Imagens das páginas
PDF
ePub

H. OF R.]

The Tariff Bill.

[JAN. 29, 1833.

Southern independence, with a recital, in substance, of nearly fifty protected articles, which enter more or less the causes set forth in the preamble to the declaration into the consumption of the South, evince no disposition of 1776? to listen to its complaints?

But let us consider, a little more particularly, the probabilities of a Southern Union to resist the laws and overturn the Government.

It is true that law did not surrender the principle of protection. But is Virginia prepared to demand that surrender at the point of the bayonet? Impossible! She I am not aware that any one has ever undertaken to cannot become so infatuated as to forget the origin and place the right of secession, or nullification, upon slighter history of the protective policy. She cannot, if she ground than that of a "deliberate, palpable, and danger- would, obliterate from the records of that history the votes ous violation of the constitution;" not an infraction which and opinions of her most distinguished statesmen. I will is to be proved by hair-splitting, but one that is delibe- not repeat the abundant evidence which has been brought rate, palpable, and dangerous. Now, sir, what is the forward on this point. But I will ask the indulgence of pretended violation of the constitution in the present the committee while I advert to one piece of testimony, case? The exercise of a power to regulate commerce, which has not, I believe, been alluded to in this discusso as to give encouragement and protection to domestic sion. On the 7th of June, 1809, the following resoluindustry; a power which, as I have before observed, was tion was adopted by the House of Representatives of the distinctly claimed and exercised by the first Congress, United States: and which has received the explicit sanction of every "Resolved, That the Secretary of the Treasury be diPresident, and of almost every Congress, from that time rected to prepare and report to this House, at their next to this; a power, whose existence has not, in fact, been session, a plan for the application of such means as are so much as questioned until within the last ten years. within the power of Congress, for the purpose of proSuch is the power whose exercise is now to be treated as tecting and fostering the manufactures of the United a violation of the constitution, so palpable and dangerous States; together with a statement of the several manufacas to justify nullification and secession; in fact, revolu- turing establishments which have been commenced; the tion. What a severe reproach is this upon the illustrious progress which has been made in them, and the success men who passed from the convention, that formed the with which they have been attended; and such other inconstitution, into the first Congress; upon all our chief formation as, in the opinion of the Secretary, may be magistrates, and upon the whole country, including its material in exhibiting a general view of the manufactures most distinguished statesmen, of every political faith. It of the United States." is against this overwhelming current of authority that South Carolina stands up, buckles on her armor, and calls upon the whole South to sustain her! Will she, can she, be sustained?

Upon this resolution for "protecting and fostering the manufactures of the United States," the votes of the four Southern Atlantic States, in this body, stood as follows: Virginia, yeas 12, nay 9; North Carolina, yeas 8, nays 3; South Carolina, yeas 6, nay 1; Georgia, yea 1, nays 3. Total, yeas 27, nays 16.

But there will, we are told, be a strong sympathy in the cause of South Carolina, oppressed South Carolina. How is that sympathy to be excited? By what means is This resolution, I need hardly say, is in perfect accordthe flame, which has been kindled in that State, to be ance with the general current of public opinion at the spread throughout the Southern section of the Union? Is South during the first thirty years of this Government; it expected that the theory that exports pay the duties, is with the recommendation of "protecting duties and proto bewilder the whole South, as it has a majority of the hibitions," by Mr. Jefferson; and the subsequent recompeople in Carolina? Sir, this delusion has had its day,mendation of manufactures by Mr. Madison, to "the and met with the fate of thousands which have gone be- prompt and constant guardianship of Congress;" and let fore it. It has, indeed, done its work in South Carolina; me add, has been, since, most fully and unequivocally but that it is capable of so perverting the judgment, and sustained by a distinguished son of South Carolina, who exciting the passions of the great mass of the Southern is, at this moment, pressing opposition to the protecting population, as to bring them up to the point of revolu-system, to the fearful alternative of its total abandonment, tion, I am not prepared to believe.

or a dissolution of the Union. Permit me, sir, to trouble the committee with a few extracts from his recorded opinions on this subject. In his speech on the tariff bill of 1816, Mr. Calhoun said:

If, sir, we will dismiss unmanly apprehension, and look at this subject coolly, I think we shall be slow in coming to the conclusion to which some alarmists would carry us. By what process, let me ask, are the Southern States to "What is more necessary to the defence of a country arrive at the fatal point of dissolving this Union? By than its currency and finance? Circumstanced as our none, certainly, which will not include the agency of country is, can these stand the shock of war? Behold State conventions. Now, let me suppose a convention the effect of the late war on them. When our manufacto be called, for example, in Virginia. I am not at liber-tures are grown to a certain perfection, as they soon will, ty to suppose that it will come to the resolution of seced-under the fostering care of Government, we will no longer ing, without ample discussion and patient deliberation. experience these evils. The farmer will find a ready And how may we suppose the friends of Union would market for his surplus produce; and, what is almost of meet the proposition to unite with South Carolina in re-equal consequence, a certain and cheap supply of all his sisting the laws and dissolving the Union? Would they wants."

*

*

*

*

not press, with irresistible force, the fact, that South Ca- "To this distressing state of things there are two rerolina had unnecessarily precipitated this crisis? that she medies, and only two; one in our power, immediately, had assumed an attitude of armed resistance at the mothe other requiring much time and exertion, but both ment of relief from a considerable portion of her alleged constituting, in his opinion, the essential policy of this burdens? Sir, do you believe that Virginia is going to country; he meant the navy and domestic manufactures. join in rebellion at the moment of experiencing the bene- By the former, we could open the way to our markets; fits of the law of last July, which abolishes the minimum by the latter, we bring them from beyond the ocean, and valuation of woollens, of which she has complained, and naturalize them in our own soil." admits nearly the entire consumption of her negro population almost free of duty? Did the law which, besides embracing these provisions, made large reductions* ón

Averaging about 50 per cent.

"Manufactures produce an interest strictly American, as much so as agriculture. In this it had the decided advantage of commerce and navigation; and the country will, from it, derive much advantage. It is calculated to bind together more closely our widely spread republic.

[blocks in formation]

It will greatly increase our mutual dependence and intercourse, and will, as a necessary consequence, excite an increased attention to internal improvement, a subject every way so intimately connected with the ultimate attainment of national strength, and the perfection of our political institutions. He regarded the fact that it would make the parts adhere more closely, and that it would form a new and most powerful cement, as far outweigh ing any political objections that might be urged against the system."

[H. OF R.

may well make the stoutest hearts tremble? Is the power of our arms the only power to be feared?

But, sir, there are other reasons why this Union will not be dissolved. There is, after all, every where, a deep and pervading conviction of its inestimable value. There may be moments of madness, indeed, when this conviction may almost cease to exert its power. The surface of the waters may be, for a while, disturbed by the tempests of passion. But the fountains of the great deep are not so easily broken up. There exists beneath the "In regard to the question how far manufactures ought troubled surface a strong and steady current of patriotic to be fostered, Mr. C. said that it was the duty of this feeling-of attachment to the Union: an attachment country, as a means of defence, to encourage the domes- strengthened by a recollection of common dangers and tic industry of the country; more especially that part of sufferings, and a conscious enjoyment of common blessit which provides the necessary materials for clothing and ings, too precious to be lightly put at hazard. I do not, defence. The question relating to manufac-for I need not dwell upon the power of this Governtures must not depend on the abstract principle that in- ment to overcome resistance to its laws. That power dustry, left to pursue its own course, will find, in its own exists. It can, and must, and will be exerted, in the last interest, all the encouragement that is necessary." resort. Its existence or its capacity need not, however,

*

I might multiply extracts of the same import, but I for-be vaunted in this argument. But there is a moral power bear. Suffer me, however, to advert for a moment to in the sound intelligence and sober judgment of this great the opinions of another distinguished statesman of South community, which is more formidable than an armly with Carolina, now on this floor, in regard to the right of banners. It finds no place, indeed, in the battle field, nullification. They are embraced in a series of numbers amid the strife of arms, and the fiercer strife of human published in 1821, and accompanied by the explicit re- passions. But it enters the abodes of peace. Its whiscommendation of another distinguished individual, who pers are heard upon the midnight pillow. It penetrates is now President of the nullifying convention. I will the secret chambers of the soul. It takes hold of the condetain the committee with but two or three extracts: science--moulds the judgment--subdues the heart. And may we not hope that Carolina, even Carolina, will yet be redeemed, regenerated, and disenthralled, by its resistless power?

"The General Government is truly the Government of the whole people, as a State Government is of a part of the people. Its constitution, in the language of its preamble, was ordained and established by the people of the United States.

[ocr errors]

A few words, Mr. Chairman, upon the consequences of yielding to the menaces of South Carolina.

In the first place, sir, it is surrendering the protecting system; and this, not altogether by the reductions of duties for which this bill provides, but by the power which the act of submission gives to nullification to control all future legislation on this subject.

"A man who will contend that our Government is a confederacy of independent States, whose independent sovereignty was never, in any degree, renounced, and that it may be controlled or annulled at the will of the several independent States or sovereignties, can scarcely be regarded as belonging to the present generation. The But the protecting system is not the only sacrifice. We several independent sovereign States control the General yield something of more value than the tariff. We, in Government! This is anarchy itself." effect, sanction a principle, whose inevitable tendency "The States, as political bodies, have no original inhe-is to work an entire change in the character of this Gorent rights. That they have such rights, is a false, dan-vernment, to subvert its very foundations, and prostrate gerous, and anti-republican assumption, which lurks at it at the feet of unlimited State sovereignty. I will not, the bottom of all the reasoning in favor of State rights." on this occasion, and especially at this late hour, detain "If, after the National Judiciary have solemnly affirmed the committee with an attempt to go over the broad field the constitutionality of a law, it is still to be resisted by of discussion which this subject presents. But with your the State rulers, the constitution is, literally, at an end; permission, sir, I will suggest, very briefly, one or two a revolution of the Government is already accomplished; views connected with it. and anarchy waves its horrid sceptre over the broken The great principle which lies at the foundation of all altars of this happy Union." our political institutions is, that the people are sovereign Now, Mr. Chairman, permit me to return to the sup---that is, that they possess, individually, the right of selfposed Virginia convention, and ask if it be possible that government. Now, it is contended that the constitution it can breast this current of Southern acts and Southern of the United States is the creature of this original, indi. opinions, and solemnly decide that the laws shall be re-vidual sovereignty, and not of State sovereignty. What, sisted, and the Union dissolved, upon the assumption that sir, is State sovereignty? It consists, essentially, in the a protecting tariff is palpably unconstitutional. Sir, the right of a community, associated for the purposes of gothing is impossible. Justice, honor, consistency--all for- vernment, to make laws which shall bind every member bid it. Should Virginia do it, the very marble which of that community. This right has no existence, antecebears the images of her illustrious dead, would break dently to the act of association. It is a corporate right, forth in indignant rebuke of her madness. Such mad-derived through, and entirely dependent upon, the conness, I know, exists in Virginia as well as Carolina. But stitution. Without the existence of such constitution, in that it can ever take possession of a majority of her states- some form, there can, indeed, be no such thing as a State, men, or her people, I will not admit to be possible. or State sovereignty; and no act can be regarded as emaBut suppose I am mistaken; and that Virginia, disre-nating from that source, which is not done under, or in garding the opinions of those she has been accustomed virtue of such constitution.

to reverence, and reckless of her own consistency, Now, no State constitution conferred, either on the should seem ready to take the fatal step. Is there no Government, or the people of any State, the right of orother obstacle? Are there not peculiar hazards to be en-daining and establishing the constitution of the United countered in Virginia, as well as in all the South, which States. The act of doing this was, from its nature, an

[blocks in formation]

act of primary sovereignty--the same as that by which the people originally formed the State constitutions, and constituted the State sovereignties. Instead of being

H. OF R.]

The Tariff Bill.

[JAN. 29, 1833.

done under the State constitutions, it was in defiance of exercise of its appropriate functions, decide upon the vathem; being a resumption, by the people, of a portion of the powers which, in virtue of those constitutions, had entered into, and made part of the State sovereignties. It was, therefore, in the highest sense, the act of "the people." And in performing it, moreover, the minority were not, as in the case of an act done for State purposes, in pursuance of a State constitution, necessarily bound by the decision of the majority. There was no existing obligation to that effect. In reference to this investment of power, their assent--the basis of free Governmenthad been neither expressed in the State constitutions, nor implied in their acquiescence in them, because those constitutions contemplated no such investment.

lidity of the questioned enactment, then must it, of necessity, stand as law, until they decide that it exceeds the powers conferred by them. Such tribunal, however, they have provided. The constitution vests "the judicial power of the United States in one Supreme Court, and in such inferior courts as Congress may, from time to time, ordain and establish." Now is it not an essential attribute of judicial power, that its decisions are final, and conclusive to the full extent of its jurisdiction? Does it not cease to be a judicial power the moment it ceases to possess the right of determining and settling what the law is? Is it credible that, if the framers of the constitution had intended that this ordinary judicial prerogative should be restricted, they would not have perceived the necessity of expressly imposing such restriction? Having failed to do this, by what authority can we define judicial power to mean one thing in the constitution of the United States, and another and a very different thing in the State constitutions?

Looking, then, at the origin, only, of the constitution of the United States, it would seem to be, in the highest sense, a popular Government, and not a league of sovereign States. But the correctness of this position, it seems to me, is rendered still more apparent, by a reference to the nature of the powers conferred by that constitution. The "people of the United States," by Such, then, being the nature of the judicial power in that instrument, vested legislative power in a Senate and question, and the constitution having provided that it House of Representatives; executive power in a Presi-"shall extend to all cases in law and equity, arising dent; and judicial power in a Supreme Court. Now, do under the constitution, the laws of the United States, not these powers appropriately, and exclusively, belong and treaties made under their authority," the question to any Government, in the popular acceptation of that arises-does the same constitution either confer upon, term? Who ever heard of a league between sovereign or admit to exist in, every State in the Union, the same States, which made provision for the exercise of such power? If it does, then are we involved in the absurdity powers in such terms? The constitution is, moreover, of having cotemporaneous and authoritative decisions of in respect to the distribution of these powers, and the a precisely opposite character; and which, instead of terms in which they are described, in precise analogy sustaining, or nullifying the law, would only nullify each to the State constitutions; and, to the extent of the ob- other. jects in regard to which it is provided they shall be exercised, are of precisely the same nature, and bear to each other the same relation.

The truth is, the judiciary is, in this Government, what it is in State Governments-a constituent branch of the supreme power. There may be a league, but there can be no Government, acting as does this, upon individuals, without it, existing either in a separate department, or united with some other. If, then, a State may nullify the laws, it may nullify the decisions of the judiciary upon them, and, by necessary consequence, the judiciary itself

Without examining further the question whether these powers were conferred by the people in their original Sovereign capacity, or by the States, it is sufficient to say, that if the constitution, which provides for their exercise, has any binding force, and the grant of them any intelligible meaning, they must, of necessity, be supreme. The and, of course, the Government. The supreme power, constitution expressly provides that "this constitution, instead of being in the United States, will be in each and and the laws made in pursuance thereof, shall be the su- every one of the twenty-four States; while the nullifying preme law of the land, any thing in the laws of any State ordinance of a single State will become the "supreme to the contrary notwithstanding." To maintain that the law of the land," instead of the constitution of the Unitlaws of the United States are supreme, the laws of any ed States, and the laws enacted by its Legislature, and State to the contrary notwithstanding, and yet that they expounded by its judiciary. If this is not what I have may be controlled and nullified by "any State," is a pal-asserted nullification to be, a subversion of the Governpable absurdity. They are, in fact, supreme, the laws of ment, then has revolution no meaning and no power. all the States to the contrary notwithstanding. The con- Mr. Chairman, will you sanction a doctrine fraught current enactments of every Legislature in the Union cannot make them void. The power that made them can alone unmake them.

It is assumed, however, that certain pretended laws are not laws, because not made in pursuance of the constitution; and that, therefore, a State may declare them void and resist them. But who is to give to that assumption the force of authority? In other words, how is it to be rendered legally or constitutionally certain that what is assumed to be true is true? Until that certainty is produced, it remains a mere assumption, to which no more importance is to be attached, when made by a State, than when made by an individual. Whose decision, then, is to give authoritative certainty to the assumption? Obviously, the right to make such decision can exist-except upon the ground of revolution-nowhere but with the power, wherever it be, which gave existence to the constitution. The supremacy of the laws made under it, would be but a mere shadow, if either a single individual or a single State possessed the right to deny their authority, and obstruct their execution. If "the people of the United States," who ordained and established the constitution, had provided no tribunal which could, in the

with such consequences? Better, far better, yield to the power of an ordinary insurrection. In that case, indeed, you submit to force; but in this, you add to that submission the sanction of a principle which will, henceforth, form a fixed rallying point for revolutionary efforts. You, in fact, legalize rebellion, under the deceptive and dangerous guise of State authority, and incorporate in your very constitution the absurd and impracticable principle that a minority shall govern.

Such, sir, must be the consequences of the passage of this bill, or of any bill, under circumstances which will compel the judgment of the world to pronounce it an act of submission to South Carolina. If the protecting policy is, indeed, wrong, abandon it. If your laws are so framed as to make its operations unequal, alter them. If your revenue must be reduced, reduce it. And if that reduction must necessarily impair protection, impair it. But yield to no nullifying threats, unless you intend to arm nullification with tenfold energy; unless you are prepared to change the whole structure and action of this Government, to see it divested of its moral power, and become the scorn and derision of the world. │

But, Mr. Chairman, will our yielding to the menace of

JAN. 30, 1833.]

New York Convention Memorial.—The Tariff Bill.

[H. of R.

South Carolina, and passing this bill, settle this vexed cut, [Mr. HUNTINGTON,] to strike the whole duties on tea question. We may, indeed, procure by it a temporary and coffee from the bill, he regarded as testing the prepeace. South Carolina will, of course, be quiet, if we servation of the protective policy--a question of the yield to her demands. But is this such an adjustment of utmost consequence, on which, notwithstanding the inthe question of protection as will permanently satisfy the firm state of his health, he should feel bound to offer great body of the people of the United States? Gentle-some suggestions.

Mr. BATES then moved that the committee rise, which was carried: Yeas 64, nays 60.

men talk of the passage of this bill as a compromise, The question was then stated, on the motion of Mr. which is to settle the question and give quiet to the coun- VERPLANCK, to strike out ten cents per pound or green try. Now, sir, who ever heard of a compromise when teas, five on Souchong and other black, and three on Boone of the parties was mute? And what do we hear from hea, and insert five cents on green teas, three on SouSouth Carolina? Who has spoken for her on this floor? chong and other black, and one and a half on Bohea; Who of her delegation here has condescended to tell us which was agreed to without a division. that this bill will satisfy her?-that she will not, in fact, make its passage the occasion of urging demands of a still more humiliating character? She nullifies our laws; arrays her whole military strength to resist them; demands the entire and unqualified abandonment of the protecting system; and, in a tone of proud and insulting defiance, says that if we will comply with her demands, "in due time," and with a "becoming spirit," she will be satisfied. Beyond this, she is silent! And yet this bill, instead of being called by its right name-a surrender at discretion -is denominated a compromise!

The House then, at half past 8 o'clock, adjourned.

WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 30.

Mr. ADAMS presented to the House a memorial and
sundry resolutions from the Legislature of Massachusetts,
before the House to reduce the tariff.
strongly expressive of its dissent to the passage of the bill

of the Whole House on the state of the Union.
The memorial was read, and referred to a Committee

Mr. ADAMS asked the consent of the House that it

might be presented.

The House having assented,

The SPEAKER laid before the House a memorial from a permanent committee appointed by the New York Tariff Convention in opposition to the same bill.

But, sir, if South Carolina should consent to accept of this, and make it a compromise, would it settle the question? Do gentlemen believe that an arrangement forced NEW YORK CONVENTION MEMORIAL. upon us, extorted by insulting menace, can be permanent? Does not all history admonish us that it will be-received a memorial addressed to the House by the tariff Mr. ADAMS inquired of the SPEAKER whether he had come the prolific parent of future contentions? Sir, convention of New York, with a request to present it. nothing but a free expression of the public sentiment, resulting from a deliberate examination by the people of The SPEAKER replying in the affirmative, the protecting policy, can really settle this question. It is utterly inconsistent with the genius of our Government that it should. The carrying, by a ruse de guerre, a measure affecting, so vitally as this does, the interests of the great body of the people, though it may serve a momentary purpose, cannot, will not satisfy them, unless they are prepared to abandon their high prerogative of governing, and submit to be governed. No, sir; if we really desire to have this question settled, we shall at once dismiss the consideration of this bill, and submit the whole to the judgment of the people. There will be ample time for them to deliberate, and full opportunity to exert their inAluence upon the councils of our successors. I am not afraid of their decision. Various causes may, indeed, contribute to make it what I should not altogether desire. But the decision, whatever it may be, will be their decision. They have a right to make it. Their interests are to be affected by it, either for good or for evil; and with it, if we will give them an opportunity of deliberating and acting like freemen, they will be satisfied.

Mr. S., after the expiration of the first hour of his speech, gave way to a motion by Mr. PEARCE that the committee rise: Yeas 40, nays 53.

There being no quorum, the committee rose, and reported that fact to the House.

The SPEAKER, having counted the members present, announced that a quorum was then in attendance, when

Mr. WAYNE resumed the chair in committee.

Mr. PEARCE now renewed the motion that the committee rise, which was negatived: Yeas 46, nays 68.

Mr. SLADE then resumed his remarks, and, after speaking an hour and a quarter, he gave way to a motion by Mr. HIESTER that the committee rise, which was netived: Yeas 45, nays 72.

Mr. SLADE then continued and concluded his remarks a quarter before 8 o'clock, having occupied the floor nearly five hours.

Mr. ADAMS called for the reading of the memorial. This was objected to by Mr. WILDE and Mr. CLAYTON, of Georgia; but the CHAIR decided it to be right, and the memorial was read accordingly, at the Clerk's

table.

The reading having proceeded some time, the further reading was, on motion of Mr. ADAMS, dispensed with; and the memorial was referred to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and ordered to be printed.

At a subsequent point of the morning business,

Mr. WILDE moved to reconsider this vote of refer

ence, so far as it included not only the resolutions adopted by the Massachusetts Legislature, but also the report of the convention who had draughted those resolutions. He perceived that, in that report, the Committee of Ways and Means were charged with having reported a bill as one thing, which they knew perfectly to be, in reality, another thing, and a very different thing.

The further discussion of this motion was cut off, for to-day, by the expiration of the hour assigned to resolu

tions.

The House then proceeded to the orders of the day, and resumed the consideration of the

TARIFF BILL.

Mr. BATES, of Massachusetts, who had the floor, gave way, for a moment, to

Mr. ADAMS, who gave notice that, after his friends had had opportunity to express their views respecting the bill, and to offer their respective amendments, he should move to strike out the enacting clause.

Mr. I. C. BATES then rose, and said: The question immediately before the committee, the policy of reducing Mr. BATES, of Massachusetts, then rose, and address the duties on tea in the manner proposed by the chairman ed the committee in opposition to the bill, as follows: of the Committee of Ways and Means, he did not intend to I observed last evening, said Mr B., that I consider the debate; but the motion of the gentleman from Connecti- question arising upon the motion of my friend from Con

H. OF R.]

The Tariff Bill.

[JAN. 30, 1833.

necticut, [Mr. HUNTINGTON,] as a test question, decisive policy of the Government should have a reach someof the protective system, and of more importance, con- what longer than a man's arm, and that the great interests sequently, than any question that has come before the of the country are not nimble, and cannot change their House, or is likely to come before it, a question of peace position oftener than the sun crosses the line. And if the or war not excepted. It was on this account I was desi- honorable chairman of that committee complains that his rous of addressing the committee, at this stage, in the pro- bill fares worse at our hands than the weather did at the gress of the bill. And while I am up, shall take the hands of Dean Swift, it is because his bill is more changeliberty to make a few remarks upon one or two measures able than the weather, if not, in itself, more changing in connected with the bill, upon the general tendency and its effect, and more chilling, malign, and deadly in its inbearing of the bill, and its purpose and object. The lit fluence. If we are to have a new system oftener than tle health and strength which I bring into this debate, twice a year, or at the commencement of every presidenwill be a sufficient guaranty that I shall not detain the tial term, we shall have systems enough, and we shall committee long. have nothing but systems. In this same paragraph the When, during the last session, we were encountering committee very justly remark again, "that uncertainty is the cholera, and neglecting our own affairs and families worse than error in legislation." What a commentary to midsummer, I little thought that our attention would be this upon their bill!-the commentary of the committee so soon recalled to this angry and disturbing subject. I upon their own act! It was only six months from the should have thought that, in the transition from one con- time this bill was reported, nay, not so much, not six, that dition of things to another, in our financial affairs, by you passed the act of 1832. How many voyages have which great national interests are to be affected, any been projected, and are in progress of execution, how Government, deserving the name of a paternal Govern-much capital has been invested under the faith of that act, ment, would have been content to feel its way, carefully or how capital has been modified to accommodate itself to and cautiously, to see what those interests can bear, and that act, no man can tell. And now, as has been well renot, by one audacious leap, put them all in jeopardy. marked, before the ink is dry upon the parchment of that The Committee of Ways and Means, however, have pre-act, "before the funeral bake-meats are cold," I will not sented this bill to us, and we must meet it as well as we say you have committed murder and matrimony, or that can. I am opposed to it in all its forms. I was opposed you have committed the one that you might commit the to the bill of 1832, because I thought it was not so good other, or contract any unnatural or unhallowed alliance, as it ought to have been. I am opposed to this, because it is incomparably worse than that. This, it seems to me, is ground broad enough, and firm enough, and open enough, for a man to stand erect upon, without being subject to any injurious imputation. And while my friend from Maryland [Mr. HOWARD] reverses by his vote today his decision of yesterday, nothing is more natural than that the idea of inconsistency should be the first idea that should occur to him, he will permit me to express my surprise that it is not the last he should wish to talk about.

but you have reported this bill, which, if it has not the turpitude of murder in it, has death enough--death enough to satisfy the grave. You cannot produce an instance in the history of the deliberate legislation of the world to parallel this. In other countries, whatever commotions arise, and however stormy they are, the great interests of the people are held steadily to one course, and are comparatively but little affected by them. A British minister, who should present himself to the House of Commons in the attitude of the Committee of Ways and Means to this House, would be found in the minority upon the first vote, unless the men of Lancashire should happen to be in the field, and then I suppose Parliament would have to give up.

I desire to ask the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means whether he does not call this uncertainty" in legislation. And if he does not, I will thank him, with his philological knowledge, to tell me what uncertainty stands for in his report. Sir, it is uncertainty with a vengeance, and error too.

The Committee of Ways and Means, when they presented their bill, accompanied it with a report upon which it is founded, in which they sensibly and justly remark, that "it is vitally important to all engaged in any of those numerous commercial, manufacturing, or agricultural enterprises, which are affected by changes in the rates of impost, now to know the intention and policy of this Government in regard to their several interests." Now, sir, if there be any one point of policy upon which the intention of this Government had been indicated, more I have said that there is death enough in this billdistinctly than upon any other, and upon every other, death to the great interests of the country-and I will profrom the foundation of the Government down to the close ceed to show it. But it is not incumbent on the opposiof the war, it is this, that the agricultural, manufacturing, tion to the bill to show this. The committee who proand navigating interests of the country are to be protect- pose the bill ought to show that it is consistent with, and ed against the rivalry and competition of foreign nations. promotive of, these interests, or it should have no friends The last war put the country upon its resources, and de- here. Have they shown it? No, sir, nor attempted it: veloped them, and was followed by the act of 1816, which for what they have done does not deserve to be dignified was for the purpose of protecting the new creation of the with the name of an attempt. If they allege that their war, and of the measures antecedent to it. That again commission is financial, why, then, has not this bill been was followed by the act of 1818; then came the act of sent to the Committee on Manufactures for their exam1824, then the act of 1828, and, finally, the act of 1832. ination, report, and judgment upon it? Or why has not By this act of 1832, it was established that the reve- the progress of it been arrested until the evidence which nue of the Government was to be reduced to the wants was taken at the last session, at much expense, could be of the Government; that it was to be derived from the du- printed, that we might have the benefit of it? Why was ties imposed for protection, so far as those duties should the bill urged on to its passage without even notice to those be required for that purpose, and, therefore, you struck interested in it, and to be affected by it, of its pendency? from that bill the duty upon tea and coffee. Many who I have many a constituent, who had rather be scourged hear me, will recollect that the chief difficulty, if not the at the post, or put in a pillory, or shut up in a jail, than only one we had, was in the apportionment of the duties. that you should pass this bill, because, in the one case, he The policy of the Government was not only thus establish-alone would suffer, and, in the other, he and his family ed by that act, but the intention of the Government was will be involved in a common ruin. It is no answer to indicated in all the forms of legal enactment, sanctioned, say that the people now have notice of the pendency of of course, by the President himself. The Committee of the bill. The time that has been allowed them has been Ways and Means seem to forget that it is necessary the extorted from the committee, and not conceded by them.

« AnteriorContinuar »