FEB. 4, 1833.] The Tariff Bill. [H. OF R. The pending bill has been under discussion for several with foreign nations. The fact that such has been the weeks, and has been very fully and elaborately debated. construction given to these constitutional provisions, by The whole field of argument has been explored; and, he all the departments of the Government, from its earliest that would now address the committee, on this subject, history, would seem to supersede the necessity of any arwill find himself embarrassed by the consideration, that gument to prove the legitimacy of the exercise of the much of what he had deemed it proper to say, had alrea- power in question. In my reflections upon the protecdy been urged by those who have preceded him in de- tive system, I have therefore been unembarrassed by any bate. But, notwithstanding all these discouraging circum- other considerations than those connected with its expestances, I feel myself called upon to state some of the con- diency. And, upon this point, I have long since arrived siderations which have induced the conclusion that I can- at the conclusion, that it was the true policy of the Gonot yield my assent to the passage of this bill, with the vernment to extend its fostering aid and support to all provisions which it now contains. Representing on this such manufactures as could be successfully introduced and floor a district as largely interested in the maintenance sustained in our country. Among these, those that should of a well regulated and judicious tariff as any other west stand most pre-eminently meritorious, are such as are neof the Ohio, I should, perhaps, be obnoxious to the cen- cessary to our national defence in time of war. But, sir, sure of those who have honored me with a seat here, were while I have thus entertained the opinion, that a well reI to remain entirely silent on this interesting occasion. gulated and judicious system of protection was essentially But, sir, I will give the committee the consolatory pledge, conducive to our national prosperity and independence, I that in the remarks which it is my purpose to submit, I have not doubted, but it might be carried to an extent will be as brief as the nature of the subject will permit. that would be productive of pernicious consequences. In submitting my views of this bill, it is my intention, This system should never be tolerated to such an extent Mr. Chairman, studiously to avoid any remarks having a as that it would produce an unnatural or a hot-bed growth tendency to increase the exacebration of feeling which but of manufactures, or allure the rich capitalist or restless too obviously exists as between some gentlemen on this speculator, to invest his funds in the business of manufacfloor, from certain opposite sections of the Union. I am turing, with a view to the realization of enormous profits, sure I need not make the protestation to those gentlemen or the rapid accumulation of large fortunes. But that from the anti tariff States who feel an interest in the pas- degree of protection which is necessary to enable our sage of this bill, and with whom, upon this occasion, I am manufacturers to compete fairly with the foreigner, and constrained, by a sense of duty, to differ, that in arriving which shall enable them, with the aid of competent skill, at the conclusion which I have announced, I have been and assiduous attention to their business, to realize fair and influenced by no feeling of sectional hostility, or sectional reasonable profits, ought to be afforded them. It is not prejudice. In truth, sir, the only consideration which to be denied, but what Great Britain, the great work-shop has created any feeling of regret on my part at the course of the world, possesses many and important advantages I am about to pursue in regard to the pending measure, over the United States, as a manufacturing nation. It has is, that it involves a diversity of opinion and action be- been her settled and unwavering policy, for ages past, to tween myself and some gentlemen in this House, with extend governmental protection to her manufacturing inwhom it has heretofore, on most occasions, been my good terests. Her tariff of duties upon articles coming in comfortune to agree, and for whom I entertain the highest petition with her own fabrics, is prohibitory in its characrespect. But, sir, I should be unworthy of the responsi- ter. Her manufactures thus protected, and the skill of ble trust which has been confided to me by my constitu- her artists, matured by time and experience, have attained ents, were I to allow myself to be swerved in my course a state of high perfection. But, this is not all: from the here, by any such consideration as that to which I have density of her population, and the nature of her Governjust adverted. ment, a large class of the people are in a state of degradAfter having carefully examined the provisions of this ing dependence and want, that leaves them no alternabill, and anxiously deliberated upon it, in all its aspects tive, but to labor for the scantiest pittance, or perish with and bearings, I have come to the conclusion, that whether starvation. Hence, the price of labor in that country is we regard the amount, and the adjustment of the duties much reduced below what it is here, where all are left upon imports which it provides, or the time at which Con- free to pursue their own interests, and their own inclinagress is called upon to act, it is unfit and inexpedient that tions, in regard to their pursuits and occupations. In adit should receive the sanction of this House. dition to all this, the abundance of capital in Great Britain, It is not my intention, Mr. Chairman, to go into a full or gives her a most decided advantage over us, in the busielaborate examination of the details of this bill. This has ness of manufacturing. Capital there is worth not exbeen so ably and so satisfactorily attended to by other gen- ceeding four per cent., and the rich and lordly owners of tlemen who have gone before me in this debate, that I it, who invest it in manufacturing establishments, may well should hold myself unpardonably intrusive upon the com- be content to realize that amount of profit from it. But, mittee, were 1 to attempt it. There are, however, some in this country, to the owner of a few thousand dollars, items of the bill with which the interests of my immediate such an investment, with the prospect of such a profit, constituents are intimately connected, and which I shall holds out no strong allurements. So far, then, as prospecially bring to the view of the committee, for the pur-tection, in the form of duties upon foreign imports, is nepose of showing, that the protection proposed to be ex-cessary to compensate our manufacturers for the disadtended to them is altogether inadequate and insufficient. vantages under which they labor, in contrast with those of But, before I proceed to do this, and as necessary to the Great Britain, to that extent, and that extent only, should correct understanding of my views as to the measure now it be afforded by the Government. There is one other under consideration, I must be permitted to present a reason, to which I will briefly advert, which makes the very brief and general outline of my opinions of the pro- protective policy, in this country, the more necessary. I tective system. And in the first place I would remark, allude to the commercial restrictions of Great Britain. that I have never doubted but what it was within the con- Not only does she protect her manufacturing interests by stitutional competency of Congress, in the adjustment of high and prohibitory duties, but she also protects her agriduties upon imports, to afford protection and encourage- culture by the exclusion from her ports of all such artiment to the domestic industry of the nation. It has always cles as she can produce. Hence, all the staple producappeared obvious to me, that this authority was clearly tions of the grain-growing States of the Union are as efembraced in the delegation of power to Congress to lay fectually shut out from her markets, as if the "fast anand collect taxes, duties, &c., and to regulate commerce chored isle" was surrounded by some impassable barrier. VOL. IX.--101 H. OF R.] The Tariff Bill. [FEB. 4, 1833. Without going more at length into the consideration of protection which we have made to the country. Such a the protective system, a subject which has been exhausted course, there is every reason to believe, would have a and worn threadbare, by discussions here and elsewhere, most disastrous effect, and sensibly impede our onward I must adopt the conclusion that to the extent which I march in the path of national prosperity. To illustrate have indicated, it is in accordance with the best interests of my ideas as to this matter, permit me to suppose the case this nation. Such, sir, was the opinion of those eminent pa- of a human being, laboring under a state of excessive, triots and statesmen who participated in the councils and painful, and dangerous tension. Sir, what would be the the legislation of the country, in the earliest periods of course of the skilful, judicious, and scientific physician her history. That this policy, under proper restrictions, who should be called upon to proscribe for such a patient? so wise, so just, and so judicious, has been perverted and Would he by powerful remedies and ministrations, sudabused by the intrigues and arts of ambitious aspirants denly reduce his patient from this high state of tension, for power, is but too obvious. Sir, it has been for the to the opposite extreme of hopeless relaxation? No, last twelve years so mixed up with the party strifes of sir; it would be his object, by medicines and applications the day, so blended with our presidential elections, so cautiously administered, to reduce him to the medium much used as a hobby for demagogues to ride into office, standard of healthful action. So, sir, in regard to our that it were not strange if the American people should protective policy; if it has been carried too far, if its now look upon it with doubt and suspicion. It is but a brief cords have been too tightly drawn, it should be our object period since the doctrine was openly avowed and main to apply the remedy with great caution, and, by a gradual tained by one sect of politicians, that the maintenance of relaxation, to place it upon its proper footing. a high tariff of duties, and system of internal improvement Although I had not anticipated that the present Conby the General Government, were indissolubly connect-gress would be called upon for any further action on the ed; and that, like the Siamese twins, if the band which tariff, yet, when, at the commencement of this session, the connected them were severed, the destruction of both must subject was introduced, and a reference of it made to the unavoidably follow. By this theory, the people were to Committee of Ways and Means, I had hoped they would be taxed without special reference to the protection of have pursued the course which I have just indicated. I the home industry of the nation, that millions might flow had hoped they would have carefully examined the tariff into the treasury, to be afterwards expended on objects act of last July, and that so far as it should be ascertained of internal improvement. This, sir, was, at one period, a reduction of duty upon the protected articles could be the true meaning and interpretation of those cabalistic made, below the standard fixed by that act, without sawords, the American System. But this system, thus un- crificing our manufacturing interests, they would have derstood, however plausible, splendid, and imposing it done so; and, by such reduction, and the needful reducmay have been; with whatever fascinations and charms it tion upon the unprotected articles, have reduced the remay have been bedecked by popular declaimers; to what- venue to such a sum as might be thought necessary to ever height its ephemeral popularity may have attained; supply the demands of the Government. For myself, has received the stamp of popular disapprobation; and sir, I am strongly inclined to the opinion, that experience they who claimed the honor of its paternity and its advo- will prove that reductions may be made below the rates cacy, have failed in the accomplishment of the ends which fixed by the act of 1832, consistently with a due regard it was their purpose, through its agency, to achieve. to the interests of the manufacturer; and that such an adBut, Mr. Chairman, whatever may be the opinions of justment of this subject may be made as will be satisfacgentlemen as to the expediency of the protective system, tory to all parties. But I regret to say, the bill before us I maintain that a due regard to the obligations of justice, utterly fails to accomplish this purpose. I cannot but and the plighted faith of the nation, forbid that we should view it as entirely disregardful of the fate of some now treat it as an original question of public policy. It of the most important and essential manufacturing inis our duty to look upon this subject with a special refer- terests. I view it as, in many respects, anti-protective ence to the existing state of things; to that state of things in its character and features. Probably such was the view which our past legislation has produced. Under the se- of the anti-tariff gentlemen on the committee, who converal acts of Congress, intended to foster and encourage curred in reporting this bill; though, sir, in relation to domestic manufactures, by affording incidental protection my friend from Pennsylvania, [Mr. GILMORE,] who is to those interests, in the adjustment of duties on foreign friendly to the protective system, and who also concurred imports, we have virtually declared to our citizens, that with the majority of the committee, I doubt not but he this was, and would continue to be, the settled and perma- honestly entertains the opinion that this bill gives suffinent policy of the country. Sir, what has been the effect cient protection to the manufacturing interests. But, of this? In one portion of the Union, the pursuits and although I have for that gentleman the highest regard, occupations of its people had been almost exclusively and believe that for patriotism and integrity of purpose commercial; but the effect of our restrictive system has he has few superiors, yet I am constrained to differ with been to drive them from the ocean, and compel them to him as to the effect and operation of the bill before us. embark in manufactures. Under the policy which has so I have already intimated that I did not design to exalong received the sanction of the Government, they have mine this bill in all its details. It would be inexcusable changed their pursuits, and have invested millions of ca- in me to fatigue the committee by such a course. I must pital in manufacturing establishments. This is more es- however, be permitted, in a few words, to call the attenpecially true of New England than any other portion of tion of the committee to the subject of wool and woolour country; but it is true, to some extent, in relation to lens, and the protection proposed to be afforded to them other parts of the Union. Even in the Western country, by the bill under consideration. It will be borne in mind, manufacturing interests have grown up that are by no that, by the act of the last session, which made a very mameans inconsiderable in their extent and importance. In terial reduction of the duties upon these articles below my view, therefore, if it were even conceded that this the act of 1828, a specific duty of four cents per pound, protective policy was unwise in its origin-if it were ad- and an ad valorem duty of 40 per cent. upon all wool mitted that the true interests of the nation would have costing over eight cents the pound, is imposed. By the been more effectually promoted by the opposite system, bill reported by the Committee of Ways and Means, the still, sir, we are not at liberty to shut our eyes to the state specific duty upon this article is entirely abolished, and of things which it has produced. We cannot, we ought the ad valorem duty reduced ultimately to 15 per cennot, consistently with any principles of just and rightful tum. And on woollens it is proposed to leave the duty, legislation, to violate those implied pledges of continued ultimately, at 20 per cent. I do not forget, Mr. Chair FEB. 4, 1833.] The Tariff Bill. [H. OF R. The man, that the amendment submitted by the gentleman have I been an uninterested spectator of what has been from New York [Mr. WHITE] proposes an increase of passing there. The voice of complaint and of discontent, five per cent. upon each of these articles, and extends which has come to us from that quarter, has not been unthe period within which the reductions are to take effect. heard by me. I have been disposed to give it a respectIf this amendment shall prevail, the duty upon wool will ful audience, and to pay it a respectful attention, without remain permanently at twenty per centum; and on wool- inquiring too astutely, whether the grievances complainlens, at twenty-five per cent. I apprehend it will require ed of were fancied or real. In this spirit, I approached no argument to prove that, for the purposes of protec- the consideration of the modification of the tariff, at the tion, these duties will prove wholly insufficient and ina- last session, and gave my vote for the bill which then dequate. In support of this position, it is only necessary passed. I voted for it, as a measure conciliatory in its to advert to the fact, that even the high duties imposed by character, and as making no inconsiderable concessions the act of 1828, have had but little effect in checking to the South. And, may we not justly infer, from the the importation of these articles. In reference, then, to strong vote it received from gentlemen representing the the duties proposed by the present bill, the naked ques- South, that they too considered it in this light? tion presented is, whether the great interests of wool and provisions of that act, in contrast with those of the act of woollens are to be utterly abandoned and left to the fate 1828, are highly favorable to the South. It is estimated, which inevitably awaits them, if this bill shall become a that the operation of the act of last session will result in law. It seems to me, that whether we regard these in- an aggregate reduction of the duties on imports, to the terests as intimately blended and interwoven with the amount of nearly eight millions per annum. And, among agricultural prosperity of the country, or as connected the articles upon which, by that act, the greatest reducwith the national defence in time of war, they are enti- tions are made, is the cloth of which negro clothing is tled to our special favor and regard. In looking into the made, and negro blankets. These are permitted to come various provisions of the bill before us, I find that an in under a mere nominal duty-a daty of five per cent. ample and adequate duty is retained on iron. I presume Sir, will gentlemen contend that this is no boon to the the committee, in thus providing for the iron interest, South, no mitigation of what they are pleased to call the were governed by the consideration, that this metal was oppressions of the tariff? I well remember with what essential to our military defence. Let me ask, if upon feelings of high gratification the passage of the act. the same principle, the wool and woollens interest are not of the last session was received, not only by myself, entitled to favor and protection? We are told, that in but by gentlemen opposed to the protective policy, and war, guns and swords are necessary, and that we must representing anti-tariff States, rejoiced upon that not be dependent upon foreigners for these. But, sir, it occasion, because I had, as I thought, the best reason will be in vain that you furnish your soldiery with arms to believe, that while that act would afford competent and ammunition, and all the accoutrements of war, unless protection to the manufacturing interests, it would allay you also have the necessary clothing wherewith to pro- the discontents, and quiet the excitement in the South, tect them from the wintry blasts and the cold and "piti- and restore once more the disturbed harmony of the less pelting of the storm." In whatever view, therefore, country, That act passed both Houses of Congress by I look upon these interests, whether in respect to their an almost unprecedented majority; and, as it regards the great magnitude and value; their intimate and vital con- vote in this House, one strong item of testimony in favor nexion with the agricultural prosperity of the nation; or of the justness and fitness of the arrangement of duties their relation to our national defence and independence, which it provided, is to be found in the fact, that the neI cannot but feel some surprise, that the committee should gative votes upon its final passage, are made up of genhave proposed a duty that must result in their total sacri- tlemen who belong to the extremes of the two parties fice and prostration. on the tariff question; of those who may be called the But, waiving any further consideration of the details of highest toned friends of the tariff, and of those, who, this bill, I repeat, that, believing its passage would be both upon the grounds of constitutionality and expedienpregnant with the most fatal consequences to some of cy, are its unyielding and uncompromising enemies. But, the most important agricultural and manufacturing inter- again, sir, it should be borne in mind, that this subject of ests of the nation, unless in its progress through this modifying the tariff was then laboriously examined, and House it shall be materially modified and amended, I amply debated in this House, and also in the Senate. shall not feel myself at liberty to vote for it. It occupied the almost undivided attention of Congress for I will now proceed to state some of the views which many weeks-and, every gentleman here can bear witoccur to me, illustrative of one of the positions which I ness of the arduousness of the duties of this House durassumed in the outset of my remarks; namely, that this ing that period. None will have forgotten how, day after is not the appropriate time for action, on the subject of day and week after week, we were doomed to encounter the tariff. I am free to express it, as the strong convic- the noxious, I was going to say pestilential atmosphere tion of my mind, that the gentlemen from the South, and of this Hall, when within it; and without, the burning their free trade friends from the North, ought not to have rays of an almost midsummer sun. But the bill did pass, brought this subject before Congress at this session. I and became the law of the land, though made to take make this declaration, wholly uninfluenced by any feel- effect on the 2d of March next, a day to which we have ings of prejudice or hostility towards the South. It is, I not yet been brought in the revolution of time. fear, but too true, that this feeling does exist, to no incon- Sir, it is under these circumstances that we are again siderable extent, between the Eastern and Southern por- called upon to act on the subject. The law of last session tion of our country-but, for myself, I protest that I making very material changes in the tariff law, sanctioned have none of it. I had lived, almost from the period of and passed by the very members who are now present, my infancy, in the Western country, and possess, I hope, has not yet gone into operation. And we are now called some portion of that liberality of feeling, which so ho- upon to pass another act, making further and still greater norably distinguishes the great mass of the population of alterations in our system of laying duties on imports. that prosperous and flourishing section of our Union. view of all these facts and considerations, am I not fully Occupying this position, I am constrained to say, that in justified in the assertion that Congress should not have my opinion the South ought not to have asked that the been called upon for its action on this subject, at this sessubject of the tariff should be agitated at this session. Ision? Is it not due to the people, is it not due to the am not unadvised of the state of feeling which exists character and standing of the Congress of the United in that section, in regard to the protective policy; nor States, that the act of July 1832 should be permitted to In H. of R.] The Tariff Bill. [FEB. 4, 1833. take effect, to the end that we may have a practical illus- triumphant? Sir, it was but a few days since, that at a tration of its bearing and operation, not only upon the public meeting in South Carolina, it was openly avowed manufacturing and agricultural interests of the nation, but by a prominent orator and leader in the ranks of the nulupon its revenue? lifiers, [Colonel Preston,] that the bold stand which that I am aware that the expediency and necessity of the State had taken against the tariff had caused Congress to measure under consideration, is urged and vindicated pass the act of last session, and had been the means of upon the ground that the national debt being nearly ex-inducing the Secretary of the Treasury to recommend a tinguished, the act of the last session will produce a further reduction of six or eight millions. And what, sir, greater amount of revenue than the ordinary demands of would be the language of the orator, if we were to pass the Government require. We are told that the people the bill now before us? Would it not be ascribed to the may be relieved from the payment of a heavy amount fear of nullification; and would not the people reproach of taxes by the passage of this bill, and it is strongly and us with having pursued an extraordinary course of action in plausibly commended to our favorable consideration, by our legislation on the tariff, under the influence of this fear? the adduction of this argument. It is not my purpose to But we are told that, leaving South Carolina wholly detain the committee with the inquiry, whether the duties out of view, justice to the other Southern States which paid upon foreign imports are justly to be considered as do not sanction the course of that State, demands at our taxes upon the consumer, or whether the people are not hands the immediate adoption of the measure under conamply compensated for their payment by advantages sideration. Sir, I cannot admit the legitimacy of this which accrue to them, as indirect consequences of such conclusion. Let gentlemen from the South view this payment. Nor will I enter upon any examination of the subject candidly and dispasionately, and I think they will debateable question, whether the reduction of duties concede, that, in pressing the passage of this bill at this upon imports will decrease the revenue of the country. time, they are asking more than strict justice will warrant. These interesting subjects have been amply discussed by Let them bear in mind what they have already achieved, other gentlemen, in the progress of this debate; and to in their efforts to modify and mitigate the protective polisay any thing respecting them, would be only to repeat cy, and what has already been yielded to them by its what has already fallen from others. But may I not inquire friends and advocates. Let them reflect, that the prosewhether it be practicable for any one, no matter what cution of an extensive system of internal improvement by may be his financial experience, attainments, and talents, the General Government is no longer considered a part to estimate, with reasonable certainty, what amount of of its settled policy, and is not likely hereafter to afford a revenue the act of last year will produce? I am aware pretext for drawing money from the pockets of the peothat the Secretary of the Treasury, (whose qualifications ple, to be expended for those purposes. Let them for the elevated station which he occupies, no one moreover bear in mind what they have gained by the can more highly estimate than myself,) supposes there passage of the tariff act of last July: and, lastly, let them will be a large surplus in the treasury at the end of the remember, that gentlemen on this floor, of all parties, current year; and the enlightened committee, from whom and from all quarters of the Union, have united in avowthe bill before us has emanated, have made known their ing the opinion, that the revenue of the country ought concurrence in the views of the distinguished gentleman, not to exceed the wants of the Government, administered at the head of the treasury. But with all due deference, upon just and economical principles. It seems to me the I would suggest, that, from the fluctuations of trade, and South ought to be well satisfied with this state of things, consequent uncertainty as to what may be the amount of and has no right either to ask or expect of the Northern, imports-from the impossibility of foreseeing what con- Middle, and Western States, a total sacrifice of their vital tingencies and events may happen, calling upon the Go- interests. Sir, I believe there is no such irreconcilable vernment for extraordinary expenditures and more than diversity of interests between the different sections of this all, the difficulty of determinining with accuracy, what Union, as that they cannot all exist and be prosperous unmay be the practical operation of a law not yet in force, der the same system of legislation. If the subject of adand concerning which we can have no experimental justment of the tariff shall be approached at the proper knowledge, are considerations which might, at least, jus- time, and in the proper spirit-in the spirit of comprotify a doubt, whether the Government will be encumber-mise and conciliation-I doubt not but it may be settled ed with the anticipated surplus in the treasury. upon a permanent basis, in such a manner as that, while The argument, therefore, in favor of an immediate re- the great agricultural and manufacturing interests of the duction of the tariff, predicated upon the supposition nation shall be adequately sustained, the South shall have that the bill of last session is to give us a redundant trea- no cause or pretext for complaint. sury, is not, to my mind, conclusive or satisfactory. Is In conclusion, I repeat that I cannot yield my assent to there, then, any other fact or consideration, which calls the bill before us, for the reasons before indicated, that upon this Congress at this session, to adopt the anomalous the adjustment of duties which it contemplates, is unsatiscourse of reviewing and repealing a law which was factory and exceptionable, and because this is not the acenacted by it, after great deliberation, so late as the month cepted time for action upon the subject. A new Conof July last, and which has not yet taken effect? I am gress is about to come into existence under the recent aware that the State of South Carolina, acting in her apportionment of representation. Its members will asSovereign capacity, "has adopted measures to nullify semble here, bearing with them the will of the people on not only the act of last July, but all other laws for this important subject. The tariff act of last July will the imposition and collection of duties. I am aware then have gone into operation, and its practical effects too, that she threatens to put her nullifying machinery upon the interests of the manufacturer, and upon the reinto operation, with all the "pomp and circumstance venue of the country, will have been tried by the unerof war.' But certainly no gentleman is prepared to ring test of experience. In short, sir, they will be able admit that this sort of military demonstration, this to act upon this subject under circumstances highly au"peaceable" process of nullification, ought to induce spicious to its satisfactory adjustment, and will dispose of Congress to pursue a course in relation to the tariff, dif- it, I trust, in such a manner as that the peace and harmoferent from what they would have done under other cir-ny of our country shall be restored, and our glorious and cumstances. If the tariff is now reduced, in pursuance happy Union perpetuated for ages to come. of what may justly be called the dictation of South Caro- Mr. WICKLIFFE rose to say he declined making a lina, will it not be to sanction the legitimacy and efficacy speech on the bill. He said he would explain his course of the course she has adopted, and to make nullification to his constituents in the form of a circular, on his return FEB. 4, 1833.] The Tariff Bill. [H. OF R. home; and in the mean while remonstrated with the com- of frankness and truth. Though we plant ourselves upon mittee on the delay of public business, by endless discussion on general principles involved in the bill. Mr. DRAYTON fully concurred in these remarks. He had desired to reply to some of the speeches in favor of Mr. APPLETON's amendment, but would waive that purpose, and hoped other gentlemen would follow the example. the constitution, and the immutable principles of justice and interest to operate exclusively through the civil tribunals and civil functionaries of the State, yet we will throw off this oppression at every hazard. We believe our remedy to be essentially peaceful. We believe the Federal Government has no shadow of right or authority to act against a State of the Confederacy in any form, much Mr. ADAMS then rose and said that he had some days less to coerce it by military power. But we are aware of since given notice of his determination, after the friends of the diversities of human opinion, and have seen too many the bill should have had an opportunity of rendering it as proofs of the infatuation of human power, not to have perfect as they could, to move to strike out the enacting looked with the most anxious concern to the possibility of clause; he would now fulfil his purpose, and would move a resort to military or naval force on the part of the Fedethat the enacting clause of the bill now before the com-ral Government; and in order to obviate the possibility of mittee be stricken out, having the history of this contest stained by a single drop "We will not, we cannot, we dare not submit to this degradation, and our resolve is fixed and unalterable that a protecting tariff shall be no longer enforced within the limits of South Carolina. We stand upon the principles of everlasting justice, and no human power shall drive us from our position." He would offer a few words in support of the motion. of fraternal blood, we have solemnly and irrevocably reThe merits of the bill, as well as its demerits, had been solved that we will regard such a resort as the dissolution very fully argued, and he would not repeat what had of the political ties which connect us with our confederate been so well said by others. It was his opinion that nei-States; and will, forthwith, provide for the organization ther this bill, nor any other at all resembling it, should of a new and separate Government." pass at the present session of Congress. There was one And again, and in another passage, the convention still idea which he had not heard suggested by any gentleman, more pointedly say: and which was a decisive reason with him why the bill ought not to become a law. The bill would not, as it seemed to be calculated by many, reduce the amount of the revenue, but, on the contrary, greatly increase it. To reduce the revenue was the professed object of the bill. The reasons for passing it had been assigned, first by the President in his message to Congress, then by the Secre- Now, with respect to the peaceful nature of this retary of the Treasury in his report, and lastly by the Com-medy, he never heard it spoken of but it reminded him mittee of Ways and Means. But the President himself of the first adventure of Gil Blas. Gil Blas had been had recommended the measure conditionally only; if it furnished by his uncle with a sorry mule, and thirty should be found upon examination that the existing pro- or forty pistoles, and sent forth to seek his fortune in the tection on certain commodities manufactured in the coun-world. He sat out accordingly, but had not proceeded try was excessive, that is, that it was greater than the good far from home, when, as he was sitting on his beast countof the country required, that then a bill should be passed ing his pistoles with much satisfaction into his hat, the to reduce it. Had such an inquiry been instituted? It had mule suddenly raised her head, and pricked up her ears. not. No inquiry had taken place, and the House was Gil Blas looked round to see the cause of her alarm, and consequently in possession of no evidence to show that perceived an old hat upon the ground in the middle of the the present protection was excessive. If the House then road, with a rosary of very large beads in it. This was the should pass this bill, which went so materially to affect great and wide-spread interests of the country, without any previous inquiry, it would not be following the recommendation of the President, but the contrary. Mr. A. did not say that if such an inquiry should be made, and it should then appear that the protection was too great, that he should oppose a bill to reduce it; but the investigation was an indispensable preliminary, and the fact must first be established. object which had startled his mule. At the same time he heard a voice addressing him in a very pathetic tone"Good traveller! in the name of the merciful God, and of all the saints, do drop a few pieces of silver into the hat." Looking in the direction from which these sounds proceeded, he saw, to his great dismay, the muzzle of a blunderbuss projecting through the hedge, and pointing directly at his head. As he moved, this threatening muzzle moved also, still directed at his head. On looking more closely into the hedge, he perceived that it was supported on two cross sticks, and aimed by a figure having the air of an old soldier. Gil Blas, not much pleased with the looks of this very pious mendicant, hastily dropped some pieces into the hat, and clapping his heels into the sides of his mule rode off with all the speed he could from this peaceful solicitor of alms. This presented to Mr. A.'s mind one of the most perfect emblems of the pacific remedy of nullification he had ever seen. There was another reason why Mr. A. should vote against the bill. From a certain quarter of the Union Congress had a most solemn declaration, made in the name of one of the States of the Union, and addressed to all the other States, that the protective system should no longer be carried into effect within that State. In the address from the convention of South Carolina to the people of the twenty-three other States of this Union, communicated by the President, with his recent message to Congress, are the following passages. The convention, speaking in the name of the people of South Caro- But if it was indeed true, that nullification was intendlina, say: ed as a pacific remedy, Mr. A. had this consolation, that "We have therefore deliberately and unalterably re- the execution of the laws was also a pacific operation, solved, that we will no longer submit to a system of op- and would continue to be such, as long as the resistance pression which reduces us to the degrading condition of to it was pacific; so long as nullification was pacific, the tributary vassals; and which would reduce our posterity resistance to nullification would prove to be pacific too, in a few generations, to a state of poverty and wretched- and so there could be no danger that force would be used ness, that would stand in melancholy contrast with the at all. This was one reason why Mr. A. should vote beautiful and delightful region in which the providence against the bill. Gentlemen supposed that if it should of God has cast our destinies. Having formed this reso-not pass, there would be great danger of bloodshed; but lution, with a full view of all its bearings, and of all its there could not be the least danger of this, provided probable and possible issues, it is due to the gravity of the those who adopted the principles of nullification acted subject, and the solemnity of the occasion, that we should according to their professions and promises. It was not speak to our confederate brethren in the plain language their purpose to resort to force; and as there would then |