.

FEB. 2, 1833.]

The Tariff Bill.

[H. of R.

Mr. E. said he had received letters from gentlemen of man was more familiar with the manner in which they the highest respectability, and for whose veracity he were committed.

would pledge his own, declaring that if the bill should Mr. CAMBRELENG said there was one effectual way pass as reported, cotton manufactures must immediately to prevent these frauds, and that was to reduce the dugo down. Mr. E. protested against the impolicy of destroy- ties to a moderate amount. However familiar he might ing so great an interest just after it had surmounted its be with the manner in which frauds were committed, first difficulties. A fact had just come to his knowledge, he could assure the gentleman from Massachusetts that of great importance; which was, that the British Govern- whenever he should see him honestly engaged in a sinment had recently levied on foreign printed cotton goods cere attempt to put them down, he would concur in the a protecting duty of 34d. sterling per square yard. Was design.

it unreasonable that our comparatively infant manufac- Mr. CLAYTON, though he supposed that the testitures should ask protection, when those of Great Britain mony of a manufacturer from the South of the Potomac herself, so affluent in capital and skill, were found to need would not be entitled to the same credit as that of those it. As to the comparison between a specific and an ad at the North, would nevertheless offer his own testimony valorem duty in making it, it must always be remembered as a manufacturer, that the manufactures of the South that, in this country, an ad valorem duty, owing to the could do without such a protection as was proposed by difficulty of its collection, was not in practice worth more the gentleman from Massachusetts. It might be an unthan half its nominal amount. common spectacle in that House to see a manufacturer Mr. WILDE replied to the remark of Mr. APPLETON, voting against his own interest; for he believed that, with in respect to the minimum system, that it had not been many of those who voted for protection, it was a case of introduced to protect manufactures, but to save specie life and death. from going to the East Indies to purchase cottons, The Mr. DAVIS inquired whether the gentleman alluded protection at first was confined to coarse cottons. That to him. business being overdone, the manufacturers had gone to the making and printing of finer goods. But this they had done at their own risk. Mr. W. inveighed against minimum duties. Let the tax be open and above board.

Mr. CLAYTON replied in the negative.

Mr. APPLETON inquired whether the gentleman included those from the South, the value of whose cctton erop was, according to their own statement, vitally concerned in the destruction of the protective system.

Mr. DAVIS said that he did not own, and never had owned, a dollar's worth of manufacturing property in his life. Mr. CLAYTON said that, if there were any other genMr. DAVIS, of Massachusetts, went into an explanation tlemen who wished to put a similar inquiry, let them come and defence of the minimum system; and inveighed forward and he would answer them; or he would conagainst the gross fraud by which ad valorem duties were sent that all those who were personally interested should constantly evaded. This was the reason why so many be excused from voting. specific duties had been laid, and why the square yard duty had been introduced. The destruction produced by this bill would fall, not on the wealthy manufacturer, but on the laborious people whom he employed, and who had no other capital than the hands which God had giv- Mr. CLAYTON said he had not intended to produce en them. Their wages were such as to secure to them any excitement, but as he was himself a manufacturer, and the comforts of life; but if protection should be removed, the question should be put whether protecting duties and the establishments proceeded, they could have no should be increased, he should feel bound to go without other resort than to cut down the wages until the labor- the bar. But he presumed he was at liberty to vote ers in this country were assimilated to the ignorant, bru-against himself. The existing protection gave him the tal, and squalid poor, who in England shared their time monopoly of the State of Georgia, and enabled him to between the factory and the poor house. make a profit of fifty per cent. on cotton cloth at ten and

Mr. D. remonstrated against so fatal an injury to our twelve cents a yard. If a square yard duty of seven and country. The equivalent for all this was to be our get- a half cents should be added, as was now proposed, what ting foreign calicoes a few cents a yard cheaper. But would his profit be then? The gentlemen of the North even this Mr. D. denied would be the result, because the wanted a law which should be equal to the advantage the withdrawing of our own goods to the amount of thirty European manufacturer had in the cheapness of food, millions of dollars would inevitably operate to raise &c. Now, with the duty of seven and a half cents, those prices. Reduction had been tried upon salt; and was Northern manufacturers had made cloth, and sold it at the salt any cheaper? It had been tried on tea and coffee; door of his factory at six cents per yard. At what rate were tea and coffee any cheaper? Who was it that com- could it be got, should free trade be established? The plained of the duty on sugar? It was the planters of gentleman from Massachusetts had made an eloquent apCuba. And why? Because when our products pressed peal against reducing American labor, and compelling hard upon foreign competition, our protecting duty was the operatives to do without the comforts of life. That paid chiefly by the foreigner. very condition the gentleman so much dreaded was now Mr. CAMBRELENG replied, denying that ad valorem the condition of Mr. C.'s constituents. If gentlemen duties depended on the honesty of invoices, inasmuch as the goods had to be appraised. He had endeavored to repress fraud, and had formerly drawn a bill for that purpose; and was still ready to go any length for its suppression. He inveighed against all square yard duties. Let the manufacturers say what protection they must have, and let them have it ad valorem.

needed such a protection to carry on their manufactures, why not impose the tax upon their own State, under a State law? Why make the South pay for it? Supposing Georgia and Massachusetts to be the only States in the Union, would it be fair to make Georgia pay a tax to support Massachusetts?

If their fields produced cloth and hats, and all other Mr. DAVIS denied that all the goods were appraised. necessaries of life, growing on bushes, would it be fair to The appraiser examined but one bale out of twenty; and make them pay a tax on these articles for the benefit of the grossest frauds still continued. There was a specific Massachusetts? Would not this reduce Georgia to the duty on iron, why not on cottons and woollens? So enor-state of a colony? If the bill would destroy the Northern mous had these frauds been, that three-fourths of the factories, let the operatives go to the West. It was deAmerican merchants had been driven out of the market.clared that the Government had a right to bring down He was happy that the gentleman from New York would the slave labor of the South to a level with the free labor aid him in suppressing frauds, as he believed no gentle-of the North; id est, that the Southern capital should be

H. OF R.]

Slavery in the District of Columbia.

[FEB. 4, 1833.

reduced in value till it was on a level with Northern capi- Mr. S. went on to remark on the effect of protection tal. If so, it was time the South knew it. The Southern on the interest of agriculture; inveighed against reducing climate produced, in cotton, rice, tobacco, and sugar, our laborers to a level with those of Switzerland and Ireabout forty-five millions of dollars; and it was to get at land, and related an anecdote of some Irish operatives this amount that the Northern capitalist seized upon the who had come over here, and, by continuing to live as Government as an instrument, and enacted the tariff law. they had done at home, had laid up a handsome little forThe South got this out of the earth by their slaves, and tune out of their wages as factory hands. yet they were told that slavery was the cause of all their After some remarks in reply to Mr. CAMBRELENG and trouble. The truth was, that their slaves were, in fact, Mr. WILDE, Mr. S. expressed his hope that the gentlethe slaves of the North. It was their slaves that sailed man from Massachusetts [Mr. ADAMS] would, as he had the Northern ships and ran the Northern spindles. Their given notice, test the sense of the committee, by moving slaves were their machinery, and they had as good a right to strike out the enacting clause of the bill. to profit by them as Northern men had by the machinery The debate was further continued by Mr. VERthey employed. It was not slavery that produced the PLANCK, and Mr. CLAYTON, who made a brief redepression of the South; it was the robbing the Southern ply to Mr. STEWART; when, on motion of Mr. DEARplanter of one-half he earned, to swell the profits of the BORN, the committee rose, and the House adjourned.

Northern manufacturer.

Mr. STEWART replied that the gentleman had made a most excellent tariff speech. He had informed the House that the business of manufacturing at the South realized a profit of fifty per cent. He presumed it was by slave labor.

MONDAY, FEB. 4.

SLAVERY IN THE DISTRICT OF COLUMBIA. Mr. HEISTER, of Pennsylvania, presented a memorial from sundry citizens of Pennsylvania, praying that slavery may be abolished within the District of Columbia.

Mr. CLAYTON said that his hands were part white and part black; but as a white man in a factory was no bet- Mr. H. said he had had forwarded to him seven petitions ter than a slave, the gentleman might call it all slave labor. of the same tenor, containing the signatures of more than Mr. STEWART resumed. If slave labor was worth one thousand citizens of Pennsylvania, praying for the enfifty per cent, why could not the South turn its labor to actment of a law or laws for the abolition of slavery and manufactures? Southern gentlemon told the House that the slave trade in the District of Columbia. slave labor employed on cotton and rice was worth but Although it was not likely, at this late period of the sesfive per cent. If in a factory it would bring fifty per cent.,sion, and at a time when the attention of the National who but a madman would keep it in the field? Could any Legislature is engaged on subjects of primary and paraman believe the two statements? Were men any where mount importance, that any action could be expected duso blind? Now he put the gentleman on the horns of a ring its present session, in reference to the subject matter dilemma. Either slave labor employed on cotton and rice of the petitions he held in his hand-yet every philanyielded a profit of fifty per cent., or else manufacturing thropist might justly cherish the hope that the time was did not yield that profit. The gentleman might choose not remote when the Congress of the United States would which horn he liked. If slave labor was worth that price, deem it not unworthy of their serious consideration to dewhy did the South complain? He should like the gentle- vise some practicable scheme for the gradual abolition of man to explain. slavery, and its worse concomitant, the slave trade, in this District.

Mr. CLAYTON replied that his factory was the only one in Georgia; it might, therefore, be expected to do a better business than was done where factories were so numerous as at the North. He believed there were one hundred and fifty in Rhode Island. There had been a time when these factories realized fifty per cent.

Mr. APPLETON: Never.

When we reflect, sir, for a moment, (said Mr. H.) on the gross inconsistency of the theory and practice of our Government, and look to the sentiment contained in that sacred instrument, the Declaration of our Independence, that all men are born free and independent, "with certain inalienable rights, amongst which are life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness;" and see that, in practice, there exists the most abject slavery in this boasted land of liberty, and that, too, at the very portals of your hall of legislation, and in these "ten miles square," over which exclusive legislation has been confided to Congress-an Mr. STEWART said that here again the gentleman anomaly such as this may be unhesitatingly pronounced had made an excellent tariff speech. Profits in Georgia unprecedented in any country, at the present or any other were now enormous, but they were to come down. Yes; period of time.

Mr. CLAYTON continued. Yet those factories were now suffering, So it will be by and by, in Georgia. Others would come in, and there would be bankruptcies as at the North. For his part he should be glad to get

out of it.

and what was to bring them down? Competition. This We all know, said Mr. H., how the evils of slavery were was the very ground the friends of the tariff had always entailed upon our country; that it is not a matter of centaken. This had brought cottons down, though the pro- sure, but of regret; and how delicate a subject it is to tection still continued. The gentleman had said that the touch, or to legislate upon. And he would be among the protecting duty gave him the monopoly of Georgia. How last of those whose misguided zeal might desire Congress so? Could not the Northern manufacturer come and sit to interfere in any manner with this species of property down by his side; and then where was his monopoly? A within any of the States of this Union.

distinguished manufacturer from Rhode Island would But whatever others might think with regard to the guaranty to any gentleman half a million of dollars worth propriety of petitions coming from any other source than of manufacturing property there at an advance of six per from the people of this District on a subject in which cent.; yet at the South it brought fifty! The gentleman they alone may be supposed to be interested, he had no had further said, that, although the protecting duty was seven and a half cents, yet the Northern manufacturer had sold cotton at six cents. According to the gentleman's doctrine, as the protecting duty went into the price, they must have given the cotton away, and paid a cent and half for the pleasure of doing so. If slave labor brought fifty per cent. he thought the South might, in reason, give up something in a spirit of compromise.

a

hesitation in saying that amongst the names attached to these petitions, there are those of men inferior to none in estimating the sacred rights of private property, and in a discriminating knowledge of legitimate subjects to be brought here for the consideration of this honorable body. And he would add that, in his humble belief, in common with theirs, the fair fame and character of the whole nation is deeply involved in the continuance of slavery and

FEB. 4, 1833.]

The Tariff Bill.

[H. of R.

the slave trade in this District; and that the subject merited, any modification of the tariff at this session, with a view of and he trusted it would receive, the deliberate attention reducing the revenue to the wants of the Government, and consideration of this body, at no very remote period. and leaving it to those who were in favor of raising more He moved their reference, without reading, to the Committee on the District of Columbia.

On this motion, Mr. MASON, of Va. demanded the yeas and nays.

Mr. ADAMS desired the reading of the memorial, and it was read accordingly.

The yeas and nays were ordered.

money from the people than could be wanted to justify themselves to the people by their speeches if they could. And, sir, (said Mr. W.,) I should not now have risen for the purpose of submitting any remarks upon the bill at this time, but for the speech which the honorable gentleman from Georgia [Mr. WILDE] made a few days since on this bill, when he took occasion to read a paragraph from Mr. MASON observed, that this memorial came from a Baltimore newspaper, wherein it was stated that the persons not interested personally in the question of ne- Governor of the State of New York had written to the gro slavery; and the language of the memorial, and the friends of Mr. Van Buren in Congress from that State to remarks with which its presentation had been accompa- vote against this bill. I am now, however, entirely satisnied, referred to the existence of slavery very generally; fied, from the explanation which that honorable gentleand though the gentleman from Pennsylvania disclaimed man has since made, and 1 take great pleasure in making any wish that Congress should abolish it in the States, yet this acknowledgment, that he did not intend to make the this was but the commencement of a series of measures remarks he did in any spirit of unkindness. But, sir, as which tended to that result. It would be time enough one of the Representatives of this House from that State, for Congress to act respecting the District of Columbia I feel it to be my duty to say that my vote on this bill will when the people of the District should themselves re-be, as I hope it ever has been, based upon principle, and quest it.

Mr. BATES, of Maine, moved to lay the memorial upon

the table.

Mr. DENNY observed that many similar memorials had already gone to the same committee.

not influenced in the slighest degree by considerations of personal favor to any man. And, sir, I take this occasion further to remark, that if I had father a candidate for the Presidency, and I believed I could promote, or even secure, his election to that high office by voting against a bill, Mr. CRAIG, of Virginia, said he was as much opposed the rejection of which might hazard the prosperity of our to all impertinent interference by States not interested in free and happy Union, I have no fear that I should hesislave property with the tenure of that property in the tate between duty and affection, even in such a case. And slave-holding States as his colleague could be; but the I have that confidence in the intelligence, honor, and papeople of Pennsylvania and Massachusetts, and all the triotism of my colleagues, as I have in the people of my Northern States, were as much concerned in all matters State, that I firmly believe they require no prompting relating to the District of Columbia as those of the South-from personal feeling or party considerations to enable ern States, and therefore the petition was perfectly re- them to do their duty on this occasion to their State and gular, and such as the petitioners had a right to prefer, their country.

and should therefore be treated as other petitions were. The charge that the Governor had written the letter Mr. ADAMS said that he hoped the question would be referred to is without the slightest foundation; the distintaken, if the gentleman from Virginia should not, on re-guished individual now in the chair of that State is incaflection, conclude to withdraw his call for the yeas and pable of such an interference in the legislation of the nanays. If he would withdraw it, he would confer a benefit tion, either upon the great question now before us or on upon the House and the country, by preventing a very any other.

unpleasant debate. Mr. A. had last session presented I feel it my duty to state that I am decidedly in favor of fifteen memorials of a similar tenor with this one; they a tariff of protection. It is in mind constitutional and usehad all gone to the Committee on the District. A short ful; and although it may have borne hard for a time upon report had soon followed, and then the subject was heard certain sections of our country, yet I have never enterof no more during the session. Mr. A., though not in tained the belief, that it has in any respect injured any favor of the sentiments expressed in the memorial, was portion of the nation, yet I am so much attached to the opposed to laying it on the table, as being disrespectful to Union, that I would unhesitatingly (without abandoning the petitioners. The right of petitioning was guarantied the right to protect domestic industry, by countervailing by the constitution, and nothing but very extraordinary foreign legislation,) reduce the rate of duties to the recircumstances should induce the House to treat a petition quirements of the Government. It is an abuse of the prowith disrespect. tecting principle to apply it to raise a revenue not needed. Mr. JENIFER, of Maryland, after a word or two, re- I had the honor of a seat in this House in 1828, and I newed the motion to lay the memorial on the table. On take pleasure in stating that I recorded my vote against this motion Mr. ADAMS demanded the yeas and nays. They the act of that year, because I then considered that suffiwere taken, and resulted as follows: Yeas 75, nays 98. cient protection was given to every interest under the act So the House refused to lay the memorial on the table. of 1824, and because I considered, and subsequent events Mr. MASON then withdrew his opposition, and the have satisfied me of the fact, that that bill was brought memorial was referred to the Committee on the District before us with a view to political effect, and to have a diof Columbia. rect bearing on the then pending presidential election. The House passed to the orders of the day, and again And I religiously believe that we should not now have went into Committee of the Whole on the state of the been involved in the difficulties we are, had it not been for Union, Mr. WAYNE in the Chair, and resumed the con- the passage of that act. I have always entertained the sideration of the

TARIFF BILL.

Mr. WARD, of New York, addressed the committee in support of the bill. He said it was not his intention to detain the committee with any remarks of his, either upon the bill under consideration or upon the several amendments which had been submitted to it. He had consider ed the present a crisis for prompt and decisive action, and had made up his mind to record his vote in favor of almost VOL. IX.--100

opinion that no national measure should be connected in the slightest degree with the politics of the day; that legislating for particular occasions and to carry particular points, was as unjust as it was mischievous.

During the debate on the bill under consideration we have heard gentlemen upon this floor allege (as their principal reason why they should vote for or against this bill) that they considered themselves bound to sustain the interest of their immediate constituents; and whilst I believe that they were actuated by the purest of motives in mak

H. OF R.]

The Tariff Bill.

[FEB. 4, 1833.

ing the declaration, still I must be permitted to say that in of the people in the Southern section, and but little with my judgment we do not come here as representatives respect to the condition of the people of the Eastern, Midsolely of any particular section of our country, or of any dle, and Western sections of our country, except it be particular interest; but, on the contrary, as the repre- the operations in the manufacturing establishments. If, sentatives of the whole Union. Partial, it is true, with sir, the agriculturists are more prosperous in those secrespect to the interest of a portion, but anxious to encou- tions of the country than they are at the South, it derage and sustain the prosperity of the whole; neither pends, in my humble opinion, entirely upon themselves; bound nor allowed to sacrifice the great public interest of for, sir, a farmer starting in life in these sections of the the country to that of our immediate constituents, even if country of the age of twenty-one years, upon a farm of they could be so unjust as (which I am proud to know from one hundred to three or four hundred acres, will be mine are not) to require it. constrained to mortgage it in the beginning for near its However, since gentlemen have been permitted to value, and by laboring with his own hands, and by adoptspeak of the interests of their immediate constituents, I ing the most rigid economy, he finds himself, at the close trust that I may be indulged in observing that, were my of the year, not only able to pay his proportion of the vote to be influenced by such motives, I feel persuaded taxes to the State and General Governments, but after that I should be promoting the interest of my constituents having expended liberally for the support of his family by voting for the bill under consideration, with the amend- and the education of his children, he has a surplus left ment recently submitted to it by my honorable colleague sufficient to pay the interest on the debt created by him who sits before me, [Mr. WHITE,] which relieves the bill and a portion of the principal; and in pursuing this course, from all of its exceptionable features. For, sir, I be- year after year, he finds himself at last, after a well spent lieve that the existing tariff now bears as heavily upon life, out of debt; and he then calls his farm his own. The the district I have the honor to represent, as upon any children, following the example of their fathers, pursue other section of our country. I admit, sir, that the peo- the same course, and their labors and perseverance are ple in that district are not only reputed, but they are in in like manner rewarded. fact, a thriving people, and many of them have amassed great wealth.

If, sir, we follow those of our citizens who emigrate to' the West; see them settle upon the land purchased As regards the agricultural part of that community, I by the scanty means they may have left after they shall have to observe that they now enjoy one of the best mar- have reached the spot of their choice; observe the forest kets for their products that we have in this country. fall before their axe; the ground cleared for their crops; Every thing that they grow upon their farms is daily sent the log house first built, and then, in the course of a few to the city of New York, which is now acknowledged to years, the more stately mansion erected to supply its be the first commercial emporium of this country, and place; and it seems to me that it must be admitted that they receive therefor, in return, the highest cash price. their sufferings are infinitely greater than that of any porUpon the prosperity of that commercial city, upon its in- tion of our Southern brethren; and yet, sir, these pioneers crease in wealth and population, it must be manifest that have contributed largely to the expenditures of the Gotheir hopes, and that of their children, depend; and that vernment, and that without a murmur.

city would dwindle into comparative insignificance were I do not wish to be understood as casting the slightest it not for the commerce of the country; consequently the reproach upon our Southern brethren on account of their interest of the people in that district is intimately connect-alleged sufferings and grievances, nor have I adverted to ed with the interest of that great emporium. Strike that it in the spirit of unkindness; and while I admit that they city out of existence, or break up or impair its commer-have had cause of complaint, yet, I consider that they cial prosperity, and you would thereby deprive them of have not only magnified their complaints, but they do not their market, and the advantages they now enjoy. attribute the cause to the right source.

It is perhaps proper that I should observe, in connex- But to return to the subject. It appears from the report ion with the subject, that the indirect tax which is now of the Secretary of the Treasury, that the whole of the drawn from that district under the existing tariff laws on national debt which remained unpaid at the commenceforeign articles consumed by them, will amount to up-ment of the present year amounted only to seven million wards of $100,000 annually; a sum which, it seems to sixteen thousand dollars; a sum less than the market vame, would be paid by them with great reluctance, were lue of the stock of the Bank of the United States owned it levied upon their lands and tenements; and yet it is a by the Government; consequently it may fairly be contax in fact, as much so as though it was thus levied and collected.

ceded, that we can say we have no longer a public debt. The Committee of Ways and Means, in their report on the bill under consideration, have truly observed that,

But, sir, notwithstanding they have heretofore paid this onerous tax to the Government, and that too without re- "The time and the occasion, whilst they are fitted to ceiving any thing in return in the shape of protection, awaken the noblest feelings of the patriot, and to give except it be the protection given to the commerce of the confidence and ardor to the principles and hopes of every country, and the protection extended to them by the friend of republican institutions, call also upon us, with strong arm of the Federal Government, in securing to equal force, to discharge the weighty, honorable, and them the enjoyment of their absolute rights, i. e. that of practicable duties to which we have been cordially inpersonal security, personal liberty, and private property, vited by our Chief Magistrate-the removal of those finanyet they have never been heard to complain of the seve- cial burdens which may be found to fall unequally upral tariff laws heretofore passed, and which were passed on any,' and the reduction of the revenue to such a with a view to raise the revenue for the extinguishment of limit as shall be consistent with the simplicity of an ecothe debt created by the war of the revolution, the war nomical Government, and necessary to an efficient public of 1812, and the necessary expenditure of the Govern- service.'"

ment.

As the Government, therefore, has more means in the

It does not follow, sir, that they would bear with equal Treasury than sufficient to pay off and extinguish every patience such a burden when these objects are accom-dollar of the national debt; and as the national revenue plished: and when those who administer the Government from customs and other sources will amount, under the say of any tax upon the people that it is unnecessary, I present tariff law, to nearly thirty millions annually; am unable to imagine how I could excuse myself for voting whilst the annual expenses of the Government, hereafter, for it. will not exceed fifteen millions annually, it seems to me Sir, we have heard much with respect to the condition that no solid objection can be raised against a reduction

FEB. 4, 1833.]

The Tariff Bill.

[H. of R.

that the tariff be so constructed as to yield that amount of revenue and no more; and if the tariff of the last session shall be found, on a full experiment, to yield more than that, sooner or later it must, of course, be altered. In other words, if fifteen millions a year will administer the Government, fifteen millions are all which we can permanently collect from imposts."

of duties at this time. The committee, in their report mically administered. The public demand is, I think, already alluded to on that subject, have made use of this strong language: "To this annual amount of fifteen millions must the revenue be reduced. All beyond this must be a needless burden upon the people; a tax falling directly or indirectly upon the land and labor of the country, certainly injurious in its effects, and probably unequal; enriching the treasury only to divide and distract our public councils, by tempting to expenditures of doubtful constitutional right, or inconsistent with the simplicity of republican institutions, staining their purity and hazarding their permanency."

This, sir, is the opinion of one who has taken a decided ground against the passage of any bill at this session. And, sir, it is worthy of remark, that all who have opposed it have concurred in the same opinion.

The honorable gentleman from Connecticut, [Mr. In- And now, sir, since this point cannot be controverted, GERSOLL,] one of the Committee of Ways and Means, it is why not let us set about adjusting the tariff now? I do true, seems to doubt the accuracy of the report of the not wish to be considered the advocate of the bill in the Secretary of the Treasury with respect to the means now shape it was reported by the committee, but am willing in the treasury for the extinguishment of the national to vote for the amendment proposed by my colleague, debt. But, although I entertain the highest respect [Mr. WHITE,] and if that is not deemed by the friends of for the talents of that able representative, yet, sir, when our manufacturing interest a sufficient protection, then I his opinion is put in opposition to the distinguished_indi- call upon them to present us with such an amendment as vidual at the head of the Treasury Department, and that will afford them as ample a protection as the amount reopinion is confirmed by the chairman and all the mem-quired for the national expenditure will justify. And, sir, bers of that committee, except himself, I feel constrained if I may be permitted to take the liberty which has been to believe the Secretary when he assures us that, unless taken by other gentlemen on this floor, that of adverting something is now done to reduce the revenue to the wants to the observations of gentlemen who are not members of of the Government, we shall have, at the commencement this House, but who are now present, and without the of the next year, from five to nine millions remaining in bar, then I can assure the committee that I have been inthe treasury unappropriated. And, unless Congress now formed by a manufacturing gentleman of high standing in interposes, the receips will roll up and retain a danger- this country, and one who has a large capital at stake in ous surplus in the treasury, which, it is to be apprehended, that interest, that he could prepare such an amendment may endanger the peace of the country and the perma-to the bill as would not only be acceded to by the memnency of the Union itself, in the struggle for its distribu-bers from the Southern and Eastern sections of the countion. And, sir, it is a fact worthy of observation, that try, but such an one as would afford ample protection to those gentlemen who now oppose this bill all concur in the manufacturers; and at his instance I introduced the this opinion. subject to the Committee of Ways and Means, and received from the chairman of that committee for answer that, so far as regarded himself, he was willing to make any fair and honorable concession or compromise of the ques"A vote of the House this morning (said that honora- tion. Since, then, it is in the power of the manufacturers ble gentleman) seems to indicate that our minds are not yet to present such an amendment, I call upon the friends of fully made up on the practicability, or inexpediency, or that interest to come forward at this time with it and I will right, of effecting such a distribution. [Alluding to a di- give it my cordial support.

The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. CHOATE,] made use of the following observation in his speech in this House on that subject a few days since:

vision of the surplus funds among the States.] On the The chief objections which have been raised by those other hand, the accumulation of money annually in the opposed to this bill against the passage of any modified hands of the Government is still less to be thought of. Up- tariff at this session are, first, that the act of 1832 has not on this point the opinion and practice of all modern states- yet gone into operation.

men are decided and uniform. No Government lays up And, sir, is that a solid objection against our acting upgold or silver, or any other form of wealth in its coffers." on the subject now? I should think not. The law of the Unless we pass some bill at this time, reducing the last year, it is true, has not yet gone into operation, and revenue, Congress ought, at least, to make some dispo- therefore it is the same as though no law had passed at sition now with respect to the surplus money which will that time in reference to it. The subject was ably disbe accumulating during the present year; and, I would cussed in this House, which then consisted of the same ask, what shall be done with it? Shall we pass a law au- members. We have therefore the benefit not only of all thorizing commissioners of loans to be appointed in the the light which was communicated to us at that session several counties in this Union for the purpose of loaning fresh in our minds, but we have this further and importout the money to the public on bond and mortgage? No; ant fact presented to us, and already adverted to, namely, for in a few years the whole landed property in the coun- that unless we pass an act at this session, further modifytry would be mortgaged to the Government. Shall we,ing the tariff, the revenue will exceed by several millions then, pass a law authorizing the Secretary of the Treasu- the expenses of the Government the ensuing year. ry to invest it in the stocks of the incorporated compa- If, sir, we believe the statement made by the Secrenies? No; for we should thereby interfere with the rights tary of the Treasury, and we must repose confidence of the citizens, and reduce their income upon the stocks somewhere, then, sir, it seems to me that no rational obthey now hold.

What, then, shall be done with it? I answer, there is, sir, but one opinion with respect to it; and in that opinion all of those who have opposed, most strenuously opposed, the passage of this bill, concur. The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts [Mr. CHOATE] makes use of the following able remarks in relation to it:

jection can be raised against the passage of a bill now.

The next and principal objection which has been urged against the passage of any bill at this session is, because South Carolina has prospectively nullified the law of last session. The honorable gentleman from Massachusetts, [Mr. CHOATE,] whose speech I have already referred to, makes use of the following observations in relation to that objection:

"I consider it to be the settled opinion of the country (says that gentleman) that the national revenue ought to "It would be mere affectation in me," says that genbe restricted to, and measured by, the necessary annual tleman, " sir, to pretend not to see that this bill is introexpenditure of the Government, out of debt, and econo-duced because South Carolina has prospectively nullified