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H. OF R.]
The Tariff Bill.
[Jan. 28, 1833.
Be just to the general welfare, just for the present, and that State, or any other State, cannot, at any time, by the just for posterity: Let not the cherished delinquency of same process, utterly abolish? a right eye, or right hand, drag the whole unoffending What next, after this measure, will this Stale lay her soul and body down to perdition.
band upon, and say, this too must perish? Your fisheries Fear not, ay, sir, fear not the rage or the threats of cherished by protection; then the coasting trade, so intedisappointed ambition or lawless anarchy; fear not the ar- resting to the people, and so endeared by this system;af. ray of their battle, or that glitter of their arms, the noise ter that, the American character of your ships, and your of their war; but fear your country and your God; fear whole navigation, protected so long, and by so many to violate the constitution of the nation, or the oath of the laws; then, your navy, the delight and glory of the naAlmighty.
tion, protected with all these, and protecting all. These In what way, by what stratagem of cowardice or sub- all must perish, under the consuming breath of this fou! serviency, can we, dare we, change the provisions, or sorceress of nullification. abolish the high prerogatives of that consecrated charter? South Carolina now claims for lier slaves a condition Every power under it, granted to Congress by the peo- superior in pecuniary productiveness to your own; and ple of the States, or of the United States, no matter which, this claim, when once gratified by your base submission to comes to this House with the authority of a paramount its demands, will then call on you to improve the political command.
condition of those slaves. Your law, apportioning repreThe power to regulate commerce, either by impost or sentation, South Carolina will denounce, as inconsistent prohibition, was, of right, incidental to the power of each with the spirit of the constitution. This she will then State under the confederacy, though never expressly nullify, and insert in the statute, and compel you to place granted to such State by the people; nor would they per- in the constitution, the full, in place of the three-fifths mit the continental Congress, by an exercise of the treaty- parts of representation of those slaves. making power, to invade or abridge, or bring into disuse, South Carolina— 1 say the demagogics of nullification this then high prerogative of the States.
in South Carolina-will rule, or they will, if they can, seArt. 9th of the confederation-"No treaty of com- parate these United States. They will effect this by mulmerce shall be made whereby the legislative power of lification, or by secession, no matter which, for these the respective States shall be restrained from imposing modern 'Titans of disunion are both of one family, twins such imposts and duties on foreigners as their own people in the same traitorous and bloody brotherhood of anarchy are subject to; or from prohibiting the exportation or and war. importation of any species of goods or commodities what The spirit of disunion is in our land. Will you propiever.”
tiate the fiend, by heaping his altar with sacrifices; or Has not this whole power over impost and commerce will you, like men, valiant with pious patriotism, resist been conferred on Congress? Is not impost, in our the odious denizen of darkness, and compel bim to fee hands, as well a regulator of commerce as an instrument from you? This spirit of disunion is indeed abroad; and of revenue? Can we use this instrument to raise money, like the same demon spirit, in dragon form, seen by him of and “supply the wants of Government,” because the the Apocalypse, he may, unfolding his foul volume, sweep general welfare requires that supply and is our own arm after him “one-third part of the stars in our political shortened when we attempt to use the same instrument firmament." to supply the wants of the people, when that welfare so Which of these stars are to be fixed, or which plane. Joudly calls for that supply? Could each of the States, tary; which primary and central; or which secondary, before the constitution, by the exercise of this power, and mere satellites; are matters quite too high for the countervail those laws of other nations which then did, ken of mere Northern eyesight; and must be left for disand now do, esclude the products of our land and labor covery, to the more powerful vision and brighter skies of from their consumption?' But must we, with all these Southern climes. For the other States I have no fears; powers of all the States, and all the people, now in our but may God send, of his infinite mercy, may He send hands, be prohibited by one of them from all exercise of that the laws of position and movement among these may these powers, not only at this time, but hepceforth and be ascertained and established, before they, now so bright forever? Sir, if but two brothers were to place in your and beautiful stars, shall go down, and be extinguished in hands a sum of money, to be redelivered when both call- a horizon of blood. ed for it together, could you honestly or safely surrender the treasure to either one of them separately? A deposite of power, in our hands, has been made, by a family of
MONDAY, JANUARY 28. twenty-four; and each one of them is deeply interested The following resolution, submitted by Mr. Arrlkin its exercise and preservation. We have sworn to keep, ton on Saturday, coming up to-day, viz. to use this treasure for their benefit. Shall we, can we, Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be directed dare we surrender up the whole to any one of them? to communicate to this House the data by which, “taking
Sir, we have lifted up our hand to Him on high; and an average of the importations for the last six years as a we cannot go back. "I am persuaded," (suffer me to probable criterion of the ordinary importations for some use words not only fraught with all the energy of human years to come, the revenue from the customs at the rates genius and eloquence, but instinct, too, with the very of duty payable after the 3d of March next may be estispirit of inspiration,) “ I am persuaded that neither prin- mated at eighteen millions of dollars annually;" also to cipalities, nor powers, nor things present, nor things to communicate to the House how far the duties payable come, nor height, nor depth, nor any other creature,” after the 3d day of March next fall short of or exceed can make of us the recreant things which shall, when the the amount which would have been payable had the bill, ship but labors a little, throw overboard the cargo en transmitted to this House by the Secretary of the 'Treatrusted to our care, that we may thereby preserve our sury on the 27th of April last, become a law: own pitiful adventures; or, overawed by a superstitious Mr. CLAY, of Alabama, moved to lay it upon the tafear, dash our own children into the ocean, to appease ble, but withdrew his motion at the request of some imaginary monster of the deep, and secure ourselves Mr. APPLETON, who observed that, when he hail from his jaws.
been induced to off the resolution, he could make no Make this concession; submit, in 'this, to South Caro- calculation from any data in his possession going to show lina, and have you, after this, any constitution, any Union, that the bill of last year could produce more than fifteen any national interest, any congressional enactments, which millions of dollars; whereas the Secretary had stated in
Jan. 28, 1833.]
The Turiff Bill.
(H. OF R.
his report that it would produce eighteen millions. Hav Members here, who, from their position, are looked to ing found this difference in the reducing effect of the vote for it, as far as their sentiments and feelings can be bill, he considered it due to the Secretary himself, and read from incidental expressions of word or countenance, to the House, that, if any error had occurred, the House approach it as an irksome task they know not how to might be put in possession of the means of correcting it. avoid, and anxiously inquire if it cannot be borne" hope
Mr. WILDE moved to lay the resolution on the table. it may not prove as bad as it is feared.”
On this motion Mr. APPLETON demanded the yeas The very resolutions presented here in favor of reducand nays; but, before they were taken, the hour expired, tion, and now on your table, though they count on the and the House passed to the orders of the day, and re- bill in their preambles, take special care, as will be seen solved itself into Committee of the Whole on
on examination, not to recommend it, or hazard a defiTHE TARIFF BILL.
nite opinion upon it in the resolutions themselves. Even
partisan presses, that must speak in its favor, do it with Mr. BURGES resumed and concluded the speech he that unwilling grace and such faint praise as speaks their commenced on Saturday, (as given above.)
disapprobation. Mr. YOUNG, of Connecticut, next obtained the foor, I did, sir, to be sure--the significancy of which the and moved for the rising of the committee, but the mo- committee can judge of as well as I--hear a certain honoration was negatived: Yeas 61, nays 67.
ble gentleman over the way (Mr. HOFFMAN) say to an hoHe then addressed the committee; but, at half past 5 norable gentleman on this side (Mr. ADAMS) that he (Mr. o'clock, gave way for a renewal of the motion by Mr. H.) heard the Secretary of the Treasury say he was in INGERSOLL: this also was negatived: Yeas 54, nays 80. favor of this bill, provided some amendments could be (Lights were now introduced into the hall.]
made to it, and this in something of a confidential way, it Mr. YOUNG then said he had intended to proceed to would seem, for he [Mr. H.] was opposing the call on other branches of the subject, but, finding his voice and the Secretary to communicate his views on the subject strength fail him, he should decline saying any thing publicly to the House. The committee also may rememThe following are his remarks entire:
ber that the honorable gentleman from Georgia, (Mr. Mr. YOUNG said he regretted extremely that he felt Wilde,) in that part of his speech the other night, which obliged, at this time, at this late hour of the discussion, he himself called, not a lecture, but an exhortation, for and of the day, to ask the further indulgence of the com- the special ears of certain members here, spent some fifmittee, exhausted, as well as himself, by so long continued teen or twenty minutes in attempting to prove that the session and attention; but seeing no one ready to pro- Vice President elect was in favor of this bill, principally ceed, as he had hoped, and the calls for the question from the fact, as I understood it, that he had not written, frequent and loud, he could not permit so galling a stroke uttered, or published one single word about it one way to'be given without attempting to ward it off, though he or the other, so as that the public should know of it. I were certain the attempt must prove utterly vain. shall, however, leave these more recondite indications to
He deemed it, he said, no excuse at this time, that he wards this bill to those better initiated. But who, sir, did not very frequently claim this indulgence, or that, at here or any where else, comes forward frankly, candidly, this time particularly, he could not, and would not, claim decidedly, and boldly, to advocate and defend this meait long; but he had an excuse, he trusted, which should sure as right, and just, and honorable; as calculated to be prevalent, even now, and that was, that this bill was make our country industrious, prosperous, glorious, and aiming a peculiarly direct and fatal blow at the prominent happy? And this is the alarming feature in our case, that and vital interests of that section of country which he this bill, which seems to stand shunned and alone, withmight be considered as more particularly representing-out comeliness or merit in itself to command respect in a blow that must fall as grievously upon it, probably, as the eyes of any, like some unshapen and unnatural birth on any other section of that extent, as a body, within the which none but its parents can have affection for, and whole
scope of what must be its wide and destructive even they can have no pleasure in, has any chance of sucinfluence.
cess, and may triumph over us, for reasons foreign to its The various topics, said Mr. Y., more general in their merits, and by means and influences unseen and unnature, but bearing, as every thing else does, on this great known. and every where reaching and pervading subject, lighting "But, sir, I will come to the arguments in which the on all and every of our domestic and even foreign inte- committee themselves commend this bill to our considerarests and relations, have already been extensively, power- tion, resolving themselves principally into these two pofully, and, he might add, splendidly exhibited and en- sitions: that the revenue must, at all events, be reduced forced here, so as not soon to be forgotten, and to leave six millions, and that the enormous profits of our manylittle room for amendment and improvement, but carrying facturers render the task justifiable and easy. As to the our reflections and feelings, in some part, above and beyond revenue, I shall make but a few observations. I know the particular exciting cause, and leaving the bill, and its not why it is, sir, but the great point of caution on direct and more immediate bearings, almost lost and un- this subject, if we measure the tendency of what is said, noticed amidst the many opening, delicate, and important seems to be, not so much lest the revenue shall fall below considerations it had itself excited.
the amount aimed at, as that it should not, at any event, My object will therefore be, said Mr. Y., before it shall go above it, by which millions may be sacrificed on the pass from before us, to call your attention to the bill itself doubtful space. --its first consequences; noticing, as I go along, the grounds There seems, somehow or other, to exist a secret on which it has been presented and defended here, and dread of any surplus in the treasury of a dollar, for a inquiring a little why and wherefore it is that this pro- day, as if the whole body politic would be distressed by ceeding, which is spreading distrust and alarm through it; as if some new principle, sympathy, or tendency, had all the industrious walks of life in a large portion of our been discovered in the nature of our Government, percountry, is, with all its consequences, thus suddenly and vading our whole political system, desiring a vacuum, as unexpectedly thrust upon us. Sir, said Mr. Y., who ho- much as nature abhors it. But the exposition of my ho. nestly wants this
who is even decently satisfied with norable colleague, (Mr. INGERSOLL,) so clearly given us it? Who has risen here to defend it except the members the other day, must satisfy us fully, I think, that we are of the committee that reported it? None, save the gen- in no danger of any collapse or explosion from this source tleman from New York, (Mr. CAMBRELENG,) and he was for some years yet to come. And if we compare the facts not satisfied with the reasons given for reporting it. and arguments suggested by the honorable gentleman
H. of R.]
The Tariff Bill.
(Jan. 28, 1833.
from Massachusetts, [Mr. APPLETON,) and the several since brought all such hopes to the ground. The great
I observed, in the beginning, that the effects of this five per cent. fully collected, would sustain the manufac-
four items of per cents, on the whole mass of these most Sir, the cheerful sounds of the bells of some of these important and most exposed branches of manufactures, pass over me daily; and some of their operations, and shall we find an average of more than from twelve or fif. movements connected with them, come almost hourly teen per cent.? Something like one-half below the lowwithin my observation. I, too, am a manufacturer, and est point of protection proposed. But this is not all. The have the pride and the pleasure (and the pain, too, in proposition contemplates twenty-five per cent. clear prothese times) of associating with them, and knowing their tection. Those acquainted with the operation of ad vahopes and fears, their risks and realities, their calcula- lorem duties, where the person who pays the duties fixes tions and disappointments, and can calculate for the gen- the valuation on which he pays, and especially on these tleman (Mr. Polk] (much more accurately, I think, than articles, varying almost imperceptibly, agree that the nosome of those whose statements or conjectures he read, minal amount can never be fully collected. Some expemust have done,) the speed of the wheel, the turns of rienced men, as I understand, employed in the offices, the roller, the beats of the lathe per minute or yard, ne- believe that not more than one-half or two-thirds of the cessary to produce a given result, to the hundredth part exact duties are generally realized. And manufacturers, of a cent, all things moving up to the calculation: (which generally, would gladly, especially in these articles, comdoes not, however, too often happen with us:) for, let it pound a whole ad valorem duty for two-thirds of it in be remembered, that manufacturers, with us, have long specific form. Now, take one-half or two-thirds of the since ceased to deal much in the items of their gain with ad valorem duties belonging to these articles, as bewhole numbers, they are glad to find them in decimals; fore stated, and how much clear effectual protection bave but if this bill passes, they may seek them in Auxions and they left? logarithms, and seek them in vain.
But it seems, in the next place, that something more And, sir, I can inform the gentleman (Mr. Polk] that than a general impression was intended to be made, by there is nothing at all in all this noise about twenty, thir- this representation of high profits-something like a proty, and forty per cent. profit which he has argued upon; position that, as the profits were 20, 30, and, in one case, which he might have satisfied himself of by looking fur-40 per cent., I think, this amount, or at least within five ther into, and comparing these returns, especially a very or six per cent. of it, may be taken from the duties, and full and able ore from the State of Rhode Island, the cra- have a decent interest or profit then. It will, however, dle and centre of this business. Competition has long be seen by examination, that, by the act of 1832, and this
Jax. 28, 1833.]
The Tariff Bill.
[H. OF R.
act, both of which are to take effect together on the 4th hotbeds, as it is said, or whether they have grown up in of March next, the amount of reduction is from 20 to 28 native healthy soil; whether their protection is now exper cent. more than the highest profit named, leaving the travagant, artificial, or otherwise, makes not much differprotection minus, and the profits minus, to that amountence in the present question. No manufacturer, no on that calculation.
trade, no regular extensive business, in any situation, in But the gentleman admitted, at the same time, that, as this or any other country, can stand so great a changeto many articles, duties were merely nominal, the goods such a shock. being afforded in our markets by our own manufacturers Sir, it will sensibly change the relative situation, inteas low as they were in any other place, or could be from rests, and prospects of the great body of the producing, any other source; making out, if these statements are business population of the country, and influence, more or true, another proposition, that we are now actually manu-less, the operations of the whole manufacturing and comfacturing, in this country, 20, 30, and 40 per cent. lower mercial world. Nothing so deranging, so radical, so rethan all the rest of the world beside; the English, in their volutionary, so much like retribution to forfeiture, has present pressed state, not excepted. But if such propo- been attempted since the Rump Parliament, or the Counsitions and such suggestions are to have influence here, cil of Five Hundred, and not even then. For, in the it is useless to argue on the tariff or any other subject: most frenzied part of the French revolution, though the for all kinds of protection and all security are lost, and as torrent was turned upon the King and dignitaries, and nothing.
their titles and estates overthrown together-even these But, besides these vague ideas of great profits, there is wild times were too considerate to meditate such a blow, another impression here and abroad, something to our and dared not touch, so materially, the interests, standcredit, to be sure, but very much to our disadvantage; ing, and estates of the common citizen, or so derange the and that is, that the manufacturers (the Yankees, espe- natural movement of the great body of the business procially) will live and get along somehow or other, do what ducing population of the country. you may with them; sink them as deep as you will, they Sir, when this bill first went forth amongst the people will come up again, and right side up; and that the coun- more particularly interested in, and acquainted with, the try will not lose the benefits they now receive from them, operations of these things, they were struck with astonbut rather gain by their quickened exertion and econo-ishment. They could not believe their eyes, their ears, my. But, sir, there is a limit to all possibilities. They or trust the common interpretation of their native lanhave never yet, amidst all their discoveries, found out guage. They could not realize that such a proposition how to make an honest profit out of a losing business. It could be presented, much less seriously advocated and may not be for the interest of those who feed on these pressed here; and turned instinctively to each other, with calculations, to sink us too low at once. There is a depth, inquiring look, as when some unaccountable act of a fait is said, from whence nothing rises again; from whence ther or guardian first suggests the possibility of some the vexed and dying whale returns no more, and is lost to mental aberration; and all, with one accord, anxiously its pursuers.
compare, weigh, and scrutinize each act, and look, and The spirit referred to may, indeed, survive, and, 1 expression, and cannot be satisfied till some decisive might almost say, do what you may, will survive and movement, with the deadly weapon, settles the unhappy flourish in some shape or other, “while life and breath, question. and being last” with us. But is it nothing that one gene But, sir, there was another idea suggested by the comration of active men, in branches of business of great na- mittee, which, I have no doubt, has been a serious questional concern, and all their honest and hard earnings, tion with some not so familiarly acquainted with the subshall be sacrificed and swept from the common stock, in ject, on which I desire to say a few words. It is often a rash adventure to attest their spirit? It will make a full inquired, if the American manufacturer can afford to sell experiment, I agree: for, if any thing Government can his goods as cheap at home as the same kinds are selling do with duties, merély, will destroy them, this will. in any market, and can actually compete with his rivals Judging of the present progress of things from the past, in the markets abroad, why does he want protection? I manufacturers, at no distant point of time, arriving at it will give my own solution of this question, first inquiring by gentle descent, as circumstances gradually incline and why any one, if that be the case, should desire to withexperience directs, may much better sustain themselves hold what those particularly interested consider as their without any protection from duties or Government, than safety and protection. The force of the suggestion runs they can now stand this vast descent all at once. Let it back to the question of our ability to compete with fobe remembered, the country is yet acting and manufac- reign manufacturers, supposing no duties and no protecturing under the act of 1828. By the bill of 1832, and tion to exist; but the question, in connexion with the prethe present bill, the reduction under both takes effect on sent discussion, is, whether we can compete with them the 4th of March next, thirty-four or thirty five days from under the duties proposed in the bill? And the true bearthis, and probably not five from the time this bill shall ings of this question will be better seen and understood pass, if it does pass. The duties on cotton goods, by the by stating it in another form: Who will stand the best laws under which we are now operating, are from 25 per chance to command and occupy our markets with their cent. up to virtual prohibition. The average on actual manufactures, supposing the circumstances in which we importations is 37 per cent., and the actual importations shall be placed, under the operations of this bill? For under that average more than sixteen millions, now to be those manufacturers who shall do this, will, of course, be put down, part to 20, and part to 10 per cent. The ave- sustained, and those which shall be driven from the mar. rage of nominal duties on woollens has been reckoned at ket must, of course, cease; and whatever portion of it, 88 per cent., and the annual importations over thirteen more or less, is thus taken away, the capital and labor demillions annually, now to be put down at 20, 15, and 5 pending on that portion, thus taken away, must be sacriper cent.-a reduction of 68 to 83 per cent., according ficed, and the owners ruined, though some portion of the to the tables furnished us; and, taking both cotton and contested market should be retained, and though some woollens together, including the necessary effects of the capital, after a desperate struggle and partial loss, should near approach, in some parts, to prohibition, the actual not be utterly abandoned. effect on our trade, and the actual effectual reduction, There are circumstances existing in the relative situa. from present protection, cannot be calculated at less than tion of the two contending countries, continually setting 50 or 60 per cent., at one leap, at ten days' notice. against us, which we have nothing to counterbalance,
Sir, whether our manufactories have been fostered in more than sufficient to overcome the effect of the duties
H. OF R.]
The Tariff Bill.
[Jan. 28, 1833.
proposed, and leaving the probabilities for our retaining of foreign style and fashion; the vast superiority in quanthe market, or any great portion of it, altogether against tity, for selection, for variety, or assignable amounts; the
And I would ask the attention of the committee par- adventures of speculators, and the policy of making our ticularly to these considerations, not merely as bearing on markets the auction-house for all risks and forced sales of the point in question, but as considerations on which the stale stocks, or scattering remains that might clog or surnecessity of protection turns, and, it may be, the fate of charge their more favorite markets, and a thousand other our manufacturers depends.
incidents in the state of trade and manufactures, every There is an indistinct idea in the minds of many, arising day occurring and operating on some article, or on the from distance, or something else, that we have, here, at whole mass, more or less, one of which at times may overhome, in our own markets, a decided advantage over balance a part or the whole of our average of duties, and others, aside from the protection afforded by duties. often more than that, as the state of trade now shows; all
Such might have been, formerly, in some measure, the of which causes must exist and operate till we are equal case between nations; but, in the present regular facili- in capital, in the quantity of goods in market, in general ties for transportation and free intercourse, there is little business, in the arts of finish and display; and all are deof it left, as applicable to this question. Cannot the Eng- pressed and oppressed to an equal scale. Sir, for one, lish manufacturer put his goods on board at as little ex- i fear our small and imperfectly collected ad valorem pense as the American? The difference of freight and duties cannot protect us against all this. insurance from Liverpool and from our manufactories, to But again: Suppose the duties on cotton and woollen the various markets in the United States, is but small, if goods particularly, of twenty, fifteen, ten, and five per any thing; and when the goods are on shore, and in mar-cent. after suitable deduction in collection, shall be actuket, commissions, risks, and credits, cooperage, advertis. ally added to the price of the imported article, over and ing, and all charges and facilities, are alike to both. The above what it would be without these duties, and over English manufacturer and merchant have, therefore, to all and above the exact intrinsic value, (if there is any way practical purposes, the same advantage and facilities as if to determine it,) compared with our own manufactures, they were joined to us, and a part of our own nation and and they are thus found in all our cities, and exhibited to country, except these duties, averaging, as we have be. all the various classes of purchasers that promiscuously fore seen, on cotton and woollen goods particularly, but throng our markets, and cater for the consumption of the one-half or two-thirds of even the twenty per cent., and country; cotton goods, ranging in all the possible grades that part liable to a very considerable reduction for imper- and shades of prices, from five to one hundred cents, and fect collections.
woollens from twenty to one thousand cents, with all the Now, let us sce the state of things which these duties varieties at the same prices; considering also the different must stand against, to afford us the protection expected qualities of their stock, the degrees of perfection of mafrom them. It is, I believe, a universally acknowledged nufacture, and their various style and finish, who can principle in business, that markets are gained and occu- judge of their intrinsic or even market value, within the pied, in a great measure, in proportion to the capital em. amount of the whole or a considerable portion of these ployed and bearing upon them; the effect heightened, duties? however, according to the depression of the capital and I understand the most experienced merchants and malabor, compared with those with which they compete. nufacturers seldom agree so near in opinion, and that the And we are all aware of the suffering depression of Eng- most accustomed inspectors, when deciding on the value lish labor of the vast superiority, in amount, of their ca. on which to assess the duty, are wont to differ to a greater pital employed in manufacturing, and its present unparal. amount than this, after a careful and deliberate inspecleled reduction in value, to a total loss and annihilation of tion and consideration. And when we add to this all those one-half or two-thirds of the original; and that capital in- varieties of color and hue, form and fashion, which give a vested in machinery, and unconvertible into any thing else, first impression, and combine in goods to give the saleamust and will be used, while there is any hope of profit, ble value, if not the real; and when we consider the yalet it be ever so smal).
riety of taste in first purchasers, and their reference to To realize our position, then, in this controversy, sup- that of those of their customers, and the various incidents pose England and all her colonies (as her opportunities of opportunity, convenience, and inclination, both of sellwith us will be much the same, as we have seen) actually ers and purchasers, that may be brought to bear on these lay contiguous alongside our shores, from New York infinite varieties, and effect the chance of sale, and, of either way, and the manufacturers of each had promis- course, consumption, your duties and their protection are cuous and free ingress and egress to and from each other, lost in the bustle; and the public, in more than one way, and no duties in the way, does any one doubt that the have lost the duties, and the American manufacturer has English capital would obtain a large portion of our mar- lost his market, or a large portion of it, and must retire ket? Nay, would it not sweep the whole of it, till our exhausted from the field. capital and our labor were pressed down as low as theirs? This state of things has been strikingly exemplified in Every one must see that there is here a balance of pres- the recent contest between the English and American sure against us, that must have a substantive effect in over- calico printers along the lines where the effect of our coming our protection from duties.
minimum protection begins to cease. For four or five But suppose, again, England thus alongside of us, and years the English manufacturer kept possession of a conpermitted to all the privileges of our markets, and we ex- siderable portion of our market, and contested the rest, cluded from theirs; we are thus, like one prohibited a fair inch by inch, with an article acknowledged intrinsically field, confined to an artificial mark, with one hand tied inferior to our own. A mere trifle would have turned behind him, and, with comparative youth and inexperi- the scale, and sometimes seemed to have done it. New ence, turned out by our Government, to fight and grap-recruits, of various forms and style, were brought in, and ple with overgrown and desperate capital and labor, sometimes one spot or point was gained or retaken, and thus free and unrestrained, let loose upon us. And this sometimes another; but, on the whole, the English prints one disadvantage, also, must have its effect to weaken seemed to be retiring, to wait the events of negotiations our feeble barrier of protection, and turn the scale or a favorable change of things. And, sir, if this bill against us.
passes, it will be the protocol by which, like the King of But, beside this, our duties, and they only, have also Holland, we shall be compelled, for the benefit of others, to withstand the different rates of interest in the two to give up the citadel. countries; the fluctuations of trade and prices; the charm! But, sir, there was one part of the question I had al