JAN. 29, 1833.] The Tariff Bill. [H. OF R. nution of our consumption of cotton fabrics, resulting from the diminished ability of our people to pay for them, and accompanied by a substitution of fabrics wrought from other domestic materials. It is obvious, therefore, that there must be a corresponding diminution of demand for the raw material, and that its present consumption in the United States would, to that extent, fail of being transferred to the cotton mills of Great Britain. the force of the objection thus raised by the cotton-plant- Great Britain the amount of their staple, previously ing States, I propose to give them free trade for a while, wrought in the cotton mills of the United States. This, and see how it will operate. however, is not altogether true. Break up our cotton The whole export of cotton from the United States manufacturing establishments, and there would be a dimiwas, in 1830, about 300,000,000 pounds. The amount consumed in the United States was about 75,000,000. Total 375,000,000. To meet the wishes of the South, suppose we break up our establishments, and transfer the whole of our present manufacture to Great Britain. The British manufacturers would then want an additional supply of cotton, to form fabrics of that article, equal in amount to those previously manufactured in the United States; that is, just the 75,000,000 pounds, and no more. So that success in this long contest for free trade would simply transfer to Great Britain, to give employment to her industry and capital, the 75,000,000 which had been previously consumed in the United States, for the benefit of our own. The consumption of cotton fabrics in the United States has been almost immeasurably increased since the introduction of their manufacture, because of the increased facilities of purchasing them with the products of our labor and our soil. Drive our people to the British manufacturers for the purchase of these as well as other fabrics, As free trade would thus add nothing to the present and what have they to pay with? What of the products amount of the sales of Southern cotton, so neither would of three-fourths of our country will Great Britain take in it enhance its price. The price of cotton, as of every exchange for them? The truth is, that the consumption, thing else, I need not say, is regulated by the relation as well as the price, of the great Southern staple is actu which may exist between the demand and supply-a dis-ally increased rather than diminished by a protecting tariff. proportionate demand raising the price, and a dispropor- In fact, sir, the general prosperity of the country, which tionate supply reducing it. Now, sir, would the transfer results from the protecting system, is emphatically the which I have supposed, increase the demand for raw cot- prosperity of the South. The augmented value which ton? Would the world, in consequence of it, want any that system gives to the industry of the East, the Middle, more cotton fabrics than before? Certainly not. And, on and the West, not only furnishes an increasing demand the other hand, would the supply of the raw material be for Southern staples, but also increases the demand of the thereby diminished? Would the cotton planters of India country for those foreign productions which may be puror Brazil, for example, diminish their culture of that ar- chased with them. Thus, the consumption of cotton in ticle, for the purpose of enabling our Southern cotton the United States has increased from 11,000,000 lbs. in planters to illustrate the advantages of free trade, by hay- 1816, to about 80,000,000 at the present time; and there ing an increased demand for their production, in the mar-has been, also, a constantly increasing demand at the ket of Great Britain, and of the world, so as to be enabled North for the flour, the corn, the rice, and the tobacco either to sell an increased quantity, or command an in- of the South; while the exportation of cotton has rapidly creased price? Certainly not. increased, and the aggregate importations been greatly augmented. The South complains that the price of cotton has greatly diminished under the operation of the protecting system. There is, Mr. Chairman, another benefit connected It has, indeed, diminished: but I deny that the diminution with the protecting system, which I cannot wholly omit has been produced by that system. It has resulted from to notice. It is its tendency to strengthen that bond of an increased production of cotton every where; a pro- our Union, which is formed in the free intercourse production that has outrun the consumption of the world. duced by reciprocal wants and mutual dependence; to It has greatly increased in Egypt, Brazil, and the East make us, in interest and in feeling, one people. Vain, and West Indies; and has been extended from the Atlan-sir, will be all efforts to sustain this Union, while those tic to the Southwestern States. Thus, in the United who have, under Providence, the control of its destinies, States, the cotton crop has increased from about ninety-disregard this great principle. Let us, then, aid its full two millions of pounds in 1816, to about three hundred development, by sustaining that system which enlarges and seventy-five millions in 1830. And this has been ac- the sphere of the national industry, multiplies the objects, companied by a probable corresponding increase of pro-and improves the channels of a free commercial interduction in other cotton-growing countries. Can South course, and thus deepens the sympathies, identifies the Carolina wonder that the price of her staple has sunk interests, and cements the union of this great people. under the pressure of such an accumulated production as this? And now, Mr. Chairman, may I be permitted to press upon those who complain so loudly of the oppressions of That the fluctuations in the price of cotton have not this system, the inquiry-how its abandonment, so sternly been produced by the protecting system, is rendered yet demanded, will furnish the desired relief? The people, more apparent, by a glance at the quantity compared sir, whom I represent, want light on this subject. They with the value of that staple exported from the United now believe, and I can assure gentlemen that silence will States in various years. Thus, 92,000,000 lbs. exported not shake that belief, that South Carolina must look to from the United States in 1818, were worth $31,000,000, other causes than the tariff, for the source of the evils of while 88,000,000 lbs. exported in the following year were which she complains. They believe that the depression worth but $21,000,000. So, in 1822, 144,000,000 lbs. in the price of her great staple is to be traced to causes were worth $24,000,000, while 173,000,000 lbs. in 1823, entirely disconnected with the protecting policy, And were worth only $20,000,000. So, also, in 1825, the they believe, what it is to be feared South Carolina has yet value of 176,000,000 lbs. was $36,000,000; whereas, in the to learn, that the wealth and prosperity of a community next year, 204,000,000 lbs. were worth but $25,000,000. mainly depend upon the proper cultivation of its soil; the Now, whence these fluctuations of price? No material habits of its people; their domestic economy; and, above variations of the tariff occurred during either of these all, upon the amount of their productive labor. And, sir, biennial periods. The great and sudden fluctuations could their highly cultivated fields, their comfortable dwellings, not, therefore, have resulted from tariff legislation. They their frugal habits, and their universal untiring industry, must be traced to other causes. exhibit a practical illustration of the correctness of their I have said, sir, that the effect of free trade upon our belief. They show their faith by their works. And can cotton planters would be to enable them to transfer to a people, who have long presented a perfect contrast to H. OF R.] The Tariff Bill. [JAN. 29, 1833. Now, sir, I do not undertake to determine the precise effect upon the price of wool, of any given reduction of duties upon it, or upon its manufactures. But let us look at its probable operation. Prices being regulated by the relation between demand and supply, it is obvious that a reduction in the demand for wool, the supply remaining the same, or an increase of its supply, the demand remaining the same, will alike reduce its value. all this, wonder that they, at length, find themselves in a provides for a reduction on wool costing over eight cents, state of decay, or even of impoverishment? To speak of about one-half the present duty, immediately; in one only of the state of industry at the South-what is it? It year two-thirds, and in two years four-fifths; and on has been asserted here that one-half of the able popula- woollens, costing over thirty-five cents, one-fourth immetion perform no labor, but are entirely dependent upon diately; in one year one-half, and in two years twothe labor of others. To put the case, however, beyond thirds, of the existing duty. the reach of all possible doubt, I will suppose the proportion to be one-third only. Now, to illustrate the effect of this, let me suppose that one-third of the able, and, of course, the laboring portion of the population of Vermont were transported to a barren rock, in the midst of the ocean; and that the remaining two-thirds were compelled to provide for them the necessaries, and even the luxuries of life, with the personal service necessary to ensure to them a complete exemption from the labor of taking care of themselves. Need I ask what would be Now, although the reduction of one-fourth the present the condition of Vermont under the operation of such an duty on woollens might not produce an immediate suspenexhausting process? And yet this is very far from pre- sion of the operations of our woollens establishments, it senting a perfect illustration of the evils of slavery; for must, necessarily, be followed by a material reduction in there would still be left the indomitable energies of a free the prices of wool, of labor, of provisions, &c. to enable people to struggle forward beneath the burden. No them to continue their operations. That the commencecomparison can fully illustrate the influence of slavery ment of the second year, however, when the duty will upon the condition of a community. be brought down to one-half its present amount, would But, sir, I will pursue this subject no further. I know find them overwhelmed with foreign importations, can adhow exceedingly irritating it is in certain quarters, and have, therefore, alluded to it with great reluctance. But its consideration is forced upon us, by the glowing descriptions which are constantly given of Southern impoverishment and distress, produced, as we are told, in no measured terms, by the oppressions" and "robberies" But the heaviest blow which this bill inflicts on the of the "tyrannical" and "abominable system of protec- wool-growing interest, is the immediate reduction of the tion. To shut our eyes, under such circumstances, to duty on wool; for, even if there were no reduction of one of the most prominent and efficient causes of South-duty on woollens, and the demand for wool should be unern depression, is as impossible for one portion of the diminished, the supply would be increased even to a glut country as it is suicidal in the other. mit of no doubt. It would be the signal for an attack of the main body of British manufacturers, with their redundant capital and pauper labor, before which our infant establishments, with their dependent interests, must inevitably be crushed. of the market, by the importations which must follow the And what is the remedy which South Carolina proposes reduction of duty. No one can doubt this, who will take for the evils under which she labors? Nothing less, sir, the trouble to recollect that, even under the present duty, than the entire prostration of the protecting system; the the importations of wool, in the year ending on the 30th sacrifice of millions in accomplishing the ruinous result; of September, 1831, amounted to 5,622,960 lbs. If such and the reduction of the labor of freemen to a level with an importation was made under a duty of not less than that of slaves. And, after all, who can say that this 75 per cent. need I ask what would follow an immediate will be an effectual remedy? Will it restore the worn abolition of one-half of that duty? out lands of Carolina? Will it add fifty per cent. to the amount of her productive labor? Will it blast and consume the cotton crops of Alabama, Tennessee, Mississippi, and Louisiana? or convert into deserts the fruitful cotton fields of Brazil, Egypt, and the Indies? Or will it take off the mighty incubus which sits, with sable visage and haggard form, upon the southern portion of our country? If it will not do all this, then I hazard nothing in saying that it will not reach the fountain of South Carolina's sufferings, and bring her the desired relief. Permit me, now, Mr. Chairman, to glance at the extent and suddenness of the change which this bill proposes; the grounds on which it is urged by the committee who reported it; the strength of the argument drawn from the present position of South Carolina; the consequences of yielding to it; and the certainty that yielding to it, by the passage of this bill, will not settle this vexed question. In regard to the first subject of inquiry, I will not trouble the committee with a minute examination of the details of the bill, which have been very fully gone into by gentlemen who have preceded me. The deep interest of my constituents in the production of wool must, however, be my apology for devoting a few moments to this branch of the subject. Now, sir, let me illustrate the probable effects of this The land required for their subsistence, esti- The annual product of wool, estimated at 24 5,000,000 1,500,000 To complete the account, there should be added the labor employed in rearing the flocks, and washing and clipping the wool, and transporting it to market, and the value of the land necessary to subsist the labor thus employed. Now, sir, contemplate, for a moment, the effects of an immediate reduction of even one-third in the present price of wool. That reduction would, in my district alone, amount to half a million of dollars on the crop of the approaching season. To a farmer owning one thousand sheep, it would be three hundred and thirty-three dolAnd, in the first place, it should be remembered that lars; while there would be a corresponding reduction in the act of the 14th of July last, to take effect on the 4th the value of his flock and his farm which would amount of March next, abolishes the duty on wool costing eight to an additional sum of one thousand seven hundred and cents, and under, and reduces from more than fifty to seventy-six dollars. And let it be remembered that this five per cent. the duty on woollens costing not more than thirty-five cents, and from 384 to 5 per cent. on coarse blankets. In addition to these reductions, the present bill farmer has been gradually enlarging his stock of sheep, perhaps suddenly by purchase, upon the assurance that there would be something like stability in our legislation. JAN. 29, 1833.] The Tariff Bill. [H. OF R. Perhaps he has added to his farm upon the same assu- "The peace with America has produced somewhat of rance, and, in the course of this operation, has become a similar effect; though I am very far from placing the indebted, with the expectation of an ability to pay from vast exports which it occasioned upon the same footing the produce of his flock-making his purchases of sheep with those to the European market the year before; both and land at prices regulated by the standard of existing because, ultimately, the Americans will pay, which the values. Now what will be his condition when he finds exhausted state of the continent renders very unlikely, that the magic of our legislation has, in effect, stripped and because it was well worth while to incur a loss upon him of one-third of his coming crop of wool, and reduced, the first exportations, in order, by the glut, to stifle in in the same proportion, the value of his flock and his the cradle those rising manufactures in the United States farm? His debts must be paid to the last farthing. Our which the war had forced into existence, contrary to the legislation cannot reach them. natural course of things.' The case I have supposed, while it may be literally the case of thousands, furnishes an illustration of the general effect of the contemplated change in the protecting system upon the relation of debtor and creditor throughout the community. The mass of existing debt must be discharged; and what will become of the debtors under the operation of such a material and sudden reduction of the means of payment? So much has been said, here and elsewhere, of the aristocratic manufacturing monopolies, that men have insensibly come to look at their prostration with a strange, unaccountable indifference, not reflecting that their operations have become so intertwined with the whole business of the community as materially to affect the value of land, of labor, and of all the productions of both. Sir, it is upon these interests, the interests of the farmers, the mechanics, and laborers, that you are about to let in the broad and desolating flood. Mr. Chairman, what took place on the continent of Europe in 1814, and in this country in 1815, will, as surely as like causes produce like effects, befall us in 1834 if this bill becomes a law. It will result not only from the natural operations of trade, but from the systematic policy of our great rival, which is ever intent on "stifling" the manufactures of the United States, whose existence and prosperity it regards as "contrary to the natural course of things." Yes, sir, in the eye of a British statesman, and, may I not add, in the eyes of some of our own, the "natural course of things" is, that British industry shall supply our wants, rather than that we should cherish our own industry to supply them ourselves. Shall we, sir, by our legislation, aid that policy which thus augments the industry, the wealth, the population, and the power of the "fast anchored isle?" or shall we cherish and build up the system which puts in motion the capital, and enterprise, and ingenuity, and industry of But it is said that excessive importations will not follow our own country, and thus increases its wealth, advances a reduction of the tariff; that combinations of foreign its population, and renders solid and permanent the founcapitalists cannot be formed to flood our markets at a sa-dations of its prosperity and its power? crifice, for the purpose of prostrating our manufactures. There is, Mr. Chairman, one general feature of this There is, sir, no necessity for supposing the existence of bill, to which I beg permission to devote a few moments' combinations to produce such a result. It will as neces- attention. The claim of the nullifiers, as embodied in the sarily follow a withdrawal of protection as would the in- South Carolina address to the people of the United States, undation of Holland, the prostration of her dikes. The is, that duties shall be made equal on all articles, as well redundant capital and labor of Great Britain are perpetu- those which need as those which do not need protection. ally struggling to find a market for their productions, the It is hardly necessary for me to say that the raising of a sale of a portion of which, even at cost, is an important revenue not exceeding fifteen million dollars, upon such object, because it prevents that surplus in the home mar- an apportionment of duties, will involve a surrender of ket which reduces the value of the whole stock. Shall the protecting system. And does not the bill on your we not learn wisdom from experience? What followed table, in its obvious disregard of the discrimination which the diminished protection produced by the peace of 1815? is vital to that system, evidently point to such a result? Let the overwhelming influx of foreign goods, and the Permit me to examine it, for a moment, in connexion with sacrifices, the bankruptcies, and the wide-spread desola- the report of the Secretary of the Treasury, and the Comtions of the few following years, answer. The imports of mittee of Ways and Means, to whose joint labors it obvi1815 amounted to one hundred and thirty-three millions ously owes its existence. of dollars; the exports were but little over fifty millions The Secretary says, in the first place, that "it is not to of dollars. Further evidence of the excessive importations be concealed, that a permanent system of high protectmay be found in the fact that the receipts from customs, in the years 1816-'17, were about sixty-two millions of dollars. Similar effects followed the peace of Europe, in 1814, in the excessive exports of British manufactures to the continent. A description of them may be found in a speech of Lord Brougham in the British Parliament, from which I beg permission to read a short extract. ing duties directly tends to build up favored classes, ultimately prejudicial to the State." "Favored classes!" Let me stop to look at this a moment. Who constitute the favored classes, the building up of which fills the mind of the Secretary with such alarm for the safety of the State? Sir, they are, in truth, the farmers, the mechanics, and the laborers-the men by whom, and for whom, this Government was made. The system of protec"After the cramped state in which the enemy's mea- tion builds them up, and, therefore, the State is in danger! sures and our own retaliation (as we termed it) had kept The Secretary proceeds: "Little doubt is entertained our trade for some years, when the events of the spring, that, in a tariff framed on proper principles, the reduction 1814, suddenly opened the continent, a rage for export- of six millions, now recommended, may, for the most part, ing goods of every kind burst forth, only to be equalled be made upon those commonly denominated protected (though not in extent) by some of the commercial delu- articles, without prejudice to the reasonable claims of exsions connected with South American speculations. Every isting establishments." Now, let us see what are regarded thing that could be shipped was sent off; all the capital as the reasonable claims of existing establishments." that could be laid hold of was embarked: the frenzy-The bill, which, the House has been told, embraces the I can call it nothing else, after the experience of 1806 Secretary's project of a tariff" framed on proper prinand 1810-descending to persons in the remotest circum-ciples," provides for the following, among other reducstances, and the farthest removed, by their pursuits, from tions of duties, within two years, viz. wool, from more commercial cares." than 75 per cent. to 15; woollens, from 55 per cent. to After describing the reaction, and general distress 20; woollen twist and yarn, from 25 to 15; cottons from 484 which followed, Mr. Brougham adds: to 20; and cotton yarn and thread from 574 to 10. H. OF R.] this bill. Now, sir, if, in reference to the great and vital interests tinction? Can those who are connected with those inteof wool, woollens, and cottons, these reductions consti- rests be deceived by a discrimination in their favor, at the tute the measure of their "reasonable claims" to protec- expense of some of the most important interests embraced tion, I should like to know by what rule the reasonable in the protecting system? If the citadel is carried, do they claims of certain other interests are so estimated as to expect that their positions will be secure from assault? It keep permanent duties of 28 per cent. on hammered iron; must be a very delusive idea of security, which shall in35 on pig iron; 76 on rolled; 93 on sheet and hoop iron;duce the iron interest, for example, to sit quietly by, and 62 on nails; 72 on spikes; 48 on anchors; and 37 on cast- see the Government going back sixteen years in one, in the ings; protected, as most of these articles are, to no incon- protection of woollens, and more than sixteen years in siderable extent, by the heavy freight on their importa- thirty days, in that of cottons, while iron is kept up to tion. And why, I may add, is a duty retained upon about double the duty of 1816, under the pretence that it sugar, of 46 per cent., tobacco 33, and coal 47? As the is essential to our independence in time of war. The Secretary's report throws no light on these inquiries, let policy which now strikes a fatal blow at the leading inteus see if we can find any in the report which accompanies rests to which I have adverted, will spare no interest when it can be successfully assailed. The bill before us The committee say that they have "arranged the duties brings down wool, woollens, and cottons, to a standard of at rates of from 10 to 20 per cent.," with certain excep-mere revenue, utterly regardless of the great principle of tions, founded upon the necessary protection of articles discrimination, which is vital to the protecting system. "essential to independence in time of war." On looking" Duties for revenue and not for protection," is inscribed over the bill, I find these exceptions to embrace fifty-two in broad characters upon its front. The work of ruin is articles, which range from 23 to 111 per cent.; among thus commenced; and if the principles of this bill are to the most prominent of which are those I have just enu- be carried out, there is not a protected interest in the merated. Now I should be glad to be informed how it is country which will not be finally doomed to destruction. that tobacco, sugar, paper-hangings, coal, boots, nails, Can the friends of the protecting system on this floor shut mill-cranks, and castings, to mention no other articles, their eyes to the danger which thus threatens it? are necessary to independence in time of war, while cot- But, sir, if we are not awake to the danger, the people ton and woollen cloths are unnecessary. Is not clothing will be roused, when they feel the effects of our legisla as necessary to an army as sugar and tobacco? or even as tion. I do not say they will rebel. No, sir. But let me tell lead and iron? But it seems to me to be taking a very you what they will do. They will go to the ballot boxes, limited view of the subject, even to confine the essentials and there tell us, in language not to be misunderstood, of independence to munitions of war, and the clothing of that their interests shall be protected. We may break Must not the country be clothed as well as the down the barriers, and let in the flood. Millions may be army? But the national independence, of which the sacrificed, and thousands ruined. But the people cannot, committee speak, necessarily takes a still broader range, I trust, be permanently blinded to their true interests; comprehending the ability of the country to pay the and if their power in this Government is to be any thing taxes, and sustain the general shock of war. And, in the more than a name, those interests shall yet receive an ampresent state of the world, nothing can lay a solid founda-ple and permanent protection. an army. tion for this independence but the protecting system. And now, Mr. Chairman, permit me to ask, and to May I not even ask Carolina, whether it is not necessary press the inquiry, what reasons exist for the great and to her independence in time of war? Where, in case of sudden change of policy which this bill contemplates? a war with Great Britain, for example, is she sure of find- Surely, sir, we cannot take this step without reasons the ing a market for her cotton? The enemy might, indeed, most urgent. Do they exist? What are they? Has the for her own special benefit, furnish such market. But protecting system we have so long cherished, brought us so she might not furnish it. And where then would be the near the verge of national ruin, that we should thus precipicotton of Carolina? She would have no home market, tate its destruction? Where are the evidences of general for she would, if she could, effectually destroy it by break-distress? Rather may I not ask, where are not the eviing down all the manufactures of her staple production.dences of general prosperity-a prosperity unexampled The committee say, further, that, for the purpose of in-the history of this, or any other country? Sir, this benefiting "some branches of industry," some of the raw change should not be made without reasons, so strong, materials are admitted at a low duty. Benefiting some and so deeply fastened in the convictions of the people, branches of industry! What regard for the industry of as to find utterance here, through their primary assemblies. the country is manifested, by reducing the duty on wool And have they thus spoken to us? Have even their reto 15 per cent.? True, it may save the woollen manufac- presentatives risen up in their places here, and undertories from immediate destruction. But where, in the taken to speak for them? Whose voice has been heard mean time, are the wool growers? Are not the twenty in an attempt to convince us that the protecting policy millions of sheep, and their annual product of fifty mil- ought to be abandoned? Sir, it would seem that we are lions of pounds of wool, regarded as of sufficient import- no longer to be reasoned with on this subject. But one ance to be set down in connexion with " some branch of of the States of this Union, while her representatives on industry?" this floor are silent, as if by instruction, places herself And here, sir, let me ask why the committee have im- upon her "reserved rights;" and, instead of saying to us posed a tax of 17 or 18 per cent. on tea, which we have-you ought not to execute your protecting laws, says, in the authority of the President, in his annual message of a tone of proud and insulting defiance-you shall not!! 1829, for saying is "an article of necessity to all classes," The question, then, and the only question for us to deand which needs no protection, while they have brought cide, is-shall we yield to this argument? down to a duty of 15 per cent. wool, which does not need It has been said, sir, that the Committee of Ways and it. Why, I ask, in the name of the wool growers every Means, in reporting this bill, "took counsel of their where, and especially in my own State, why was not this fears." In repelling this charge, I was glad to hear the tea duty transferred to wool, where it might have the honorable chairman of that committee do justice to the effect of saving millions of sheep from the knife, and courage which dares to do right, at the hazard of incurthousands of farmers from ruin? The whole amount of ring the imputation of cowardice. Sir, I am far from bethat duty, added to wool and woollens, would still leave lieving that the committee yielded to any thing allied to them with less protection than this bill provides for iron, personal fear. There is a just fear, a fear of inflicting and sugar, and many other articles. And why this dis-injury on the country; and there is, too, a just pride, JAN. 29, 1833.] The Tariff Bill. [H. of R. which, I think, the honorable chairman of the committee But she has said she will secede, declare herself indeshould have substituted for the "false pride" which he pendent, and form a new Government. And suppose she imputed to those who refuse to act under the influence of does. Shall we then make war upon her? I answer, menace. The "fear" of the committee, and the "pride" unhesitatingly, No. But what shall we do? Why, sir, of others, I am willing to believe, amount to the same while South Carolina is forming a Government, we shall thing, and resolve themselves at last into the question-be collecting our revenue. But will South Carolina acwhat is, on the whole, best for the country now, and in tually rush upon the alternative of throwing off her alleall time? This is the question for us to determine. Nei-giance, and putting forth a declaration of independence? ther personal pride, nor party pride, nor party purposes, Independence! Has she weighed the import of that should have any thing to do with it. This is the time to word? Sir, it is one thing to make the threat, but a try our principles, to throw off the shackles of party, to very different thing to execute it; one thing to dream of cease from man worship, to look deliberately over the leaping from the precipice, but quite another to plunge, broad face of our country, with a just regard to the inte- with open eyes, into the fathomless abyss. rests of the whole and of every part, and with a deliberate view of all the consequences, near and remote, of our legislation. Sir, the But, if she shall be mad enough to do it, what then? Why, the people of South Carolina will then begin to understand what independence means. They will then I must, Mr. Chairman, be permitted to express my re- come to feel its benefits. The forbidden fruit, now fair gret that the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. WILDE] has, to look upon, will have been tasted; and the eyes of that on this occasion, thought proper to invoke the spirit of people will be opened; I need not finish the compariparty. After a significant appeal to the friends of "a son. South Carolina has been deceived-deluded: and, certain distinguished individual" in the State of New York, perhaps, there is no other way to dispel that delusion to yield their support to this bill, he told them that "the than to let her grasp the object of her pursuit. question must be settled now, lest the power of settling delusion must be, will be dispelled. The bare majority it be placed in other hands." Sir, I say, unhesitatingly, which now rules the State with a rod of iron, cannot reI care not who settles this question, provided it be settled tain its power. Her Government will be placed in other right. And if I am asked who I believe will be most hands; and South Carolina will come back to the fold likely thus to settle it, I answer, the people. I protest again. But it is hardly necessary for me to say that, to against committing this patient to the charge of political secure this result, your measures, and their execution, doctors. Let it have the fostering care of its natural pa-must be marked with a mild, prudent, steady, unflinchrents, and it will be reared up to maturity in sound and ing firmness. Sir, decide without wavering. Go steadihealthy proportions. Give it up to the doctors, and if it ly and fearlessly forward, and leave the event, where you survives their experiments, it will do it only to linger out should leave every thing, in the hands of Him "whose a miserable, rickety existence. For one, I am opposed path is the great waters, and whose footsteps are not to political tariffs. If the great interests involved in the known." protecting system are to be made the mere sport of party, then shall I despair of its permanency. But, sir, I believe that, if we will permit the people to have a voice in this matter, they will settle it right. In their decision I will cheerfully acquiesce. They have reared up the protective system; and whenever they determine to give it up, and go back to their former state of dependence, then, and not till then, will I consent to its abandonment. But I am asked, do you support this administration? How, says the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. WILDE,] will these new allies look at each other when they suddenly find themselves in fraternal embrace? Mr. Chairman, I have opposed the administration of Andrew Jackson; and the world knows the ground of that opposition. I now support it in the doctrines it avows, and the measures it recommends, with regard to But, Mr. Chairman, suppose we do not pass this bill-South Carolina; and the world shall know the grounds of what then? Why, I am told we shall have a civil war, that support. My opposition and my support are both and a dissolution of the Union. Sir, I do not anticipate founded on the same general principles. The leading either of these consequences. By this I would not be measures which I have opposed, I believed, and still beunderstood to say that there may not be resistance to our lieve, were, and are insidiously undermining the constilaws, or that a single State may not secede. But I mean, tution. But against the very pillars of that constitution that there will be no general war, nor any breaking up of has South Carolina blindly placed her hands, and threatthis Union. Suppose a State should try the experiment ened its utter prostration. And when the Chief Magisof secession. The entire Union is not thereby dissolved. trate asks my feeble aid to save the constitution, thus The bond which holds the other twenty-three States to assailed, he shall have it. I am not at liberty to refuse it. gether, would not be severed-nor even weakened, ex-I will not refuse it. I go, sir, for the constitution. The cept so far as the example of a single State might encou- gentleman from Georgia taunts us with "giving in our rage others to rebellion. adhesion," as though there could be no support given to I know the idea has been industriously propagated, a measure of the administration, without going over to it, that we are about to make war upon South Carolina. And body and soul. I beg permission to assure the gentleman it is thus that the war spirit in that State has been blown that I can give in no such adhesion to any administration. into a flame. But, sir, who thinks of making war upon The "right or wrong" maxim I can apply to nothing but South Carolina? Certainly not the United States. We my country. have passed certain revenue laws, which extend to South But, Mr. Chairman, we are told that the whole South Carolina, in common with all the other States of the will be united with Carolina in the resistance which she Union. Instead of making war upon that State, we shall threatens. Sir, I do not believe it. There is too much calmly set about devising the means of collecting the re-sound sense and patriotic feeling to permit it. If, indeed, venue. And in doing this, we shall go forward, with the the people of the South could become converts to the decision, and moderation, and firmness of conscious opinions of the gentleman from Georgia, they might restrength and justice; so providing for the enforcement of sist. If they could see the analogy which he sees, our laws, as to collect the revenue beyond the reach of between the measures of which Carolina complains, and any force, but such as shall assume an attitude of direct the grinding oppressions which produced our declaration and active hostility. Will South Carolina assume such an of independence, they might resist, even to blood. But, attitude? Will she attack us in our defences? Will she sir, I must be permitted to think better of their intelliattempt to drive us from our fortifications, or grapple with gence. Who, among them, would not be utterly conour naval power? Let her try it! Sir, let her try it!! founded, in an attempt soberly to draw up a declaration of |