assumed-hal no motter with what purity, no matter with what patro otism, no matter with what success, the policy of the coming administration may be distinguished, still it must be paralyzed, still it must be crushed, must be annihi. lated. This I will not admit. The people will afford to their Chief Magistrate the same lenty and the same role they would apply to the humblest servant in the publo service. They will judge of him by his acts. It will bro vain to denounce the manner in which he was electednone could be more honorable. In vain will they denounco the success of the man—they will discover that theoriš' gle which has closed was not concluded by the trium?" of any man. Let me assure gentlemen it is not tho". umph of the candidate which causes the exultation who they observe on every side. It is the triumph of the true principles of your Government of the Unioni "." the triumph of the people, we have been told hao” people have been routed by the protorian cohort: ". sir; gentlemen mistake the scattered and retro";
bands. The people are not seen flying in every " tion. ... The people are not vanquished, but victorious Proudly victorious. They are victors over co" binations
unheard of in the annals of political warsarei vie!". misrepresentation; victors over prejudice; victoo.". principles of every nature. “The flag of the county is still flying.” Sir, I repeat the language of the gen: tleman from Virginia, [Mr. Wise.] the flag of the coun: 'Ty is still flying. We differ, sir, as to the character 0