JAN. 31, 1833.] month, is $9,600,000 per annum. The cotton manufac- On motion of Mr. BANKS, the committee then rose, and THURSDAY, JANUARY 31. MASSACHUSETTS RESOLUTION. ture, including the manufacture of machinery, bleache- the House adjourned. The CHAIR decided Mr. P. was in order. Mr. P. was permitted to proceed. I regret, said he, that the gentleman from Maryland has gone off half cocked. I regret these interruptions, as they will necessarily tend to protract my remarks. The motion of Mr. WILDE, of Georgia, to reconsider the vote of the House by which a memorial from the Legislature of Massachusetts, on the subject of the bill to alter the tariff, had been referred to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and ordered to be printed, so far as related to a report therein contained from a committee of that Legislature was concerned, coming up for consideration, Mr. WILDE rose, and read from the document in question an extract from the preamble to the resolutions; which part of the preamble, he said, imputed to the Committee of Ways and Means that their real object in reporting this bill was different from their professed and ostensible one. Mr. W. said he would not be understood as express. ing or feeling either mortification or surprise at this formal impeachment of the motivés of his associates and himself. The language of the preamble was not certainly such as legislative bodies, in their solemn public acts, had been accustomed to use or hear. Perhaps it was altogeThe cry of "question" becoming now loud, Mr. P.ther such as deliberative assemblies had heretofore consaid, When, in the cry of "question," I hear the knell of sidered worthy of their dignity and gravity. Every pubmy country's ruin, as was once said by a celebrated Eng-lic body, however, said Mr. W., must be presumed to lish statesman, I will not yield the floor; as the very few know the tone which it best becomes them to adopt, and minutes more which I intend to speak, may, for that time, in that most delicate task of nicety adapting the shades at least, keep off the ruin with which we are threatened. of language to the tints of character: far be it from me to Now, Mr. Chairman, why and wherefore are we required question any judgment which the liberal and enlightened to pass this bill? To appease, as I am led to believe, the Legislature of the State of Massachusetts may think proState of South Carolina, entail ruin on all those States per to pronounce upon itself. With that I do not meddle. which have ever been obedient, to quiet one that for My business is with the judgment which it has pleased the a long time has been refractory, and liberal in threats Legislature to pass upon myself and my associates. In the of nullification, secession, disunion, and civil war. Sir, justice of this judgment, it is hardly to be expected that I is this the way to conciliate and secure the affections of should acquiesce. I will examine neither its courtesy nor that portion of the country from which I come? Punish candor. It may be all true, and it may be the pleasure of them, because South Carolina, who well deserves punish-this House to confirm by its votes the high authority of the ment, requires it! Let gentlemen beware, lest, in avoiding Legislature of the State of Massachusetts. With all this, the rock, we are swallowed up in the whirlpool, which said Mr. W., I have nothing to do. Whether the majority ought as sedulously to be avoided. Yes, sir; New Eng of this House will or will not unite with the Legislature of land, which complies with all your requisitions, violates Massachusetts in pronouncing the conduct of their comno law, seldom exercises the privilege of complaining, is mittee disreputable and deceitful, it becomes me not to to be turned over to the beggarly elements, while South conjecture. I cannot admit the fact to be so, and I ask Carolina is to be invited to the richest feast which the nation of the courtesy of gentlemen permission to record my can provide for her! This, I suppose, is substantial jus- vote against it. I hope the question may not be discussed. tice, retributive justice, commutative justice. Sir, our I have no disposition to be thought improperly sensitive evils and sufferings will be greatly aggravated by the re- or fastidious; none to get at new causes of angry controflection that South Carolina mainly contributed to fasten versy, new occasions for heats and jealousies. This House upon us that very system of which she now so loudly can surely proceed, without debate, to do an act of simple complains. It was resisted by the people whom I repre- justice. I ask that the vote referring this preamble, and sent, until resistance was found to be altogether useless. ordering it to be printed, may be reconsidered. They had, at the time of the commencement of the restrictive measures which led to the creation of our prevailing policy, other pursuits and more profitable ones than those which they now have, Mr. DAVIS, of Massachusetts, said he wished to offer a word or two in reply to what had fallen from the gentleman from Georgia. The Legislature of Massachusetts, feeling that the question of a reduction of protecting duSir, I am old enough to recollect the effect of the sud- ties involved matter of great importance to the people of den change in our policy. I knew men whose property that State, had referred that subject with other matters at that time was principally in navigation, who had a to a joint committee of members of both Houses: that right to believe themselves rich and independent, who committee had made a report in part, so far as related to have gone down to the grave poor and pennyless. Some the bill reported by the Committee of Ways and Means to there are who are still living, and now lingering out an this House: that report had been acted on by the Legislaexistence by no means desirable, in poverty and want. ture, certain resolves had been passed in consequence, Sir, are we always to be thus the sport of the measures and the whole had been forwarded to each of the repreand legislation of the Government? Let it not be left to sentatives of the State of Massachusetts on this floor. One them to say, our Government is as treacherous as the of his colleagues [Mr. ADAMS] had felt it his duty to presea, and as unstable as the waves of the ocean. sent a copy of these papers to the House, and had moved I have much more to say, said Mr. P.; but having already that they be referred to a Committee of the Whole House occupied too much of the valuable time of this commit- on the state of the Union, and printed: that motion had tee, I must now yield the floor, thanking gentlemen for prevailed. But now, a motion was made by the gentletheir very patient attention. man from Georgia to reconsider that vote, so far as the VOL. IX.-96 H. OF R.] Massachusetts Resolution. [JAN. 31, 1833. report of the legislative committee was concerned: and been pressed, he admitted, with great force. Mr. D. did this motion was made on the express ground that that re-not know, indeed, that the language employed by the port contained language offensive to one of the members legislative committee of Massachusetts had been the hapof the Committee of Ways and Means. Now he did not piest and most proper that might have been employed; know whether the Legislature of Massachusetts cared one but sure he was that no hostility had been expressed or farthing whether the resolutions passed by them were sub- felt toward the gentleman from Georgia, or any of his colmitted to this House or not. There was nothing on the leagues on the Committee of Ways and Means. No ill face of the resolutions which indicated any desire that blood, no purpose of offence, he was very certain, had they should be laid before Congress. Those resolutions been entertained by those who drew up the report. Withwere in the form of instruction to their Senators, and out any such feeling, and without the least want of respect request to their Representatives. for the committee, Mr. D. himself believed that other They contained a clear expression of the opinion of the considerations had actuated the committee; nor did he supcharacter of the bill before this House, and that opinion pose that any one would question it for a moment. The was, unquestionably, very different from the opinion of committee had put forth in this report but one reason, viz. the Committee of Ways and Means: but the expression of the reduction of the revenue to the wants of the Governit implied no intention to give offence to that committee. ment; but he did not think they would themselves deny Such votes of opinion were, he believed, usual in all legis- that no other motive had had place in their minds. Mr. lative bodies. Certainly such resolutions had been passed D. should be very sorry if, after the House had sent these in the Legislatures of more States than one in this Union resolutions to a Committee of the Whole, and had placed since the bill had been reported: and he had never known them on the files of the House, resolutions which comany exception taken to any such legislative expressions of mitted no man, the printing of which sanctioned nothing opinion, however they might differ from the opinions en-contained in them, should be withdrawn from the files by tertained by particular individuals, or even by a mere ma- so uncourteous a vote as was now proposed. jority of this House. Nothing disrespectful to this body was implied in the passage of such legislative acts: nor had the Legislature of Massachusetts, in the present case, done any thing which ought to be so considered. It had been the custom of the members of the House, when such papers were put forth by the Legislatures of the States from which they came, more especially where they contained instructions to them, to lay copies of the resolutions before the House. Such was the well known and established usage, and it was as much the usage of the House always to refer such papers, and order the printing of them. the House. Mr. WILDE said that he did not complain of any thing contained in the papers of Massachusetts, as pressing at all on the dignity of any member of the House: for himself, he claimed nothing more than belonged to him in common with every other member of the House. Nor would he, by any argument ad hominem, or argument of any other kind, be induced to enter at large into a discussion on this topic. All he asked was, that he might be permitted to record his vote in such a manner as to avoid the conclusion that he assented to the accusation contained in the Massachusetts report. Mr. E. EVERETT said he felt himself called upon, by The gentleman from Georgia, however, took an excep- what had fallen from the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. tion, not to the general usage, but to the printing of cer- WILDE,] to say a few words. The gentleman from Geortain portions of the report of the Massachusetts committee. gia asks a reconsideration of the vote passed yesterday, The language of these passages impugned, in the opi- to commit and print the report and resolutions from Masnion of the gentleman, the motives of the Committee of sachusetts, because those papers charge him and his colWays and Means: but the language contained nothing leagues with "disreputable and deceitful conduct," and disrespectful to the committee or to the House. What because he wishes not to stand in the ridiculous position was the amount of it? Merely this: that, in reviewing the of sanctioning such a charge upon himself, as he should measures proposed by the committee, the committee of do if the order to commit and print these papers were reMassachusetts were of opinion that other considerations, corded without his dissenting voice. Sir, I would not besides a mere reduction of the revenue, have induced the have voted myself for the commitment of these papers, committee to report the bill which they had brought into had I supposed that, in so doing, I brought such a charge against the gentleman and his colleagues. I respect him Now Mr. D. put it to the honorable gentleman from and them. I do not wish to have their feelings wounded, Georgia, upon his honor, to say if other considerations had and I would not co-operate in wounding them. 1 resist not had at least as strong an operation on the committee as the gentleman's motion of reconsideration, because it imthe mere desire to reduce the revenue. Mr. D. knew not putes, in substance, to the Legislature of Massachusetts, the sentiments which might be in the breast of his friend an intention to give that gentleman and his colleagues perfrom Georgia, or in the hearts of other members of the sonal offence. Now, sir, I wholly deny that any such thing Committee of Ways and Means; but had the committee was intended; and, also, that the House of Representatives, said, would they now say, themselves, that they had no in respectfully disposing, in the usual manner, of the reother object in view but merely and purely to reduce the ports and resolutions of a "sovereign State," (I use the revenue to the wants of the Government? There was not fashionable phrase, although I do not think it the best a man upon this floor who did not know that other consi- mode of characterizing any one of these United States,) derations had been entertained here. Every one knew binds itself, at any time, to any of the doctrines which may that the great end and object of the bill was to get rid of be contained in such papers. A contrary principle would the tariff, to reduce the duties, not to diminish the reve- pledge this House to some pretty strange doctrines. I nue. Every body knew that the whole South had been have sat here, year after year, and witnessed the presenlaboring, for years and years, to destroy the protective tation and commitment of many documents, from different system. Mr. D. did not complain of this. Those gentle-quarters, expressing themselves, on the subject of our lemen had a right to bring forward their views, and to press gislation here, in terms, contrasted with which the lanthem with all the force of argument. But Mr. D. did as-guage of these resolutions is mild and gentle. I never have sert (whether the language should be considered respect-known the regular and respectful disposal of such papers ful or not) that other motives had entered into the con- resisted on the grounds taken by the gentleman from sideration of the members here, and that the reduction of Georgia; and I take leave to say that the State of Georgia the revenue was merely an argument employed in refer- has contributed her full share of papers of this character ence to an ulterior object-an object which many gentle to the files of the House. I have no especial commission men had long had in constant view. The argument had to interpret the purposes of the commonwealth of Massa chusetts in adopting this report and resolutions; but I feel quite safe in saying that it was no part of that purpose to give personal offence to the gentleman and his colleagues. Such a supposition is excluded by the character of all the parties, by the character of the committee, by the character of the body supposed to have made the charge, by the reason and nature of the case. [H. of R. Does not the gentleman from Georgia [Mr. WILDE] see that the course he pursues, if successful, would place the Senate, and his friends there, in a very disagreeable position? If he should succeed in throwing the resolution of Massachusetts out of this House, on the grounds taken by him, will the members of Congress rest contented, while the journal of the Senate contains a protest I shall not enter into a verbal criticism of the docu- from Georgia, going much further in charging those who ment, nor endeavor to say over again what has been said voted for the bill of 1828 with being parties to a deceitful by my colleague. I hold with him, that it is the evident and fraudulent act? If the resolutions of Massachusetts and express intention of the report to say this: that the are to be thrown out of this House, will it not be equal object of the pending bill is not the fiscal operation of justice to expunge the protest of Georgia from the jourreducing a redundant revenue, but a political measure, to nals of the other? If the gentleman from Georgia should the state of affairs in the South. Now, sir, is there any succeed in affixing this stigma on the Legislature of Masoffensive imputation of motives in this? On the contrary, sachusetts, will there be found no Senator to mete back is it not matter of notoriety and universal admission? I the same measure to Georgia? And where is a warfare of have heard a great part of what has been said on this this kind to end? floor, for and against the pending bill; I have conversed Sir, I end as I began; nothing personally offensive is with members on both sides, all round the House, and intended. The Legislature of Massachusetts has exhave been not an inattentive reader of the public journals pressed its opinions freely on a subject of great public on this great subject; and if my memory does not deceive concernment, and is entitled to that respectful reception me, I have not heard nor read an opinion from a single from the House, which was accorded to it yesterday, and individual, in the IIouse or out of it, which did not take I trust will not be revoked to-day. I hope the gentleman it for granted, as a thing neither needing to be affirmed, will not press his motion. Mr. W. concluded by moving to lay the motion of Mr. WILDE upon the table. He, however, withdrew the motion at the request of nor capable of being denied, that the great prevailing Mr. WICKLIFFE said that he should vote against the object of bringing forward this bill at this time is, not reconsideration, not because he did or did not consider to adopt a fiscal measure, beginning and ending in reve-the language referred to as offensive, but because (though nue, but to pursue a course of policy, in reference to not disposed to carry the doctrine of State rights to exprotecting duties, which will meet the requisitions of tremes) he thought every State had a right to speak to South Carolina. Did not the gentleman from Georgia this House in its own language. For his part, he liked put this to us in the strongest and simplest form? Did to see every State speak to the General Government in he not tell us, the other evening, that the question on plain language; and he believed it to be the duty of the the bill was reduced to this alternative, either to lay a House to record its language. He did not consider the duty on tea and coffee, or go to war with South Carolina? report as containing language imputing any censure to the And after that avowal, can the gentleman take offence at motives of the Committee of Ways and Means. He was its being said that the reduction of duties is not his only free to acknowledge that the committee and this House object? I do not think it necessary to quote precedents had far higher objects in view in passing this bill than a to justify the language of the Legislature of Massachu- mere reduction of the revenue; it looked to the quieting setts. If I did, they are numerous and ample. When of the country; not to the pacifying of South Carolina the bill of 1828 passed, a gentleman from South Carolina alone, but to the peace of every portion of the Union. [Mr. DRAYTON] moved to amend the bill so that it should read, a bill to increase the duties on certain imports, for the purpose of increasing the profits of certain manufacturers. Did the gentleman from South Carolina con- Mr. POLK, who said that he was very indifferent ceive himself as making an imputation personally offensive whether the motion prevailed or not. The papers from to the majority of the House who had just passed the bill? Massachusetts were not addressed to Congress, and thereBut I have a precedent a little more close to the point. fore the remark of the gentleman from Kentucky, that a In 1829, the Legislature of Georgia sent her protest to State had a right to speak to the General Government in the Senate of the United States against the law of 1828, its own language, did not apply. Mr. P. did not dispute and used the following language, in speaking not of a the right; but these were resolutions addressed by Masreport of a committee, but of an act which had received sachusetts to her own representatives, one of whom had the sanction of all the branches of the Government, and presented them to the House, and caused them, in part, was the supreme law of the land. I read a passage from to be read. Mr. P. had heard them imperfectly; but, on the journal of the Senate: "In her sovereign character looking at the papers, he found their language to be very the State of Georgia protests against the act of the last violent in its character, charging those who pressed the session of Congress entitled 'An act in alteration of the bill now under consideration, as intending to exercise "a several acts imposing duties on imports,' as deceptive in wanton act of power." [Here Mr. P. quoted the resoluits title, fraudulent in its pretexts, oppressive in its exac- tions.] Here all who desired a reduction of the revenue, tions, partial and unjust in its operations, unconstitutional all who wished to see the rates of protection lowered, in its well known objects, ruinous to commerce and agri- were denounced in a paper coming from the Legislature culture, to secure a hateful monopoly to a combination of of Massachusetts, and which had been presented by one importunate manufacturers." Pretty strong language, of the members from that State, and might therefore be to be sure, sir; but did Georgia, in using it, really mean presumed to express that gentleman's own opinions. The to charge with disreputable conduct the members of imputation was not restricted to the members of the ComCongress who passed the bill, among whom are persons mittee of Ways and Means, but was made against every whom she delighted, and I presume still delights to honor, friend of reduction in the House. As an humble member the late Secretary of War, [Mr. Eaton,] the present Se-of the committee, Mr. P. did not care a straw for this cretary of the Treasury, [Mr. McLane,] the gentleman language; the violence of the Massachusetts Legislature from Kentucky over the way, [Mr. R. M. JOHNSON,] and should not affect him. But the language of the report the Vice President elect of the United States, [Mr. Van was not justified by fact: these papers affirmed that the Buren,] all of whom recorded their names in favor of this House was about to abandon the whole protective policy; bill, "thus deceptive in its title, and fraudulent in its was that true? pretexts?"" Mr. P. would notice some other paragraphs; and he H. OF R.] Massachusetts Resolution. [JAN. 31, 1833. when one of the States, sovereign or not, spoke through its Legislature, and the public act of the Legislature had been regularly received by the House of Representatives, it was entitled to be treated with profound respect, and not with insult. noticed, only to repel them. [After quoting several pas- reign powers of the States; but he was of opinion, that, sages from the resolutions, and commenting on them, Mr. P. continued.] He would say, that those who were capable of thus imputing to others motives which were evil, were themselves capable of being influenced by motives such as they would not avow. If such motives were imputed to him and to his colleagues, he hurled Mr. A. said that his colleague [Mr. EVERETT] had read them back from whence they came. The committee had some papers heretofore received by both Houses of Conhonestly endeavored to do their duty, as they understood gress from the Legislature of the State of Georgia, it, and they could do no less than repel such imputations. which were couched in language fuller by far, and much They were wholly unauthorized; many assumptions in stronger, than that which had been objected to in the the report were wholly untrue; and the whole paper paper from Massachusetts, and which contained imputaseemed not to have been duly considered before it was tions on the motives, not of particular individuals, or of a adopted and put forth to the world. Mr. P. concluded particular committee, but of the whole Congress in a by repeating that he cared not what became of the motion of the gentleman from Georgia. He had chosen to express his opinions in the language contained in the paper referred to. Mr. WICKLIFFE said that nothing the gentleman had read was half as violent as the language employed by gentlemen of the House in their speeches on that floor, and for which they had not been called to order. Mr. W. was very sure that if he thought the bill proposed a wanton act of power," he would not hesitate to say So. He renewed his motion to lay the resolutions on the table. Mr.WILDE said that as the gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. WICKLIFFE] had thought proper to conclude a speech with a motion to lay on the table, and thereby cut off all opportunity of reply, he should do all that remained to him, by asking the yeas and nays. Mr. WICKLIFFE said that if the gentleman was very anxious to reply, he would once more withdraw his motion; and he withdrew it accordingly. Mr. WILDE said he should not avail himself of the opportunity. body. Mr. A. would take the liberty to call the attention of the House to certain passages of another paper, received at this very session, and only a few days since, as one of the documents accompanying the recent message of the Executive to Congress; a paper which was said to speak the sentiments of South Carolina; it was an address from the South Carolina convention; addressed, not as its title in the printed document purports, to the people of the United States, for the convention acknowledged no people of the United States; according to them there exists no such people; but addressed to the people of twenty-three distinct communities in this country, and what did they say? Here is the address, sir; and it is to the people of Massachusetts, Virginia, New York, and so on, naming in succession each of the States of the Union, twenty-three in number. And what says this address? "Every representative in Congress should be responsible, not only to his own immediate constituents, but through them and their common participation in the burdens imposed, to the constituents of every other representative. If, in the enactment of a protecting tariff, the Mr. ADAMS said that he hoped the yeas and nays majority in Congress imposed upon their own constituents would be taken on this question. He considered the mo- the same burdens which they impose upon the people of tion made by the gentleman from Georgia as an insult to South Carolina, that majority would act under all the rethe State of Massachusetts. The proposition was to turn straints of political responsibility, and we should have the out of doors a solemn, deliberate, public act of her Le- best security which human wisdom has yet devised gislature, after it had been received by the House, and against oppressive legislation. But the fact is precisely by its authority placed upon its files. Mr. A. repeated, the reverse of this. The majority in Congress, in imthat such a motion was an insult on Massachusetts; and, posing protecting duties, which are utterly destructive of therefore, he desired the vote upon it should be recorded. the interests of South Carolina, not only impose no burAsto the exception which was taken to language used by dens, but actually confer enriching bounties upon their the committee of the Massachusetts Legislature, and constituents, proportioned to the burdens they impose adopted and sanctioned by both Houses of that Legisla- upon us. Under these circumstances, the principle of ture, on the ground that it contained an injurious imputa- representative responsibility is perverted into a principle tion on the motives of the members of the Committee of of absolute despotism." Ways and Means, if gentlemen were so exceedingly Mr. Speaker, said Mr. A., here is a direct charge sensitive themselves, it might be well for them to consider upon the majority in Congress, of making themselves, by before they cast imputations upon the motives of others. a gross perversion of the principle of representative reA gentleman from Tennessee, who sat behind him, [Mr. sponsibility, the instruments of absolute despotism. Is POLK,] had taken quite as great liberties with the motives this no imputation? Is this not enough? What further? of the Legislature of Massachusetts, as that Legislature had done with his motives, or those of his colleagues. "It is this very tie, binding the majority of Congress to execute the will of their constituents, which makes them our inexorable oppressors. They dare not open their hearts to the sentiments of human justice, or to the feelings of human sympathy." [Mr. POLK here said that was what he intended.] He now heard the gentleman say that "he had intended to do so;" but if so, then the gentleman had no right to object to an imputation on his own motives. The gentle- Now, sir, this paper, from which I have read these man should content himself with exercising the privilege passages, was received by the House, referred to a Comof retaliatory warfare, without calling upon this House to mittee of the Whole on the state of the Union, and 2,500 add the weight of their sanction to his resentments, by copies of it ordered to be printed, to be circulated among dishonoring the resolutions of a State of this Union. The our constituents. Yet it tells a majority of this body that motion was as unexampled as it was outrageous. Mr. A. they "dare not open their hearts to the sentiments of said he was not one of those who affixed the idea of un- justice and humanity." Yet the gentleman from Georgia bounded power to the word "sovereignty;" nor was he is much affected because it may by possibility be supposed one who held that the States of this Union were "sove- that his motives are reflected on in a paper from Massareign States," in the sense which some others applied to chusetts. This certainly shows that the gentleman must that phrase. It was probably the belief of some of the suppose that the Legislature of Massachusetts stands in members of this House, that, in his system of political this House on a very different ground from that on which opinions, he was disposed to curtail too much the sove-other Legislatures stand; that there are in this Union JAN. 31, 1833.] The Tariff Bill. [H. OF R. two classes of States, from one of which the majority of produce; and thus each part becomes a benefactor to the Congress must tamely submit to any and every insulting remainder of the community; and internal commerce is imputation, while the other class must not dare to breathe created, which is necessary for all, beneficial to all, and a suspicion upon the unsullied purity even of a committee profitable to all. of this House, but at the peril of being kicked with indignity out of your doors. With regard to the imputation itself which appears to have so deeply wounded the feelings of the gentleman from Georgia [Here Mr. Boox, of Indiana, interrupted Mr. A., and demanded the orders of the day.] The motion prevailed, 98 to 79, and the House went again, into committee on THE TARIFF BILL. I deem it of the first importance that this Government should adopt a policy which would enable us to provide by our own labor, our own means, and our own resources, all those things which are necessary for our wants, our comforts, and our independence, in time of peace; and for our safety and defence in time of war. It cannot, with truth, be said that we are either free or independent while we are compelled to look to foreign Governments for a constant supply of those things which we daily need for the subsistence and comfort of ourselves and our families. This state of dependence will always have an injuMr. BANKS, of Pennsylvania, being entitled to the rious effect upon our freedom; it is utterly inconsistent floor, rose, and said that, as the people whom he repre- with our form of Government, and the habits and patriotsented on that floor were principally engaged in agricul- ism of our people. Much less can it be said that we are tural, manufacturing, and mechanical pursuits, he had felt free or independent, when we are constrained to look to it his duty to examine the bill now under consideration, our enemies for our means of defence, our munitions of and ascertain, if possible, what will most probably be its war. No, sir, I repeat it, emphatically repeat it, we are effect upon those interests if it should become a law. The duty, said Mr. B., I have performed with care, attention, and even anxiety; and I now ask the indulgence of the committee while I submit the views which I have taken, and the conclusions to which my mind has come, on this most important and much distracting subject. neither free nor independent, as long as we are fed, and clothed, and armed, at the will of our enemy. It is time that we should shake off this worse than colonial dependence. Let us provide for ourselves those articles which are so essential at all times; we have the means: all that is wanting is wise legislation on our part. The people I occupy my place here as an avowed friend of domes- will not fail to do their part in this great work. Until tic and American industry. I am prepared to go, in le- this is accomplished, we will be dependent upon the legislation, every just and reasonable length to protect the gislation of foreign Governments, upon the mere will of labor of our own citizens against the labor of foreigners, foreign Powers. Our supplies will be ever subject to and the influence of foreign Governments. In doing this interruptions, liable to be entirely cut off at the caprice I would not go further than may be found necessary to of a foreign despot. Who would be willing to hold all accomplish this object. I would proceed with caution; the comforts of civilized life by so uncertain and precariyes, sir, even with guarded steps, lest, while protecting ous a tenure? Our citizens, while this state of things enone species of labor and one species of interest, injury dures, will be subject to constant losses from fluctuations might be done to other labor and other interests, of no less of trade, and from convulsions abroad. Let us then place importance to the country; and thus the cause which I pro- the labor and industry of our own country beyond the fess to advocate, might be arrested in its advancement. reach, above the control of foreign influence and foreign Pennsylvania, the State from which I come, and which legislation. Then, and not until then, will we be, in I have the honor to represent, in part, on this floor, has reality, what we profess to be, a free and independent at all times been the firm and steady friend of this protecting policy. That State looks upon this policy as being essential to her prosperity and welfare. It is to that policy that she is mainly indebted for her present highly improved condition. That policy has contributed largely to bestow upon the people of that State the many blessings and rich advantages which they now so eminently enjoy. That policy is well suited to the industrious and virtuous habits of the people of that State. Her local advantages are great; her agricultural resources are inexhaustible; her mineral wealth is not inferior to that of any State in this Union. That policy brings into requisition all the energies of her industrious people. It draws largely upon all her advantages and resources; insomuch that they cannot fail to impart to the people comforts, wealth, and independence, in a very high degree. people. That I have thus spoken the opinion of my constituents, and of the people of the State of Pennsylvania, I cannot entertain a doubt. That this is their opinion, will be amply confirmed by recurrence to the messages of our State Executive, the resolves of our Legislature, of our State conventions, of our city, town, village, and county meetings. It is the opinion of the people as spoken through the press. I say, from all those sources but one opinion can be formed, and that is, that Pennsylvania cannot consent to abandon the protective policy. Whatever may have been the difference of opinion of the people of that State as to men or measures, all those differences were lost in their devotion to this policy: on it, sir, all united. I cannot but embrace the opinion that this policy is essential to the prosperity and welfare of my conPennsylvania has always viewed this policy as of great stituents, and of the State from which I come, and that national importance; as a great national measure. She it is equally so to every portion of the people of this does not look upon it as beneficial to herself alone, but equally so to every portion of this wide extended coun- But we are told that this policy imposes unjust, untry. When she asks that her interests and the labor of equal, and oppressive burdens upon a certain portion of her citizens should be protected, she is willing that the the people of this country. If this be true, it ought to same degree of protection should be granted to all the in- be changed. Much as my constituents value this policy, terests and labor of the citizens of every other State in they would not persist in it if this was its effect. They this Union. Her principles on this subject have never do not wish to profit by the oppression of others. been other than the most liberal. It is only by giving this is not their morality, nor their system of political econogeneral protection to all interests in this country, that the my. But, sir, permit me to examine this charge before great benefits of this policy can ever be fully realized. assent is given to it. It is often more easy to prefer a it is this extension that gives to it a national character charge, than it is to support it. I have been present here and national importance. It is this extension that enables during two discussions of this subject. I have carefully one portion of the country to supply the rest with those examined all documents which have been furnished us. articles which the people require, and which they cannot I have also listened to the discussions with attention; and country. This |