JAN. 31, 1833.]

The Tariff Bill.

[H. OF R.

and a half per cent. Yes, sir, incredible as it may seem, sixteen and two-thirds per cent. On Pimento the reducready made clothing, which in the plethora of our treasu- tion was only twenty-five per cent.; on Cassia twenty-five ry at the present day, we are required to protect with per cent.; and on Souchong and Hyson skin teas only fifty per cent. ad valorem, and paper, which we are told thirty per cent. It seems to me, therefore, to be evident must be protected with upwards of one hundred per cent. that the great object of the tariff of 1816 was revenue, not duty, in the early days of our republic, when more reve-protection; and that all that Congress then vouchsafed to nue was required than it was deemed expedient to raise the manufacturers was, to break their fall by a gradual by imposts alone, were charged with a duty of only seven reduction of duties. The eleemosynary protection, which, and a half per cent. This act was revised in 1790; and since that period, has been extorted from us by the clafrom the preamble of the act then passed, we may fairly morous importunity of the manufacturers, ought not, and infer that it was not the intention of Congress to do any cannot be distorted into a pledge to continue taxes which thing more for the encouragement of manufactures; for are not required by the exigencies of the Government, it is therein expressly declared, that the support of Gov- whose operation is unequal, and whose very name has beernment, and the discharge of the debts of the United come hateful to many of these confederated States. States, rendered it necessary to increase the duties laid by Sir, the gentlemen from Massachusetts have underthe former act. Mark this, Mr. Chairman, the duties are taken, several times in the course of this debate, to speak increased, not for the encouragement of manufactures, in the name of New England. It is in no spirit of unkindbut solely and exclusively for the purpose of supporting ness towards them that I object to this on the part of our Government and paying our debts. If more be want- Maine. Sir, in this controversy we cannot permit Massaing to put beyond doubt the intention of the legislature, chusetts to speak for us, for she speaks not our sentiwe shall find that the duties on that class of articles, now ments. Maine ever has been, and ever will be, opposed ⚫called protected articles, were either left untouched, or to the system of monopolies, to the system which has else increased in a trifling degree, and that the augmenta- brought the Union into jeopardy. She always has been, tion of revenue was sought to be derived from increase and always will be, ready to join heart and hand with her of duties upon articles which we could never expect to brethren of the South, in the endeavor to bring back and produce. For instance, ready made clothing, hats, boots to keep the Federal Government within its undisputed and shoes, castings of iron, soap, candles, cheese, nails, constitutional sphere of action, to reduce our revenue to are among the articles remaining at the old rate of duty; a level with our expenditure, and to reduce our expendiwhile the duties on teas were raised sixty and eighty per ture as low as may be consistent with a judicious and encent., on coffee sixty per cent., and on wines ninety-four lightened economy. Nor is Maine alone among the New and one hundred per cent. In the year 1792, more re- England States, imbued with these sentiments: I am convenue being wanted, a general increase of duties took fident I shall not be gainsaid when I assert that they are place; but still there is no distinctive character of protec- reciprocated by New Hampshire. Two of the six New tion to be seen; the increase is equally upon protected England States, containing more than one-third of the and unprotected articles. The same may be said of the population, are as fixed as their primitive mountains act of 1794, and of all other acts imposing duties prior against the protective system. to the war. I will not occupy the time of the committee by a particular investigation of them, but I must call their attention to the act of 1804, by which all ad valorem duties were indiscriminately increased two and a half per cent., and specific duties were left untouched; thereby furnishing ample proof that protection, apart from revenue, was far from the thoughts of the legislators of that day.

Sir, the gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. CHOATE,] not now in his seat, who, I believe, was the third from that State who mingled in this debate, and who is one of the few to whom I always listen with pleasure, however I may dissent from his doctrine, allows that the revenue ought to be reduced, but thinks that this is not the proper time. Sir, this is the invariable language whenever the attempt is made to reform abuses. Let it pass unheeded! The proper day to do good, the proper time to abate a nuisance, is the first day, the earliest moment on which it can be done.

Upon the declaration of war, all duties on imports were doubled, and though, from this entire absence of the principle of discrimination, it was impossible for any man in his senses, to suppose that these duties could be intended But, moreover, we ought not to legislate now upon this to encourage domestic manufactures, yet Congress, in the subject, because there is not sufficient time for it, and beact itself, gave direct warning to those who might be cause if we do legislate, we shall have been brought to it tempted to engage in manufactures, by limiting its dura- by the menaces of South Carolina; and because we ought tion to the term of one year after the conclusion of peace. to delay the consideration until the long session of the Upon the return of peace, what was our course of le- next Congress, when we may legislate calmly, dispassiongislation? Did we offer encouragement to manufactu-ately, and without fear.

rers; did we levy protecting duties? No, sir! Notwith- Permit me a word or two in answer to each of these standing the great debt which had been accumulated, objections to present legislation. Sir, when the gentleand the consequent necessity of funds to pay the interest man says that we lack time, he prophesies upon velvet, and reduce the principal; notwithstanding the entreaties for the fulfilment rests with his friends. Far be it from of the manufacturers, and their declarations, that reduc- me to suppose that they would trifle with our numbered tion of duties would be their ruin, Congress persisted in hours. But if they should endeavor to throw every obthe determination of reducing the duties on articles which stacle in the way of the friends of this bill, by refusing, entered into competition with our domestic manufactures: so far as their votes may prevail, to pass more than three and not only so, but the rate of reduction was greater up-hours of the day in transacting the business for which they on many of the protected than upon many of the unpro-were sent here, making each day a holiday when there is tected articles. For instance, the duties on hammered bar so much to be done, and, if controlled, then using the vairon experienced a reduction of fifty per cent.; on wool-rious petty vexatious modes of delay, by raising questions lens the reduction was thirty-three and a third per cent.; of order where none exist; by moving unnecessary calls on cottons, excepting on those falling under the operation of the House; by asking for unnecessary yeas and nays; of the minimum, the reduction was also thirty-three and a by talking against time, and making ride and tie speeches third per cent.: but on Champaigne wine there was even with the clerk of this House, the member speaking until an increase of duty; on Madeira the duty remained near- out of breath, and the clerk then reading some document ly the same; on Sherry and St. Lucar the reduction was until the member is ready to mount again-if such a only twenty-five per cent.; and on Port and Lisbon only course should be pursued, it needs no one from the dead

to tell us that, were we to sit till dog-days, we should be no nearer the completion of our labors.

[FEB. 1, 1833.

cannot be ruined; for they insist that high duties have reduced the prices, and that low duties will enhance them. Sir, in 1828 and in 1832, we consumed four or five I am no convert to this part of their doctrine, but I will months, nearly the amount of two short sessions, in the trust to them when they announce to us the fact that they production of the tariff bills of those years. Perhaps the can manufacture as cheaply as in Europe; and I must fanciful comparison of them to Hercules, which was made therefore believe that a duty of twenty per cent., with the on this flour, was in consequence of this protracted crea- additional advantage of the charges of importation, will tion. It would have been more german to the matter" give them a favorable and commanding position in the to term the one a harpy and the other a vampyre. There home market. But grant that it were otherwise; grant is nothing in either to render it a favorite. Were they that ruin to the few individuals who have vested their enacted calmly, dispassionately, and without fear?" capital in manufactures were the inevitable consequence Were there not other causes, distinct from revenue or of the passage of this bill, still we should not hesitate, protection, operating upon and controlling their provi- when we consider the probable consequences, in another sions? The bill of 1832 gave satisfaction to no one; but quarter, of our refusing to pass it.

was taken as Hobson's choice. My vote was recorded Sir, the gentleman from Ohio [Mr. VINTON] has such against it because I would not be instrumental in passing affection for the constitution, that he would have all our a bill, the operation of which was to relieve the rich rather throats cut, one-half the population of the United States than the poor. But, bad as it was then allowed to be, we destroyed, and our broad rivers roll waves of blood to the are not to improve it, lest our action should be attributed ocean, sooner than this instrument should be impaired. to fear! Sir, after the very appropriate, just, and elo-I cannot go to such lengths. Gold may be bought too. quent observations of the Chairman of the Committee of dear. Besides, I like not this depleting system. I doubt Ways and Means upon this head, it is my intention to say the efficacy of this Sangrado specific But I will go far to but this: that if we should now legislate under the in- maintain our Union, upon which the constitution depends, fluence of fear, the fault is our own, and we must endure and which, I believe, is equally at an end, whether a State the penalty. We were solemnly warned last year of the be permitted to leave it voluntarily, or be forcibly comdangerous consequences of our legislation; we were told, pelled to remain a member of it. I therefore trust that more in sorrow than in anger, that the South would not the gentleman from Ohio, though I cannot keep pace submit to it, that a dissolution of the Union was inevitable with him, will not only bear with me, but approve me if we persisted! But the boding voice, like the warnings when I say, better, far better, that every one of these of the Trojan prophetess, was unheeded. Sir, I fervent- bloated manufacturing establishments should be ruined, ly pray that our Ilium may not rue the fatal consequences from roof tree to foundation stone, than that the fair fabric

of this delusion!

of our Union, purchased by the valor of heroes and the But how will delay enable us to act more calmly, dis- wisdom of sages, should be suffered to crumble, and its passionately, and fearlessly? Do gentlemen imagine that ruins, scattered along the waste of time, to remain mournthe way to soothe the angry feelings of the South, is to ful monuments, to after after ages, of the delusive dayask them to call again to-morrow? Do they think that dreams of the generation that has just passed away, in the complainants will urge their grievances next year, supposing that man was capable of self-government, and with less zeal, or in a milder tone? If they do, they labor of the madness of the present generation, in thus sacriunder a fearful and fatal delusion. Sir, the murmurings legiously destroying the glorious inheritance derived from created by your injustice and oppression, aggravated by their forefathers. your neglect, will swell through every valley, and be reverberated from mountain to mountain, of the Southern States, until they burst upon your deliberations with the crash of a thunderbolt!

Mr. J. having concluded, about 5 o'clock,

Mr. HOWARD offered an amendment, to make the duty on coffee commence on the 3d September, 1833, which was agreed to.

The question then occurring on Mr. HUNTINGTON'S amendment, which went to strike out the 31st and 32d sections of the bill containing the duties on coffee and tea. The question was taken, and decided in the affirmative: Yeas 69, nays 64.

So the amendment was agreed to, and the duties on coffee and tea striken out of the bill.

the bill.

The gentleman from Massachusetts, whose own interests render him the peculiar champion of the manufacturers, [Mr. APPLETON,] alluding to the reduction of duties, tells us to beware how we make the Union not worth preserving. Is it come to this; that our Union is, to any gentleman, a mere matter of dollars and cents! and that it is not worth preserving, unless one portion of the community be allowed to fleece the remainder!! Sir, I had Mr. WHITE then moved an amendment, the general thought that our Union was to be cherished as the palla- effect of which was to make the reduction of the duties dium of republican institutions, as the guardian of equal on wool, on blankets, on carpets, flannels, &c. and on rights, as the pattern Government, the bright exemplar to manufactures of cotton, more gradual than was proposed all others, bringing peace, security, competence, and hap-in piness, to every roof in our country; and whose beneficial influences were as gentle and refreshing as the dew of heaven, which falls unfelt and unseen, but which fertilizes and vivifies. And this Government, beloved and revered at home, respected and admired abroad, is to be spurned if we will not grant a monopoly to manufacturers! Sir, I will not do the citizens of my native State the injustice to The motion of Mr. WILDE, of Georgia, to reconsider believe that they hold thus lightly the blessings of our the vote by which the House had received and referred to constitution. But if it were so, I would endeavor, even a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, at this hazard, to restore the Government to a healthy certain resolutions of the Legislature of Massachusetts, state of action, and prevent our hardy yeomanry from be- coming up as the unfinished business of yesterday morning frittered into manufacturing operatives, that hybriding, production, betwixt a man and a spinning-jenny.

On this motion the committee rose: Yeas 77, nays 44.
And the House adjourned.

FRIDAY, FEBRUARY 1.

MASSACHUSETTS RESOLUTIONS.

Mr. ADAMS said, that when the hour allotted to the

Sir, the work of justice which we have in hand is met consideration of resolutions had elapsed yesterday, he by pathetic appeals to our compassion. We are asked had apprised the House that he had but a few more whether we will ruin the manufacturers? Sir, I do not words to say; and he should now detain them but a few believe they will be ruined. By their own showing they minutes.

FEB. 1, 1833.]

Massachusetts Resolutions.

[H. OF R.

He had said that he considered the motion made by subject he did deliberately give it as his opinion, that the the gentleman from Georgia, for a reconsideration of effect of the bill would be to increase, instead of diminthe vote of the House by which certain resolutions of the ishing the revenue of the country. That the committee who Legislature of Massachusetts had been received and re- had reported the bill were aware that such was the fact, was ferred, as an insult on that State. He would wish, on to be presumed; because it was to be presumed that they reflection, to modify that observation, and to say that if understood the subject with which they had been specialthe House should sanction the motion of the gentleman ly charged, and upon which they had reported the bill. from Georgia, he should consider such an act on the part It could be demonstrated, by figures, that this would of the House as an insult to the State of Massachusetts.be its result. That opinion Mr. A. had expressed at an For, although such a motion, under such circumstances, early period of the present debate, in Committee of the might properly be considered as in itself an insult, yet Whole upon it; and he had called upon the chairman of he did not believe that it was so intended by the gentle. the Committee of Ways and Means [Mr. VERPLANCK] to man who made it. Mr. A. said that he had been person-show how the bill would reduce the revenue. And what ally acquainted with that gentleman for several years, and had been the gentleman's answer? Mr. A. had the genit was but doing him justice to say-and Mr. A. said it tleman's speech, as reported in the Telegraph, and its the more readily because it was said in his absence--that whole argument, so far as it contained argument on neither in that House, nor out of it, did there breathe a this point, went to show that the bill would augment the more accomplished gentleman. Mr. A. believed him in- revenue. What did it say? It assumed, first, that by the capable of insulting, he would not say a State of this reduction of ten or twelve millions of dollars from the Union, but any human being. The intercourse which Mr. present revenue, the consumers, who now pay it, would A. had had with him had not only been that of courtesy have a sum equal to that amount, to increase the exports and of kindness, but that of friendship: and he was as far of the country, which would of course increase the from saying willingly any thing to hurt the feelings of that amount of exports in a corresponding degree. It then adds gentleman, as he knew the gentleman himself to be that the reduction of several almost prohibitory duties averse from injuring his. The House knew the gentle-will also promote an increased importation. It proceeds: man from Georgia to be in a peculiar degree sensitive to "all these causes, it is confidently believed, will raise the any thing which in his own apprehension went to affect average annual importation for several successive years his honor: and this may have induced him, in a moment of hereafter to the amount, and perhaps above the amount, excited feeling, and under the impression that in the pa- assumed by the committee. But it does not therefore per which had been received by the House his own sin- follow that this increase will be excessive and enormous, cerity had been impeached, to offer his motion for recon- or will swell up to an indefinite extent." sideration, and to say what he would now wish he had not Now, it had not been said, either by the Legislature of said. Were it not for the conviction in the mind of Mr. Massachusetts or by himself, that the bill would increase A. that this sensibility to his own good name was the im- the revenue "to an indefinite extent." No such thing pulse under which the gentleman from Georgia had made had been contended for. But he thought it had been this motion, he should still consider it as an insult to Mas-pretty well proved by his colleague [Mr. APPLETON] that sachusetts. He should so consider it for the reasons the bill would increase it to a very considerable extent. alleged by his colleague, [Mr. EVERETT,] because, what-But the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means ever force there might be in the expressions used in the had gone into detailed statements upon the effect of the report made to the Massachusetts Legislature, they were proposed bill upon the revenue to be raised on several far more mild than those employed by the Legislatures of of the most important articles of importation; and his other States in speaking of that House and its acts, and conclusions upon every article that he had specified were, particularly by that of the gentleman's own State. An that the receipts in the treasury would, under the operaorder to exclude the resolutions of the Legislature of tion of this bill, either be increased, or at least not diMassachusetts could be founded only as considering the minished, from those which would be received under the State Legislatures as divided into two classes, one of act of the last session, which he proposes to repeal. He which was at liberty to insult with impunity, not merely began with the prominent article of iron, which he had an individual, but the whole Government, while the other divided into three classes, and he concluded by acknowmight not utter the least reflection on one of the commit- ledging that "the treasury would gain something by a tees, or one of those who composed them. diminished duty on one kind of iron, while it would lose

What Mr. A. had further to say in opposition to the by a diminution on the best and worst sorts." motion for reconsideration was this: The report of the After going on in his argument about iron, to what joint committee of the Massachusetts Legislature said conclusion did he come? The next article was cotton: that the bill reported by the Committee of Ways and here the chairman of the Committee of Ways and Means Means of this House, though it professed to have for its went into a similar detail, and arrived at a similar concluend a reduction of the revenue, would not effect that ob- sion. He again divided the cotton manufactured articles ject; and that those who reported it could not but have into three classes; and these are the words with which he known that such would be its operation. The words closed his argument upon that specified article:-"The which have given offence to the gentleman from Georgia main operation of the proposed change (said he) will be are these: "If it be the object of the bill to reduce the the admitting certain cotton goods between the two classes revenue, why does it restore the duties on tea and coffee? I have mentioned. The revenue then from cotton goods, Are the framers of the bill ignorant of the known and I believe, will stand pretty much as at present." familiar fact, that a diminution of the duties on imported Pretty much as at present! goods, by increasing the importation generally, increases But in respect to spirits he had expressly admitted that the aggregate receipts? The effect of the bill, should it there would be a considerable increase. The gentleman, become a law, would probably be, as your committee he observed, said nothing on the subject of tea and coffee, have already remarked, not to diminish, but to increase nor on the increased duty on silks. Yet the duties imthe receipts into the Treasury. The framers of it cannot posed by the bill on these articles alone would bring not be ignorant of this; and the real object in proposing it less, probably much more, than a million of dollars anmust therefore of necessity be different from the profess-nually into the treasury. The report of the Committee ed and ostensible one." of Ways and Means itself admits that at a scanty estimate

This, Mr. A. said, was the imputation. And now, after they will yield upwards of a million. Such had been the all the arguments he had heard in that House upon this conclusions of the chairman of the Committee of Ways

H. OF R.]

Massachusetts Resolutions.

[FEB. 1, 1833.

and Means himself, in his own argument, to sustain his committee as having understood their own bill, than kickown bill, and they all went to prove that its result would ing out of doors the resolutions of the Legislature of Masbe to increase, and not to diminish the revenue. And sachusetts.

these conclusions had been exceedingly fortified in his Mr. ALEXANDER, of Virginia, said be could have (Mr. A's) mind by an argument, and especially by an wished, both as a member of the Committee of Ways and experimental illustration, which he had heard yesterday Means, and as a friend to the gentleman from Georgia, stated by a gentleman who had used it as a recommenda- [Mr. WILDE,] that that gentleman had suffered the lantion of the bill. He had heard with pleasure an argu- guage in the papers from Massachusetts to have passed ment from the gentleman from Maine, on his right, [Mr. without animadversion. For himself, he felt none of the JARVIS,] and with no less pleasure an agument from ano-sensitiveness of his friend. Gentlemen seemed to think ther gentleman from Maine, upon his left, [Mr. EVANS,] [Here the CHAIR interposed, and reminded Mr. A. that it was not in order to reply in the House to arguments advanced in Committee of the Whole.]

Mr. A. said, it was not his purpose to answer the argument he had referred to, but to confirm the statements of the gentlemen who had used it.

The CHAIR said it was not in order to refer to arguments in committee.

that the committee had been grossly ignorant as to what they were doing when they were reporting the bill; and that they were ignorant as to what the precise effect of the bill would be, he would not deny, because no man could tell beforehand, with any precision, the results of a measure of the kind. But he thought the charge of dissimulation lay as much at the door of the committee of the last Congress, who had reported the bill to reduce the revenue at that time, as it could be supposed now to do at that Well, sir, said Mr. A., I will confine myself entirely of the Committee of Ways and Means. All they could within the rules of order of the House. I say, then, that be said to know was, that there was no such thing as cerI heard yesterday an argument somewhere; the House tainty about results of this kind. If a just sense of proknows where, and by whom it was used, or you may sup-priety were not sufficient to restrain gentlemen, as well pose, if you please, that I read it in a newspaper; but this out of the House as in it, and it was necessary that cerargument was illustrated by an examination into the ef- tain members of the House should set themselves up as fect of the reduction of duties upon wines. Here there censors, such gentlemen, it was probable, could find little were actual data drawn from the treasury returns at dif-else to do than complain. He was aware that in certain ferent times during a succession of years. These returns quarters of the House the committee had not escaped deshowed what was the effect of high duties, and what was nunciations, and, he would say, obloquy, of the strongest the result of a reduction of them to one-half their former character. Yet, because the members of that committee amount; from which a most forcible and convincing argu- had sat silent, and endured these charges with patience, ment resulted to prove that the operation of the present it was not to be understood that they admitted all that bill would be to increase the revenue. When the wine was said against them to be either true or just. Some duty had been reduced by one-half, the receipts on that days since, a member from Pennsylvania [Mr. DENNY] article were doubled. The same result ran through a had indulged himself in a wide latitude of remark as to the long detail, the duties upon different wines, as imported motives and character of the committee, and had gone so at different rates of duty, and the result was invariably far as to say that, as far as the article of iron was conWhen the duties upon Madeira wine had been cerned, the committee must have acted under the supera dollar a gallon, they had yielded to the treasury, I think, intendence of the gentleman from Philadelphia. That about 150,000 dollars; when reduced to half a dollar, they gentleman could not suppose either that the committee had yielded nearly or quite double that amount. So it felt there was any truth in such a remark, or that the aswas with sherry, with port, and with every other species sertion would be believed by any honorable man in that of wine imported in considerable quantities. In every House. The gentleman had even gone farther, and had single instance adduced, it was shown that a reduction of stated, in reference to another article-[Here the CHAIR the duty had been followed by an increase of the revenue interposed, and reminded Mr. A. that it was out of order collected upon the article. Mr. A. said he wished he had to reply in the House to remarks made in committee.] the statement now before him, for, from what had taken Mr. A. went on to say, that if gentlemen would confine place in relation to wines, there was the proof of expe- themselves to the report of the Committee of Ways and rience to show what must happen in reference to wool- Means, they would there find on what principles the bill lens, to cottons, to iron, to spirits, and, in short, to every had been founded. The question had been referred to article the duties on which it was proposed to reduce. them in conformity with the views expressed by the PreWhat would then be the result of passing the bill? Why, that the same taxation-the same terrible taxationthe insupportable burden of taxation, would remain on the people without diminution; and, according to the argument of some gentlemen, all of it would come from the South; whether high duties or low duties, the South paid all.

the same.

sident, how far it was practicable and expedient to reduce the existing amount of revenue, and whether ten or twelve millions of dollars of unnecessary duties might not with advantage be taken off. This was the consideration presented to the committee; and it was for this end, and not in consequence of the attitude of South Carolina, although that subject was not excluded from their view, that the bill Mr. A. did not desire to join in any imputation, in had been reported. Gentlemen should not deceive themthese remarks, upon the Committee of Ways and Means, selves with the belief that, because the members of the as having understood what the effect of their own bill committee had been silent, and had given no answer to would be. He did not charge any such thing upon them. the taunts and the rebukes heaped upon them, they were But he called upon the chairman of that committee, [Mr. therefore acting under the influence of fear. It was not VERPLANCK,] upon the gentleman from Georgia, [Mr. a sense of fear that had actuated them, but a sense of the WILDE] the gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr. POLK,] awful responsibility of their situation, and a sense of what and above all, upon the gentleman from Pennsylvania, was due to propriety. He begged that gentlemen would [Mr. GILMORE,] whose opinions, unfortunately for the not divert the public attention from what was the real opponents of the bill, had undergone, since the last ses- question before the House, which was, whether the peosion of Congress, so great a variation-he called upon ple of the United States would submit to a taxation of ten them all to produce any evidence to show that the bill or twelve millions of dollars, from which they might withwould not operate to increase the revenue; and he would out injury be relieved, and not how South Carolina was say that such proof, when produced, would be an infi-to be conciliated.

nitely better answer to the supposed imputation upon the Mr. WAYNE said that he must offer a few words in