H. OF R.] other States. But, after all, Mr. Chairman, I have a firm conviction that these abused tariff laws, so far from being oppressive, are beneficial to the South, (I am not going into the subject, but only state generally,) in the new staple of sugar which they have given, and the consequently augmented demand and price for slaves and slave labor which they have created, and the immensely beneficial diversion, to the cotton region particularly, of the sugar lands from the cotton to the sugar culture, in the improved market they furnish for the staples and products of the South, and the reduced price at which they return to them many and most of the articles they have occasion to purchase. And there are physical indications of it, not to be mistaken, in the relative increase of their population, and the unrivalled thrift of many, and indeed most of the slave States, upon whom the tariff laws operate, as well as upon Eastern Virginia and South Carolina, and upon whom they would make and leave their impression, if they were "the withering curse" they have been said to be, and, above all, in this, that they continue to purchase many of the agricultural products of the other States, I speak now of South Carolina, paying freight, insurance, commission, and profit, for which their own soil and climate, and labor, are well fitted, finding the cultivation of their own staples so much more profitable than the agriculture of the other States, as to enable them to do it. Nevertheless, sir, if I could yield to the South what they deem to be oppressive in these laws, nothing would give me, personally, more pleasure than to make the concession. But I value the good opinion of honorable men too highly to expose myself to the contempt to which a surrendry of the rights of my constituents, and the great agricultural interests of the free States, would consign me, and the condemnation that would and ought, as a consequence, to follow and be stamped upon me. It is, therefore, sir, not to name a higher motive, out of the question. They turned our industry into new chan- put this case, as the committee understand, of course, in nels, and left the old ones deep and broad and dry. They illustration, and not as an identity. drove us from the ocean, when "our march was on the If there be any gentlemen here from any of the States mountain wave, and our home was on the deep." And who have debts of political gratitude" to pay, and who now, forsooth, they have found out that it was all uncon- feel authorized and are inclined to make a sacrifice of the stitutional, and that they are oppressed by their own do- interests of their constituents in order to do it, let them ings, and require us to throw away our land gear, and into take for the purpose lambs from their own flock, and not the water again. Let me ask the chairman, does justice from their neighbors; let them sacrifice the interests of to our constituents, who have committed their interests to their own States, and not of others. our honor, to be by us defended and protected, who have invested their fortunes and estates under the faith of your laws, and following the lead of your laws, does justice to them require or permit that we should make this surrendry? that we should break down the barriers which have been constructed for their protection, and roll the tide of desolation over them? Or that we should permit one particle, even the smallest dust of the balance, to be taken from them, when it is taken avowedly for the purpose of prostrating them? Are we to be reproached by the honorable chairman, because, being a majority, we refuse to make this surrendry? Are we to be told that, having a giant's power, we make a tyrannous use of it? May not a giant, let me ask, use his power in self-defence? When the Philistines are upon him, may he not rise and shake himself? Or does justice require that he should give his head to the lap of the "Philistine Delilah," to be shorn of its glory and its strength, that he may be bound in fetters, and made sport of until he shall pray God to avenge his wrongs in the common destruction of himself and his enemies? Sir, I trust the majority of this House will not be wooed nor won to this by any art, or argument, or blandishment. In my judgment, if we make the surrendry required, we do an act of traitorous and recreant and ruinous injustice to our constituents; and I must be permitted to add, as it seems to me, from fear, or something worse. A man meets me in the street, and demands my purse. Its contents are not mine, but my constituents', which they value above price, and which they have committed for a time to my custody. He looks fiercely at me and demands it of me. As farmer Ashfield says in the play, "I'll argufy the topic a little"-I am not afraid, that's clear, though I shakes some. It wont do for me to give up the purse from "personal fear," for that, as an honorable chairman says, is a "miserable weakness;" nor will it do to refuse to give it up "from the fear of doing right," because, although that is "an infirmity of a noble mind," Mr. PEARCE, of Rhode Island, obtained the floor, and I do not perceive that it differs much from "personal commenced a speech against the bill, which lasted until fear:" for if the "fear to do right" be an infirmity of a eight o'clock. At half past five a motion was made for noble mind, it would seem to follow that the fear to do the committee to rise, but it was negatived: at seven anowrong is an infirmity of an ignoble one. So I asserts and ther shared the same fate; yeas 35, nays 76. He was counts and analyzes the different kinds of fear, and goes twice called to order by Mr. JENIFER, who quoted Jefon until I comes to the real statesmanlike, patriotic fear-ferson's Manual to show that a member might not read and that, I says, will do; for if I refuse to give up my extracts, or even his own speech, to a committee without purse, nothing is more likely than that this fierce looking its leave. fellow will commit "a breach of the public peace," or he will do some other public mischief. At any rate there is great danger he will disturb the present subsisting tran- The following is the speech of Mr. P. entire: quillity there is between me and him! So I gives up the Mr. PEARCE said that his venerable friend from Maspurse upon the "patriotic fear." Now, Mr. Chairman, Isachusetts [Mr. ADAMS] had intimated to the committee may talk about my statesmanlike fear as much as I please: that when he should give his views of this bill, he would my constituents will believe that I was frightened out of move to strike out the enacting clause, that the strength my purse. And when they come to be told that, after all, of parties might be tested in regard to it. I have, said this fierce looking fellow was not armed, and showed nei-Mr. P., the consent of that gentleman for now doing ther pistol nor dirk, they will almost swear, deacons and what he had informed us he would do on a future day, all, that I was an arrant coward. And let me tell my and therefore move to strike out the enacting clause of friend from Maryland [Mr. HoWARD] it will be of no use this bill. The remarks I shall make will be in reference for me to say to them that they are all cowards them to the motion I have submitted-a motion which gives me selves, or they would not think any such thing of me. the liberty, with great propriety, of stating my objections They will persist in it, that I was either frightened out of to every part, and all the provisions of the bill. I have my purse, or was confederate with the fellow, and bal-not yet learnt, from the remarks of any one who has adanced an old account or opened a new one, by giving it dressed the committee, that the bill, without essential up. And let me say, further, sir, that they will never amendments, is to be supported by any portion of those trust me again; and further still, they never ought to. I who reported it. Is it agreeable to the honorable gentle Mr. P. denied that he was doing either, and was permitted by the Chair to proceed. JAN. 30, 1833.] The Tariff Bill. [H. of R. man, the chairman of the committee which reported it? find fault with the bill: the gentleman will not condescend Certainly not; for he has already moved one or two amend- to enlighten us; we have to grope our way in the dark. ments to it, and has, as I understand, intimated a willing-By one view of the bill it may well be said it is too hot; ness to agree to or accept other amendments hereafter to by another it may with equal propriety be said to be too be moved. Does it meet the views of his colleague, cold. A gentleman from Connecticut has with great abi[Mr. WHITE,] coming from the same great emporium? lity shown, and his arguments have not yet been answered, We have on our tables the proof that it does not, for he that by following out the reasoning of the chairman of has offered sundry amendments which have been printed, the Committee of Ways and Means in his report, if this and on which, at the proper time, we shall be required bill should become a Jaw, in less than eighteen months to express our opinions. Is it, Mr. Chairman, agreeable we shall have an empty treasury; that, to make out the to the views of another honorable member from the State estimate necessary to meet the actual wants of the Goof New York, [Mr. CAMBRELENG,] emphatically called vernment, three millions, it is assumed, are to be derived the commercial representative, and I will not say incor- from the proceeds of the sales of the public lands, and rectly? No, sir; for in the remarks he made but a few this too when a bill had passed the other House, and was days ago, he told his colleague, the chairman of the Com-on its way here to distribute those proceeds for a consimittee of Ways and Means, that he differed from him, derable time to come. A further assumption is found neand was opposed to the protection which the bill would cessary, in setting down as money on hand the amount of give to the article of iron. A gentleman from Connecti- two millions or more which has already been appropriated ticut, [Mr. YoUNG,] quoting the language of another gen- for specific purposes, and is liable to be called for at any tleman from New York, informed the committee but two moment, and when called for must be paid out. It has days ago that the Secretary of the Treasury would be sa-been also shown that the committee, in making their estitisfied with this bill with some important amendments. mate of expenses, have fallen short of what will be found Then, sir, the head of the Treasury Department is not the real expenses for at least a few years, by nearly a satisfied with it, as it was reported, nor have we any evi-million of dollars; and I refer, said Mr. P., to the sum dence of his being satisfied with it as it now is. I shall which will be required to pay the pensions of the surbe able fully to show that it does not meet the views of viving officers and soldiers of the revolution. the Executive, by a recurrence to his message sent to both, Another gentleman, [Mr. APPLETON,] in an unanswerHouses at the commencement of the session. The great able argument, has taken another and a different view of difficulty is to ascertain how such a bill was ever submit- the probable, if not certain operations of this bill. He ted to our consideration. It may be a child of thirty has shown that, although its professed object is to reduce fathers, but a natural child, with all its fathers unnatural, the revenue six millions, the data furnished by the comfor not one of them has shown a disposition to foster or mittee lead to the inevitable conclusion that it will increase protect it. All who were of the committee which sanc-it one or more millions; that as you decrease imposts, you tioned the report of the bill, and from whom we have increase imports; and when you destroy your manufacheard any thing since the commencement of the debate,tures at home, you furnish a market for manufactures from have declined altogether its general defence; and some of abroad. I am indebted, said Mr. P., for a very plain ilthem have refrained from even a notice of any of its pro-lustration, in connexion with this argument, to what I read, visions. The gentleman from Georgia [Mr. WILDE] ad- a day or two ago, in a Rhode Island newspaper. A ropedressed us in many languages, some of them living, but dancer anxious to "raise the wind," and that too suddenly, most of them dead; he spoke about nullification and South put his tickets at a dollar each; his visiters were conseCarolina, but he did not say one word about any of the quently few. He was afterwards advised to fix his price provisions of this bill, nor did he at all examine its provi- of admittance at fifty cents, and his profits were found to sions. Another gentleman [Mr. POLK] has condescended be more than twice as large as before; and when his doors to read some documents from the Treasury Department, were thrown open to all who could pay him twenty-five the testimony of some manufacturers in Vermont and cents, he himself was astonished at his profits. Sir, New Hampshire, taken to show that the manufacturers who is prepared to say that if our imposts are reduced could live and grow rich with no more protection than three-fourths, our revenue will not be increased? I will this bill would afford them. A gentleman from Vermont then say to the committee that this bill which satisfies no has informed the committee that all these swift witnesses, one, is advocated by no one, meets the views of no one, if not bankrupts at the time they testified, were found to and promotes not one of the interests of the country, is be so soon afterward, perhaps before the papers to which urged upon our consideration under very singular and pethey subscribed their names reached the Treasury De- culiar circumstances. In the whole history of our legispartment. Looking into the debates of the other House, lation, has there been hitherto any thing like it? We have I found that an honorable Senator, referring to this bill, been required to vote before we could hear from our declared it a peace-offering to South Carolina; but unfor- constituents. We are called upon to adopt this bill at tunately for us, Mr. Chairman, the dominant party in this short session, when at the last we spent six months in South Carolina are not satisfied with it, for it does not al- adjusting the tariff in a way, as I at the time thought, satogether abandon the idea of protection, and does not tisfactory to all the interests of the country except the consequently remove their constitutional objections. manufacturers themselves. We are called upon for action Turning to another party in that State, the Union party, when we have not received a single petition or memorial it will be found that they do not want this bill, for, in the from those we represent, to repeal an act which has not language of one of its distinguished members, it will en-yet gone into operation, and will not until the 3d of tail nullification on them forever, and make those tri- March next, and this under circumstances which enumphant there, who have arraigned the supremacy of the tirely preclude the possibility of any light from home. laws. I again ask, under whose auspices does this bill Sir, when the people called, I have always been led to come before us, and where shall we look for its paternity? believe it would be time enough for us to act, and not The chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means, until then. I appeal to those who were members in referring to the manner in which the bill had been assailed 1826-'7, and in 1828-'9, and who were here at the last on all sides of the House, tells us gentlemen are liard to session, to refer to those times, to show the difference in please, and, in illustration of his views, tells the story of a our situations, to legislate correctly then and now. man who was continually finding fault with the weather-had then not only all the light and all the information it was always either too hot or too cold, too wet or too which could reach us in the form of memorials and petidry. Sir, no blame should be attached to us because we tions from men and conventions, composed of the most We H. OF R.] The Tariff Bill. [JAN. 30, 1833. enlightened and practical men in the country, but wit- is indispensably requisite for these objects, I recommend nesses on the stand and before the committees of the that it be gradually diminished, and that, as far as may be House; both interests were represented, and the informa- consistent with these objects, the whole scheme of duties tion was not confined to one side of the question. Sir, be reduced to the revenue standard as soon as a just how do we now stand? If there be any information, if regard to the faith of the Government, and to the prethere have been any calls from the quarter mentioned, it servation of the large capital invested in establishments of has not reached us; it may be locked up in the room of domestic industry, will admit. the committee who reported this bill-it may have reached them. "That manufactures adequate to the supply of our domestic consumption would, in the abstract, be bencI promised, said Mr. P., to show, by a reference to the ficial to our country, there is no reason to doubt; and to annual message of the President of the United States, that effect their establishment, there is, perhaps, no Amerithis bill would not have received his sanction. There is can citizen who would not, for a while, be willing to pay but little which that able State paper contains on the sub- a higher price for them. But, for this purpose, it is preject of the tariff, but what must meet with a hearty re- sumed that a tariff of high duties, designed for perpetual sponse from every patriotic American. Perhaps some protection, has entered into the minds of but few of our thorough-going bigoted tariff men may file their excep- statesmen. The most they have anticipated is a tempotions to most of what the President says on this subject. rary, and, generally, incidental protection, which they I do not know any such in the State from which I come; maintain has the effect to reduce the price by domestic if there be any, they will not find in me a faithful repre- competition below that of the foreign article. Expersentative of what they may call their interest. Our na- ence, however, our best guide on this as on other subtional debt, as we have been repeatedly told, is paid, and jects, makes it doubtful whether the advantages of this the revenue must be brought down, as all reasonable men system are not counterbalanced by many evils, and whewill concede, to the pressing and necessary wants of the ther it does not tend to beget, in the minds of a large Government. As to what those wants are, and what our portion of our country men, a spirit of discontent and jeaexpenditures should be, honest men may fairly differ, but lousy dangerous to the stability of the Union. few, if any, I think, can have the hardihood to question the correctness of the abstract proposition. The Presi dent, I contend, recommends no course calculated to destroy the institutions of our country; to violate the faith of the nation to individuals; to bankrupt thousands, if not millions of the people of this country. If the revenue is more than the wants of the Government require, it must be reduced; but, sir, does he recommend the destruction of discriminating duties, or intimate a wish to withhold incidental protection? Far from it. [Here Mr. P. read the following extracts from the President's annual message:] "What then shall be done? Large interests have grown up under the implied pledge of our national legislation, which it would seem a violation of public faith suddenly to abandon. Nothing could justify it but the public safety, which is the supreme law. But those who have vested their capital in manufacturing establishments cannot expect that the people will continue permanently to pay high taxes for their benefit, when the money is not required for any legitimate purpose in the administration of the Government. Is it not enough that the high duties have been paid as long as the money arising from them could be applied to the common benefit in the extinguishment of the public debt?" "The final removal of this great burden (public debt) from our resources, affords the means of further provision We have here, Mr. Chairman, all the President thought for all the objects of general welfare and public defence, proper to recommend to us at the commencement of the which the constitution authorizes, and presents the occa- session. High and unreasonable tariff men may not be sion for such further reduction in the revenue as may not disposed to subscribe to all he has said, but in my opinion be required for them. From the report of the Secretary he has said but a little which is not, at this crisis in the of the Treasury, it will be seen that, after the present affairs of our country, substantially correct. He maniyear, such a reduction may be made to a considerable fests no disposition to destroy existing institutions, or extent; and the subject is earnestly recommended to the withdraw from them all necessary protection; no disposi consideration of Congress, in the hope that the combined tion to see violated the plighted faith of the Government; wisdom of the representatives of the people will devise no determination to be instrumental to the destruction of such means of effecting that salutary object as may re-discriminating duties or incidental protection. He has move those burdens which shall be found to fall unequally not, I would add, lent his aid to the introduction of this upon any, and as may promote all the great interests of bill. What man who knows the hero of New Orleans the community. can for a moment entertain the belief that he would, by On the "Long and patient reflection has strengthened the any action on his part, entail misery upon millions, bankopinions I have heretofore expressed to Congress on this rupt thousands, turn a sound and industrious portion of subject; and I deem it my duty, on the present occasion, our population beggars upon the world, and thus change again to urge them on the attention of the Legislature. the laurels which now decorate his brows for "the ivy The soundest maxims of public policy, and the principles which delights to flourish upon the ruins it has made." upon which our republican institutions are founded, re- I have once referred to one of the most important bearcommend a proper adaptation of the revenue to the ex-ings of this bill, the necessary result of frequent legislapenditure, and they also require that the expenditures tion, and legislating twice upon the same subject within shall be limited to what, by an economical administration, a very few months-its effect upon contracts made by inshall be consistent with the simplicity of the Government, dividuals, as well as investments made by them. and necessary to an efficient public service. In effecting 14th of July last, after many months' discussion, and after this adjustment, it is due, in justice, to the interests of the having the subject before us the whole of last session, different States, and even to the preservation of the Union one of the longest sessions for many years, we passed an itself, that the protection afforded by existing laws to any act altering the duties on imports. That act did not rebranches of the national industry should not exceed ceive my approbation, or the vote of my colleague. what may be necessary to counteract the regulations of did not think it such an act as would foster and protect foreign nations, and to secure a supply of those articles the great interests we represented: we were outvoted. ; of manufacture essential to the national independence and The bill was carried not by New England, but by Southsafety in time of war. If, upon investigation, it shall be ern and Western votes. Our constituents were bound 10 found, as it is believed it will be, that the legislative pro- submit to its operations, and have prepared themselves tection granted to any particular interest is greater th. n accordingly, hoping, by industry and economy, to be able We JAN. 30, 1833.] The Tariff Bill. [H. OF R. The act of 1824, approved May 22, went into operation on the 1st of July following. It contains a proviso, that the provisions of the act should not apply to importations of goods from ports or places eastward of the Cape of Good Hope, or beyond Cape Horn, before the 1st day of January ensuing. to live under it. What, sir, was the import and language exempting from the operations of the act cotton piece of this bill, when it was passed into a law, to every citizen goods imported in the vessels of the United States which of the United States? That the policy of the Government sailed thence before the passage of this act, and arrived was for a period settled; that no further agitation of the between June 30, 1816, and June 1, 1817. tariff would take place during the present Congress, more especially as the act did not go into operation until the expiration of the Congress itself. This was inferable also as well from the length of time spent in acting upon the provisions of that act, as from the satisfaction which the act seemed to give to an interest in the country which has lately manifested a decided hostility to all protecting. The woollens bill, which passed this House in the winduties. Sir, with these views in relation to this act, what ter of 1826-'7, and was lost in the Senate by the casting was the natural supposition as to the course which would vote of the Vice President, was made prospective in its be pursued by manufacturers and others, whose interests operation. The bill of the last session was not to go into would be affected by its operations? They would trim immediate operation. By the act of 1828, it was intendtheir sheets to the approaching gale, (go on they must;) ed to provide against its operation upon voyages which to scud under bare poles, to borrow a phrase as well as had been commenced and could not be countermanded; an idea from seamanship, to lay te, would be as bad as and, because, in the hurry of legislation, that bill had not sinking, and would inevitably lead to it. Sir, they have this provision in it, all those who were affected by it in their gone on; they have made their contracts and investments, contracts and voyages, made or planned under the faith of and all their arrangements, under the law of last session, the Government, have petitioned for relief; and last session and under the faith of the Government. Pass this bill, a bill in their favor passed the Senate with but a few dissir, and what will be the effect upon these contracts and senting voices. We have now a bill for their relief upon investments? Ruin; yes, sir, utter ruin; brought upon our tables, which I hope to see pass before we adjourn. them by a breach of faith on the part of their Government. Hereafter they must not only insure against fire and flood, assailing thieves and robbers, but against the capricious legislation of their country, and the mutability of an American Congress. Take, for illustration, one of the interests of the State from which I come, and, if I may be excused for a little Latin, "ab uno disce omnes." The citizens of Rhode Island have invested in cottons ten millions of capital. To use it advantageously, they are As far as we have been able to hear from those we recompelled to make contracts daily and every day in the present, there has reached us but one voice on this subject year, many of them not consummated in a year after of frequent legislation and consequent injury to indivithey are made. All these contracts were made in reference to the law of last session, but by the passage of this bill they will be directed and governed by a new law affecting and bringing ruin on this interest to the amount Resolved, That the effect of frequent alterations of the of millions. Who would say that, for all losses occasioned tariff laws is to distract and paralyze the enterprise of the by this frequent legislation, every man who suffered merchant, to destroy the stability of the markets for the would not have an equitable claim upon the Government agriculturist, and bring ruin upon the manufacturer. for indemnity? And no Government disposed to do justice That all branches of our national industry have been to the governed, would withhold the indemnity. No one arranged, contracts made, voyages projected, and busi which would thus violate its faith to its citizens could long ness commenced, under the belief and expectation that command their affections, or preserve their attachments; the tariff of the last session of Congress was framed and and let me add, that none ought to, in my humble judg-solemnly enacted after mature deliberation, and that rement. Where property is held by such a brittle tenure,liance could be placed upon the stability of these mcalove of country cannot exist there. The whole history sures of the Government. Sir, when that bill was under discussion the other day, a gentleman from North Carolina [Mr. WILLIAMS] said he would give to the manufacturers the same relief for losses sustained by the operation of our laws passed in this way, that he would give to merchants; and with him, sir, I have no hesitation in saying that the claims of the one ought to be as favorably received as the claims of the other. duals. The Legislature of my own State, in their resolutions, unanimously adopted, and which have been sent here, of the legislation of the country shows that Congress has That, without a countervailing policy in the regulation hitherto sedulously watched and carefully provided against of trade with foreign nations, all branches of our industry any violation of contracts or hostility to investments made will be paralyzed, as was the case before the adoption of under the faith of the Government. the constitution of the United States. The act of 1789, approved July 4, went into operation on the 1st of August following. Hemp and cotton imported previous to December 1, 1790, were exempted from the operations of that act. We have a similar voice, but one, perhaps, much louder, from the city of Albany. I have, said Mr. P., the proceedings of a meeting held at the city hall in Albany, the 24th of this month, relative to the tariff bill introThe act of 1790, approved August 10, went into ope-duced into this House by the gentleman from New York, ration on the 1st of January following. The 6th section [Mr. VERPLANCK.] It is said to have been the greatest provides that all duties accruing under the act of 1789, meeting ever held in that city. The Chief Justice of "between the time specified in the said act for the com- the State was the presiding officer, and Mr. Knower mencement of the said duties, and the respective times the near connexion of Governor Marcy, whose name was when the collectors entered upon the duties of their re-brought into debate by the gentleman from Georgia, spective offices in the several districts, be, and they are [Mr. WILDE,] somewhat, as I thought, uncourteously, hereby, remitted and discharged, and that in any case in for the purpose of saying that he had not written a letwhich they have been paid to the United States, restitu-ter which it had been alleged he had written, and for tion thereof be made." no other purpose whatever. I can say to the gentleman The act of 1797, approved March 3, went into opera- from Georgia, that it is my good fortune to be also action on the 1st of July following. quainted with Governor Marcy, and that I know him too The act of 1804, approved March 27, went into ope- well, and have known him too long, to believe that he ration on the 1st of July following. will disavow any letter he has written, or that he ever The act of 1816, approved April 27, went into opera-wrote one from considerations of his connexion's interest. tion on the 1st of July following. In it there is a proviso This meeting in Albany, speaking of the act of last ses H. OF R.] The Tariff Bill. [JAN. 30, 1833. The sion, and the bill now before us, in their preamble and which now pay a duty from first to above fifth proof, fiftyresolutions, use this language: seven to ninety cents a gallon, the duty is reduced to "Whereas a bill is now pending before the Congress twenty and to forty cents a gallon. On spirits from of the United States, having for its object a further re- other materials, which now pay a duty of fifty-three and duction of the tariff than was effected by the law of the eighty-five cents a gallon, the duty is reduced to eighteen 14th July last; which law was matured and passed at the and thirty-six cents a gallon. The duty on wool is fixed close of a protracted session, and after seven months' de- at fifteen per cent., on middling and fine cloths at twenty bate and deliberation. And whereas a majority of the per cent., on the coarse cloths at five per cent. representatives of the people of the non-manufacturing duty on worsted yarn is reduced from twenty to fifteen States gave their assent to that law, as will appear by a per cent., and the duty on manufactures of woollen yarn, reference to the national journals. And whereas the said from fifty per cent. ad valorem, and five cents per pound, law was adopted as the compromise of a great national to fifteen per cent. But this is not all; exposed as these question, and was designed, by its supporters, in the spi- interests are by this reduction, and destroyed as many of rit of mutual concession, to heal the animosities of local them must be, some consolation might be derived from interests. And whereas business transactions to a vast the reflection, if facts would warrant, that some benefit amount have been entered into in good faith under the was to be derived from other parts of the bill. But this implied pledge of the Government, that a law, involving is not so. Iron, which we do not manufacture, and is of such a wide extent and complication of interests, would very general use, is protected by a duty of from twenty not be abandoned until its practical effects should be as- to forty-three, and, I might add, one hundred per cent. certained. Sugar is protected by a duty of at least seventy-five per "And whereas the unanticipated and premature aban- cent.; molasses by as high a duty. Coffee by the bill is donment of the existing law, by the same Congress that to pay a duty of one cent per pound, and tea from three enacted it, and the unforeseen passage of the pending to ten cents per pound. Hemp a duty of thirty dollars bill, will be a surprise upon all the manufacturing States, per ton, and sail cloth what it was charged with by the will throw their business and contracts into derangement act of the last session; so that on every thing we lose, and and ruin, and will thereby produce incalculable mischief gain in nothing. to all classes of citizens. Why these inequalities? If, Mr. Chairman, the Com"And whereas the passage of the pending bill by the mittee of, Ways and Means, the majority of whom are present Congress, to go into immediate and not prospec- free trade men, had nothing in view but the destruction tive operation, will justly be attributed to the menacing of the whole protective system,' the course they have and hostile attitude of South Carolina, rather than to a pursued, and the policy they have adopted, are unquesconviction produced by a dispassionate re-examination of tionably correct. Not having at present the adequate the subject, and justice requires that no sudden and un-strength to effect their object, they must distract and diexpected change should take place in the policy of a Go-vide those who are now opposed to their plans, that the vernment affecting the great interests of the community, conquest may hereafter be more readily made. Hence and such we believe has been uniformly the provident the necessity of conciliating the interest of Pennsylvania, legislation of Congress in regard to tariff laws heretofore by the heavy duties on iron and coal; Louisiana and a passed: Therefore, considerable part of the Southern and Western States, Resolved, That the representatives of this State, in which in that State find a ready market for slaves and both branches of the National Legislature, be earnestly other live stock, and many of the products of agricul requested to shield their constituents, if possible, from ture. But let Pennsylvania recollect, that if she is missuch an act of injustice and instability." 66 I must now, said Mr. P., dismiss this part of my argument, perhaps, in the opinion of many, too long, but let it be understood it presents one of the strongest objections to the passage of the bill at this time. led by the temptations which are now thrown in her way, her evil day will come, and the siren which now allures, will be found to be a Cyclops ready to devour. Sir, can that State expect that the Eastern States, cut off from all their existing resources, deprived of most of Phave but one request to make of gentlemen: If the their wonted pursuits, affected, materially injured, in all Government is to indemnify all those who may suffer by their great interests, will, in their struggles for life, subthis improper interference with their contracts, let them mit to pay the heavy duty which the bill proposes on calculate the expense to the country. If indemnity is iron, 20,000 tons of which, from Sweden and Russia, are denied, let them reflect for a moment on the ruin to annually manufactured into nails, hoops, and plates, the individuals. cost of which, at the place whence imported, is only I will now, Mr. Chairman, examine this bill, for the about 50 dollars per ton? Sir, has not only the manufacpurpose of showing its unequal bearing and operation turer, but the shipowner, a direct interest in lowering upon the various interests of the country. It appears to the duty on this article? Let the representatives of that me, that if the committee had labored night and day State also recollect that our manufacturing establishments three or four weeks, for the purpose of presenting a bill require large quantities of English iron, (rolled,) which whose passage would prove destructive to all the interests is imported in various forms, and which costs in Great of Rhode Island, they could not have been more success- Britain 35 dollars per ton, and with a revenue duty of 15 ful than they are found to have been in the bill they re- to 20 per cent., might be sold in this country for $50, ported. How this should have happened, I know not; whereas our manufacturers and others now pay 75 and 80 but true it is, without charging them with any hostile dollars per ton for it. views in regard to the State I represent, the bill, if passed, The motives which influenced the committee to charge may destroy all its interests, and inevitably must the most hemp with a duty of 30 dollars per ton, I am unable to prominent ones. The protection given to cottons by the discover. Certainly they did not intend with one blow act of last session is reduced from seven cents a square to injure at the same time two interests, and perhaps deyard, or, what is equivalent to it, to one and a quarter stroy them. I refer to the shipping interest, and the inor one and two mills. What interest can live with such terest of those engaged in the manufacture of cordage. a protection, or survive such a change? Not this, as I This course, on the part of the committee, is more to be expect to show. The duty on cordage, tarred twine, regretted, as this heavy duty promotes no interest in the and cables is reduced from four to three cents per pound; country. Kentucky has not required it. The great untarred twine, from five to three cents; olive oil, from champion of American industry, the father, if you please, twenty to ten cents per gallon; on spirits from grain, of the American system, last session declared, both in |