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H. OF R.)
The Tariff Bill.
[Jax. 24, 1833.
We see, then, that, of the one million six hundred nufacturers are at least two centuries in advance of ours. thousand dollars in the treasury, one million four hundred with all these advantages, it would not only be folly, but thousand dollars must be deducted for broken bank notes, it would be perfect madness in us to enter into competi. which will leave then only two hundred thousand dollars tion with England, on what gentlemen are pleased to call for the surplus. Another item, with which the Secretary free trade. * makes out his surplus, is seven hundred thousand dollars, which is the money deposited under the treaty of Den “As early as 1699, Parliament declared that no mark, and which belongs not to the Government, but to wool, yarn, or woollen manufactures of their American our citizens, who are entitled to it as an indemnity for plantations should be shipped there, or even laden, in or. spoliations which were committed upon them. This mo- der to be transported from thence to any place whatever." ney is liable to be called for at any moment. It belongs This was the commencement of restrictions on colonial to individuals, and can form no part of the surplus. This manufactures. sum must be deducted, and then, instead of a surplus in “In 1719, the House of Commons declared that the the treasury on the first of January, we have an actual erecting manufactories in the colonies tended to lessen deficit of five hundred thousand dollars. Add to this the their dependence upon Great Britain.' floating debt, or appropriations made heretofore by law, “While the colonies were increasing in population, and which are just as sacred as the funded debt, and which re- endeavoring to secure to themselves, in some degree, the main yet unsatisfied; and we have, instead of a surplus, benefits of their own industry and economy, complaints an actual deficit of nearly six millions. The floating debt were constantly made to Parliament by interested indiis five million four hundred and seventy-five thousand viduals, that the colonists were not only carrying on trade, two hundred and two dollars and twenty-six cents. And but were setting up manufactures detrimental to Great the honorable gentleman proved conclusively, to my Britain. These complaints produced an order of the mind, that we shall not have a surplus in the treasury up House of Commons, in 1731, directing the Board of Trade to 1835. Who has controrerted his facts or bis argu- to inquire and report with respect to laws made, mament? Did the gentleman from Georgia? Not one word. nufactures set up, or trade carried on, detrimental to the Did the member from Tennessee? He did not even squint trade, navigation, or manufactures of Great Britain.' at it. Did the gentleman from Pennsylvania? Not at all. “In a report made in pursuance of this order, the Who then has met the argument of my honorable friend? commissioners found that certain trades carried on, and Why, the chairman of the committee has attempted it. manufactures set up in the colonies, were injurious to the And how, sir? Does he deny the facts? No. He insists trade, navigation, and manufactures of the parent country. that this was the way the treasury was managed in the “ Among the manufactures were enumerated those of days of Mr. Lowndes. Yes, sir, in those days when we wool and fax, iron, paper, hats, and leather. were borrowing money to defray the ordinary expenses “ The commissioners conclude their report by saying, of Government, and could not possibly make the two from the foregoing statement, it is observable that there ends meet. The gentleman has forgot that the adminis- are more trades carried on, and manufactures set up, in tration was then striving to hide its poverty, and was the provinces on the continent of America, to the northkeeping up appearances as well as it could, to the end ward of Virginia, prejudicial to the trade and manufacthat it might borrow money. This policy does not har- tures of Great Britain, particularly in New England, than monize well with a surplus in the treasury. The honora. in any other of the British colonies; which is not to be ble chairman seems to be disposed to conduct the finances wondered at, for their soil, climate, and produce, being of the nation upon the same plan that an individual would pretty nearly the same with ours, they have no staple do when he would borrow money of one man to pay commodities of their own growth to exchange for our another. This is wretched policy in private life, and 1 manufactures, which puts them under great necessity, as cannot belie it is much better in public.
well as under greater temptations, for providing for themI think, Mr. Chairman, that it is shown most conclu- selves at home; to which may be added, in the charter sively that the surplus in the treasury does not call upon governments, the little dependence they have upon the us, at this time, to apply the pruning knife. So I cannot mother country; consequently the small restraint they vote for this bill with a view of getting rid of a surplus in are under in any matters detrimental to their interests. the treasury
And, therefore, we humbly beg leave to report and subSome gentlemen talk of destroying this system because mit to the wisdom of this honorable House, the substance they say they are in favor of “free trade.” Sir, do gen- of that we formerly proposed in our report on the silk, tlemen know what they mean by “free trade?" If they linen, and woollen manufactures herein before recited, mean what I expect they do, I take the liberty of telling námely, whether it might not be expedient to give those gentlemen there is no such thing as “free trade." It colonies proper encouragement, for turning their industry never bas, I expect it never will exist. All the parade to such manufactures and produce as might be of service which Mr. Huskisson has made about the free trade sys- to Great Britain, particularly to the production of naval tem in England amounts to nothing. I should be glad if stores.' gentlemen who talk about “free trade" would oblige me “The company of hatters in London complained that so far as to let me know what articles of our produce great quantities of hats were made in New England, and are admitted into the English ports upon the “free exported to Spain, Portugal, and the British West India trade” principle. Our great staples are every one (un-islands; and, through their influence, an act of Parliament less cotton be excepted) virtually, if not expressly, was procured, not only to prevent the exportation of hats prohibited.
from the colonies to foreign countries, and from being But suppose England was in good earnest on the sub. carried from one plantation to another, but to restrain, to ject, and would take off all her restrictions, if we would a certain extent, the manufacture of them in the colonies. take off ours, I ask gentlemen if they would be willing In 1732, hats were prohibited from being shipped, or even to do it? England has too much capital. Her system laden upon a horse, cart, or other carriage, with an intent has too much age. She has too much experience. Her to be exported to any other plantation, or to any place Jabor is too cheap, unless we want to reduce our laborers whatever. At the same time, no batter in the colonies to the low and degraded condition of English laborers. was allowed to employ more than two apprentices at once, Our laborers are not prepared to work at nine pence a or to make hats, unless he had served as apprentice to the day, as the English do; and I hope the time is far distant trade seven years; and no black or negro was permitted when they will be driven to that necessity. English ma- to work at the business of making hats.
Jan. 24, 1833.]
The Tariff Bill.
[H. OF R.
Sir, let me give these "free trade” gentlemen a spe- sion, whenever a proposition was made to adjourn, gen cimen or two of the duty which is laid on our principal tlemen cried no! no! We will never adjourn until this staples:
difficulty about the tariff, as they call it, was settled. Cheese, three dollars and fifty cents per cwt.
Yes, sir; these very gentlemen kept us here until the Cider, one hundred dollars and eighty cents per two 16th of July, for the avowed purpose of accommodating hundred and fifty two gallons.
the difficulty between the North and the South. The Wheat, per quarter of eight bushels, varies; when it whole country was ransacked for testimony on the subis worth sixty-one shillings, the duty is six dollars and six. ject. I spent day after day listening to long and luminteen cents; when seventy-two shillings, it is twenty.four ous speeches on the subject. We finally agreed upon a cents; that is, when it is one dollar and eighty cents a bill. It contained some features I did not like. I thought bushel, and under, it pays a duty of seventy-seven cents a it yielded too much to the South. I was apprehensive bushel; but when it rises to two dollars and sixteen cents that the reduction of the revenue would be too great and a bushel, the duty is only three cents a bushel. This too sudden. But I was told by the moderate men of both rarely happens.
sides of the question that it was best to hare it settled, Barley, oats, rye. wheat meal, four, oat meal, Indian and that it must be done upon principles of compromise; corn, pease, beans, &c. have duties in the same ratio to that this bill would settle the question, and that the countheir value.
try would be quieted; the Union would be preserved; Printed cottons, seven cents the square yard; ours are and every body would know then what to depend upon. eight and three-quarters cents the square yard.
A few of the nullifiers and a few of the ultra tariff men Glass
voted against the bill. It was admitted that the bill made Crown, per cwt., forty dollars.
great and important concessions to the South. The reGerman sheet, per cwl., forty-eight dollars. duction of the duties was very great, and particularly on Hay, five dollars and seventy-six cents for eighteen articles of Southern consumption. The aggregate reduc
tion was then, when all the facts were fresh before us, Hides, tanned, forty per cent. ad valorem.
estimated at not less than five millions, and some rated it Hoops, from one dollar and eighty cents to three dol- at eight millions. The bill passed by two-thirds of the lars and sixty cents per thousand, according to the length. votes of this House; and, according to the doctrine of the Horses, four dollars and eighty cents each.
nullifiers themselves, this bill was a constitutional one. Lambs, prohibited.
It was hailed every where as the harbinger of more steady Leather, and manufactures of, thirty per cent. and quiet times. It seemed to give such universal satisThe duty on beef and pork amounts to a prohibition. faction, that I felt proud that I had voted for the measure,
If any gentleman upon this floor will take the trouble although I felt at the time that I had yielded too much to to look into this British tariff, [holding up one in his hand,] appease the South. and after that will insist upon his “free trade" system, I, But; sir, to my utter astonishment, before we were to say the least, shall consider bim incorrigible, and bent warm in our seats here, the Committee of Ways and upon the destruction of our own farmers, mechanics, and Means step into the shoes of the Committee on Manufaclaborers.
tures, and have presented us with this bill, which levels I will not vote for this bill now, because the ink with at one fell blow the whole system of American industry; which the bill of the last session was engrossed is hardly and gentlemen get up here and tell us that they do not dry on the parchment. And we are now called upon to intend to speak, but they intend to vote; that minorities do all that work over again. We spent too much time may speak, but majorities must act. They seem deterand too much money at the last session in passing that bill mined to force the bill through the House per fas aut ne for me now to give my vote to destroy it before I have fas. Here is a scrap of Latin for you too, sir; but I tried it. Sir, it is a universal principle with me never to believe it does not require to be translated to the condemn any thing untried; particularly any thing that House. But if the honorable gentleman from Georgia cost as much time, as much labor, and as much money, as [Mr. WILDE) had not been so kind and condescend. that bill did. How much time did we spend at that bill ing as to explain to us his Latin and French* the other last session? The journals will speak on this subject. I evening, I should have felt it necessary to buy myself should like to know how gentlemen can justify them- a Dictionary of Quotations. I can get Latin and French selves to their constituents in the course they have pur- enough of my friend Pishey Thompson, on the avesued upon this subject. I remember well, thrat, last ses- nue, for a dollar and a quarter, to do me the whole ses
sion. But, if other gentlemen will follow the example “The manufacturers of iron next claimed their share of the honorable member from Georgia, I shall be saved in the benefits to be derived from the colonies. They that expense. were willing the poor colonists should reduce the iron ore, But to the subject again: I should be glad if gentle. with which their lands abounded, into pigs, and even bar men, who voted for this bill in July last, would condeiron, and that the same be brought to their doors duty scend to tell me what new lights they have had on the subfree, provided they could monopolize the manufacture of ject since, that they will now vote to repeal that bill beit beyond this incipient stage. In the year 1750, Parliament permitted pig and bar iron to be imported from the * The Hon. Mr. MUHLENBERG, of Pennsylvania, in an colonies into London duty free, but prohibited the erec- eloquent reply to this speech of Mr. WILDE, in allusion to tion or continuance of any mill, or other engine for slit. the number of Latin and French quotations, which he ting or rolling iron, or any plating forge, to work with (Mr. Wilde] had made, said that he [Mr. MUALENBERG) tilt hammer, or any furnace for making steel, in the colo- would make a quotation too, but it should not be in Latin nies, under the penalty of two hundrecí pounds.
or French, but it should be in the language of those from “More effectually to carry this act into execution, eve- whom he said he was proud to say he himself had descendry such mill, engine, plating forge, and furnace was de- ed. lle said it should be in German, and was this clared a common nuisance, and the Governors of the co
"Thue recht, fuerchie Gott, und sheu selbst den Teufel nicht." lonies, on the information of two witnesses, on oath, we He said he supposed he must follow up the example of directed to cause the same to be abated within thirty, the gentleman, (Mr. Wilde,) and give the translation. days, or to forfeit the sum of £500.”—Pitkin's Political He said that much of the beauty and strength of the origi. and Civil History of the United States, vol. 1, pp. 101, nal would be lost in the translation, but he would give it. "2, and '3,
" Do what is right, trost in God, and fear not even the devil."
H. OF R.]
The Tariff Bill.
[Jan. 24, 1833.
fore it goes into operation. Sir, do gentlemen know that some circumstances that look very much as if South Ca. it will not answer every purpose for which it was intend. rolina had been tampered with by our great rival across ed? But gentlemen say we must save the Union; that the water. Things look a good deal as if slie had taken South Carolina has taken her stand, and, unless we re- it into her head that if she was once out of the Union, she peal the tariff laws, she will dissolve the Union. Yes, would be able to form connexions more advantageous than sir; South Carolina gave us until the 1st of February to those by which we are at present surrounded. And there repeal the laws; and if we do not, she will do it for us, are not wanting enemies to this Union, who, like the serby a process of nullification. And gentlemen here seem pent, are twining themselves about her, and impressfrightened almost out of their wits for fear that the awful ing it upon her that she is oppressed and badly treatcrisis (1st of February) will arrive before we comply with ed' here; and that it would be much, to her advantage her peremptory, unreasonable, and disloyal commands. to separate from us. It is a notorious fact, that a foIf I had no other reason for voting against this bill, the reigner by birth, and to this day, I believe, a foreigner in attitude which South Carolina has assumed would be all. feeling and sentiment, has dwelt in her own bosom, and sufficient for me. I will not legislate with a bayonet at has been constantly pushing her forward to the attitude my bosom. I will not yield to the demands of nullifica- which she now occupies. tion. I will make no compromise with those who trample I hold in my hands the United States Telegraph of the the constitution and laws of my country under foot. No, 20th December last; and I invite the attention of the comsir! Let South Carolina strike her flag of rebellion; let mittee to an article in it, which I will read, and which, in her stack her arms; let her spike her cannon; let her say, my opinion, goes strongly to confirm what I have before and let her show us by deeds, that she is for the constitu- said on the subject of South Carolina desiring a connexion tion, the laws, and the Union, and then, sir, I will listen with our old enemy and great rival across the waters. I most patiently to her story of grievances, whether ima- will read the text, and then the commentary, both of ginary or real; and I, for one, will do all in my power to which, in my opinion, are entitled to be specially noticed give her satisfaction and contentment.
at this critical juncture of our affairs. But, sir, is there any gentleman here who has told us, “ My friend admitted all I said to be true. But,” said or who will now tell us, that this bill, if passed into a law, he, “ if we were not so perplexed with our finances at will be satisfactory to her! The gentleman from Georgia home, we would soon put a stop to the rising greatness seems to be as familiar with the leading nullifiers of South and prosperity of the United States."
"And how?" said Carolina as any body. He has told us a long story about 1. “Why," said he, "we would instigate the Southern having acted as second to some of them on the banks of States to rebel against the other States; we would conthe Savannah, and, from his deportment here, I should vince the people of the cotton-growing States that your think he was following his old employment. He seems to tariff oppresses them, and we would offer them such probe second to nullification here. At any rate, he seems totection and such commercial advantages, as would induce be her principal spokesman in this House. Has he told them to rebel; and in less than five years we would pro. us that South Carolina will be satisfied with this bill? duce a separation of the Union." “But,” said I, “proNot be. If we are to infer any thing from what he said, bably you would be disappointed; you know you calcu. it is that she will not be satisfied. He avowed that no lated on the Eastern States joining you during the late man bad any right to pledge South Carolina to this bill. war, but you were disappointed, and probably you would Here are we destroying the country in order to save the be disappointed again." "No," said he, “we knovy Union, and will most certainly fail in the object we are better how to manage these matters; we could with our attempting. I consider any action by this House, at this feets protect them, and our merchants would take their time, as improvident and unwise, if not criminal. Any produce and carry to them manufactured articles, duty thing we may do here this session on this subject, will be free, for their own use, and for the purpose of smug. considered as a concession to nullification. It will be gling into the other States, and thus, by these and other considered throughout the country as a yielding to its de means, (which I understand to be a liberal application mands by us as the representatives of the whole people. of secret service money,) we would soon put a stop to It will be hailed by South Carolina as a glorious victory. the increasing wealth, power, and independence of your Whether she believes it or not, she will say she drove us country.” into the measure; and by this very act of ours, this perni This, sir, is the text; now let us have the commentary. cious shrub may strike root in our soil; it may require the editor says: much treasure and the shedding of much blood before it "The preceding is from the New York Advocate, and can be extirpated. It were cruel to them, in my opinion, contains a part of a conversation between an Englishmaa to let them proceed further in their parricidal career. It and one of the great men in London, some years ago. were mercy to them to stop them now, even if it must be it is published by the Advocate as, in its opinion, throw done by shedding of blood. Stop them peaceably if we ing some light on the late transaction in the South. We can, but forcibly if we must. My advice is, to stop them should have thought that a very small share of discrenow, and at once. In my judgment this would be noble tion would have prevented the Advocate from taking economy of human life and of human blood. l'or, sir, if such a position, as it surely is not much calculated to aid we, through a want of independence and decision, should, his cause. by any act of ours, give countenance to this wild, distract “If it be believed at the South, does the Advocate exing, and jargonizing system, it may gather strength from pect that such a belief will act as an inducement to the one cause or another, and the union of the States may be people of the South to relax in any exertion to get clear dissolved, and the ploughshare of desolation and slaughter of the tariff? If it be believed by the friends of the tariff, may pass fiercely over millions of our innocent and unof- will it encourage them to persistance in their measures, fending people.
by showing that they have greater obstacles to encounter I repeat, sir, that South Carolina has said she would be than they have previously thought they had? satisfied with nothing short of an abandonment of the pro. “ The Advocate bas outwitted itself. We publish it tective system. To this I can never agree. Sir, would for what it is worth.” she in a few years, if we yield to her demands now, agree This article, in my opinion, proves at least the freedom to pay even a revenue duty? She has furnished, in my of the press in this country. The editor of this paper is mind, some indications that if she succeeds in prostrating the public printer of the Únited States to both Houses of the protection which is given to our own citizens, she will Congress; and while we, the representatives of the peonext refuse to pay even a revenue duty. Sir, there are ple, are here in session, these sentiments have been pub.
Jan. 24, 1833.]
The Tariff Bill.
[H. OF R.
lished and proclaimed almost within the portals of the vered in, this Union would have been dissolved before capitol. This paper, too stands at the head of the whole the end of this administration. The President saw the corps of nullifying newspapers; and I believe the editor mistake he had committed. He saw that “Ştate rights," understands the feelings and views of the nullifiers as well a plausible name, which artful demagogues have used to as any man does. When I first read the text in the Tele- conceal the odious principles of nullification which they graph, before I got to the commentary, I felt sure that were disseminating, must lead to nullification and a disthe editor had published this alleged conversation for the solution of the Union. purpose of giving it his most decided reprobation. But, Permit me to remark here, sir, that it is in vain for any sir, to my mind, instead of reprobating, he has endorsed gentleman to attempt to draw a distinction between it. Instead of denouncing it as a slander, as I expected State rights and State rebellion--State rights and nullihe would, he gives us to understand that it may be true, fication." In my opinion, they all mean exactly the same and that we had better mind how we deal with South Ca- thing. Whenever the doctrines of “State rights," as rolina. In my opinion, it warrants this construction most insisted upon by the Virginia school, are acted out, they fully. Sir, we are told here that it is not much calcu- must necessarily end in nullification and State rebellion. lated to aid the cause of the Advocate. What is the cause Against these doctrines I have uniformly raised my voice, of the Advocate, I ask? Why, it is the cause of the and shall continue to do so, regardless of the source from Union of the States. And the editor of the Telegraph whence they emanate, or of the hue or of the form which pays the people of the South but a poor compliment when they may put on. I say, sir, South Carolina was mistakhe insinuates that it is only necessary for them to know that en in supposing that the President had been so far led Great Britain will give them countenance and take them along by her and Georgia, and others that had gone so far into favor, to turn them against their own country. He into these State right doctrines, that he could not retreat, says the publication of this alleged conversation is calcu- but must fold his arms, and look on and see her nullify lated to have this effect, if I understand him. At least, the laws, and dissolve the Union. Yes, sir, in this South it would so operate in the South. I do not know how far Carolina was mistaken, and I am proud she was mistaken, the people of the South have lost their love of country; for I confess I had some misgivings myself. but if they can tamely submit to such an imputation as this Although I felt very certain the President wished to conveys upon them, they must be pretty far gone. Such return to the sound doctrines which he had before so an imputation would infame and excite my constituents steadily maintained, particularly while he was in the Seto the highest pitch of indignation. They would lose no nate of the United States, yet I confess I did not see how time in repelling it as a foul calumny.
he was to escape from the dilemma into which he had Mr. Chairman, I have no unkind feelings towards my been drawn by his friends. I brooded for weeks over brethren of the South; and especially, sir, have I none this sad and frightful state of things, by which I saw towards the talented and eloquent sons of South Carolina. my country surrounded. I was almost ready to do that But, sir, while I say this, I must be permitted to say that which no good citizen ought ever to do. I was almost for their political principles I entertain the most unyield- ready to despair of the republic. The annual message ing and the most uncompromising hostility. But, sir, the thickened the gloom by which I was surrounded. To people of the South have my compassion rather than my me, sir, it made darkness visible. But the overruling enmity. I look upon them as laboring under a most hand of Providence sometimes bringeth good out of evil. fatal delusion. I hold the present administration culpa- The bold, daring, and reckless movements of South Ca. ble, to a very great degree, for the unfortunate attitude rolina aroused the old man from that false security in which South Carolina has assumed. For the last four which his parasites had lulled him to repose. He saw years the whole tendency of the Government has been the Government which he had been called upon to adtowards anarchy. Sir, the doctrines of the numerous minister by a confiding people, on the crumbling verge veto messages which we have had within the last four of ruin. One more step, and that Government, and that years, have all tended powerfully in that way. They have people, would have been plunged into irretrievable wo created a deep-rooted jealousy among portions of the and wretchedness. He made a sudden pause--and, to people, adverse to this Government and all its institutions. the utter astonishment of all parties, friends and foes, he They have tended to array one section of the Union whirled right about, and, at one leap, he cleared all the against another. They have been calculated to array one difficulties which lay in his way,veto messages, Georgia, class of our citizens against another, and none of these nullification, and all, were quite thrown out of the view. more so than the doctrines of the bank veto. These He called a council of his prime ministers; and it was things, I have no doubt, have had their weight with South solemnly determined that the only expedient and safe Carolina. She thought, as the administration practised mode of administering this Government was that which upon the disorganizing and jacobinical principles, that had been adopted by the father of his country, the good, she might do the same. She saw Georgia trampling the the great, the illustrious Washington. The result of this constitution, the treaties, the laws, and the Supreme council was the proclamation. Sir, you all know that I Court of the United States, under her feet. She heard have never been in the secrets of the cabinet. This prothe President tell the poor Indian that he must submit to clamation, therefore, took me by surprise. I was sitting Georgia, for that he, the President, had no power to stay one evening in the hotel, in silence and melancholy: I had her ruthless hand. She saw all these things, and she lent been meditating on the distracted and wretched condition her aid in pushing them on. She thought that the Presi- of my country, until I felt perfectly desperate, ready almost dent had gone so far in these directions, that was im- for any state of things that might come. I had arrived possible for him to retrace his steps, and that he would at the conclusion that a civil war was certain. Just as I be compelled to stand by and see her play the game out was at the lowest point of depression and desperation, I by dissolving the Union.
was started from my reverie hy a friend, who asked me But, sir, the President has found that he has lent an if I had seen the President's proclamation. Proclamaeasy ear to the wicked counsellors too long. He finds, tion, said I--No. He handed me a copy. I immediately although he has been re-elected by a triumphant vote of rose and went to my room, lighted my candle, and comhis fellow-citizens, yet there is confusion, distrust, and menced reading. I found it replete with sound doctrines, dissatisfaction hurrying the Government to the verge of which had always met my hearty approbation; and, by anarchy. He sees that if he goes on with these doctrines the time I had finished it, I found myself rising involunof the privy council, that inevitable ruin awaits the countarily from my seat, and, for the first time in my life, I try; and I do verily believe that if they had been perse-T was almost ready to shout huzza for Jackson! But when
H. Or R.]
[Jan. 25, 1833. the first transport had passed away, I began to think it New York, and to have appealed to her delegation; and best not to halloo until I got out of the woods. I began particularly to the friends of the Vice President elect, to think of the doctrines of the bank veto. I began to I am sure, sir, that, whatever may have been the cha. think of the violated faith of the nation with the poor racter of his remarks, had I been present, I should have and helpless Indians. I began to think it was impossible had no occasion to complain of the language of the gentle. that the President, after what he had said and done, could man from Georgia- rely too confidently on the uniform now be serious in promulgating these doctrines; the very courtesy and urbanity of that gentleman, to believe reverse of which had been practised for the last four that he would, on any occasion, violate the strictest years. These reflections crowded upon me, one after rules of propriety and decorum : he must, however, paranother, until they fell like a cold and heavy sickness don me, sir, for expressing my surprise and regret to upon my heart. These doubts and misgivings remained learn that he should have referred, in any manner whatwith me until the President sent us his most excellent ever, to one of those miserable effusions which are daily message, which followed up and reasserted the doctrines despatched hence by the many spies in Washington; that of the proclamation in a mild and dignified, but deter- he should have condescended to notice an anonymous mined tone, which convinced me that he was in earnest; communication charging the Governor of our State with that he had taken his stand upon the same ground on attempting to influence the votes of my colleagues on the which our beloved Washington stood during his adminis- question before us. The gentleman from Georgia, I untration. And so long as he stands upon this ground, he derstand, disclaimed all confidence in the story; I know, shall receive my decided and unequivocal support. And sir, that he is too candid and too just to believe in such I believe this is the determination of all those gentlemen fabrications. If gentlemen desire to know the opinions with whom it has been my pleasure most generally to act of the Governor of New York upon the question of a upon this floor. .
reduction of the duties, they are to be found in an auI have nothing to hope, I have nothing to fear, from thentic shape, recorded in his message to the Legislature this administration. From the very first moment that I of that State. But it is not necessary, sir, to detain the entered the political arena, the overwhelming popularity committee for the purpose of vindicating a character of the present Chief Magistrate was seized by every de- without reproach, and as far beyond the reach of the poor magogue within my sphere of action, and wielded, by calumnies of any “ spy in Washington," as my colleagues all, for my political, and, by some of them, for my per- are above the control of any influence but those which sonal destruction. To the truth of this, there are many direct the judgments of patriotic and just men. here that can bear testimony. My political existence has But, Mr. Chairman, an appeal was made to the friends been preserved by the virtue, the intelligence, and the of the Vice President elect; and I understand that it was proud and noble independence of the freemen of Ten. intimated, at least, that to promote his popularity in the
My personal existence has been preserved by South, it was necessary for them to support the bill under the miraculous interposition of Him whose wisdom di- consideration; in other language, whatever might be their recteth, and whose power controls the destiny of all principles, they must be surrendered to personal and pothings.
litical considerations. There are some propositions, sirBelieving that the President, at this time, has taken a some appeals, that no language can render acceptable to correct position; believing that he has taken the only po- those to whom they are addressed. No matter in what fassition which can preserve this Union; believing that he cinating manner the gentleman from Georgia may have aphas planted himself by the constitution and laws of his pealed to my colleagues, though the suggestion may have country, God forbid that I should throw the least obstruc- been wreathed in poetry, every member addressed must tion in his way. No, sir; when the vessel of State is dash- still have felt himself called upon to reject an appeal, im. ing among the rocks and whirlpools of political faction, plying such a destitution of manly independence and it is no time for us, who really wish to save the ship, to be political integrity. I am at a loss to discover, sir, in what cherishing our individual grievances of time past: but part of the political history of our State it is, that the gen. every man should offer up, upon the altar of his country, ileman from Georgia finds the evidence that her delegation all his personal and political injuries. I, for one, sir, have ever sacrificed principles for men. Is it, sir, in the stand ready to make this sacrifice. To sustain the cou- political revolution of 1800, when New York aided so stitution and laws of my country, I pledge this right arm, materially in establishing those principles of Government and, with it, the last drop of blood that warms and ani- which have latterly found so many proselytes? Was it in mates my existence.
any one of our contests from that time till 1812? Was it
in 1814, sir, when our State was the theatre of war, when FRIDAY, JANUARY 25.
we had two frontiers lined with troops; and when on a The House having again resolved itself into Committee another quarter we presented an impregnable rampart of the Whole on the state of the Union, Mr. Wayne against the assauits of threatened secession, then believed in the chair, resumed the consideration of the
to be no better than rebellion? Is it in any part of this his
tory that the gentleman from Georgia finds New York TARIFF BILL.
sacrificing principles for men? (Mr. Wilde explained.] Mr. ARNOLD took the floor, and continued till past 3 It gives me pleasure sir, to hear the gentleman from o'clock in conclusion of his speech against the bill, as Georgia disclaim any intention to question in any way the given above.
principles or integrity of New York. I have again reaMr. CAMBRELENG, of New York, next addressed son to express my regret that I did not hear the comthe committee. It was my misfortune, said be, not to be mencement of his remarks; they had been reported to present at the commencement of the speech of the gen- me; others had referred to them in debate, and mine was tleman from Georgia, (Mr. Wilde.) But we had some ac- certainly the impression generally made upon the commit. count of it last night in the remarks of the gentleman tee. I am happy, sir, to be undeceived. I thought, sir, from Ohio, (Mr. Yintox,) and I have heard much more that the gentleman from Georgia, with whom we have so from other sources; and, sir, judging from the impreso long acted, could not mistake the political character of our sion made upon the committee, the gentleman from Geor- State. I need not remind him of our memorable contest gia, whether skilful or not, seems to have cast his net far in 1924, when, deprecating all humiliating allegiance to and wide upon the waters, to secure friends for the mea- men, and disregarding personal considerations, the resure under consideration.
publicans of New York sacrificed themselves in an effort That gentleman appears to have referred especially tolio sustain the principles which were established in 1800;