H. OF R.] The Tariff Bill. [FEB. 20, 1833. amendment. Under these circumstances, he felt himself Mexico, Brazil, the Indies, and other cotton-growing counjustified in yielding his own opinion to the better judg-tries, it will be impossible to maintain the competition ment of those more immediately interested. Should the without greatly depressing Southern labor; and we have manufacturers of cotton of the North, with the same una-been told that considerable quantities of low-priced cotnimity, oppose protecting duties on their manufactures, ton are, in fact, now imported into this country, paying would they be imposed, and by Southern votes? a duty of three cents a pound, equal to 75 or 80 per Mr.CLAY, of Alabama, said he had originally voted with cent.; take off this duty, and we are told our factories the Southern gentlemen against this duty. Had the bill will be supplied with the cheap cotton of South America. simply remained a revenue bill, he would not have ob- Mr. S. said he believed these opinions were well foundjected if cotton had been made free. But the bill had ed, and he should be sorry to see it; but whose fault been entirely changed, and a duty on this article was as would it be? Did not Southern gentlemen bring this deproper as on any other. As cotton could be brought in-struction on their own people? Was it not the effect of to the country from abroad and sold at five cents a pound, their own measures and their own principles? Undoubthe was willing to have a duty of fifteen per cent. ad valo- edly: and the people, even in the South, would soon, he rem, not as a protection, but as a continuation of a duty trusted, cast off this delusion, and awake to a sense of already laid in the act of 1816. He was not disposed to their true interest. He believed the time was not distant repeal the duty heretofore existing, as it was continued when Virginia, and the whole South, would become deon other articles. To give an opportunity for voting for cided tariff States. But another gentleman from South the ad valorem duty, he would vote for the reconsidera-Carolina [Mr. McDUFFIE] tells us he wishes a duty on tion. cotton for revenue-a revenue duty! What! raise reve Mr. CAMBRELENG said there was such difference nue by the importation of foreign cotton! This was most between principles professed and determinations avowed, extraordinary. He had all along understood that we were on this subject, that if the debate continued much longer reducing the tariff to get rid of revenue; that the treagentlemen would not know what side they were on. He sury was suffering from plethora; but now we are told himself was opposed to the duty, and in favor of recon- we want a duty on cotton, not to reduce, but to raise resideration. venue! But another gentleman from South Carolina Some further discussion followed on the part of Messrs. [Mr. BLAIR] admits that it is a protecting duty, but says, E. EVERETT, DAVIS, of Mass., WICKLIFFE, and this duty is of such ancient date, that it would be monBULLARD; several of them referring to the general im-strous to reduce it now. The cotton growers have a right pression or understanding that the bill could not pass in to protection by prescription: and he concluded by sayits present shape, whatever decision might take place on ing that he pleaded the statute of limitation against the this particular feature of it. reduction of the duty on cotton. To this, perhaps, the Mr. STEWART said that this discussion on the pro- wool and hemp growers, and cotton manufacturers, might tection of the great cotton interest seemed to excite great reply, that cotton had enjoyed protection long enough; uneasiness in a certain quarter. Gentlemen evinced great that it had now acquired strength under the fostering care impatience for the question. Why this fluttering? Were of Government, to go forth and defend itself; and that gentlemen! apprehensive that the people of the South the time had now come when other interests should exwould discover that they too had a vital interest in the perience similar favors. tariff, now secure under a protecting duty of 75 per cent.? But, Mr. S. said, he had risen not so much to engage He was glad to see the war carried for once into the ene-in this debate as to explain, in a few words, the motives of my's country: he rejoiced that an opportunity had been his own vote. He should vote to reconsider. He had afforded by this debate, of letting the Southern people not been aware of the ad valorem amount of the duty of see that there were two sides to this question; that they three cents on cotton; on many descriptions of cotton it were not less interested in the protecting system than had been stated to be 70 or 80 per cent. Cotton, it must those of the North. The war had been waged in the be remembered, is a raw material, and it was a sound North long enough. He was glad to see it now carried principle of political economy that the duties on the raw south of the Potomac, where the doctrines of "free material should never exceed the duty on the manufactrade" were so eloquently maintained when applied to tured article. Now it is proposed to reduce the duty by Northern labor; but when it is proposed to apply them to this bill on cotton manufactures to 20 per cent. He the cotton and tobacco of the South, they become all at should, therefore, vote to reduce the duty on cotton also once the most abominable doctrines in the world. You to 20 per cent. If gentlemen would consent to give a gore our ox," that alters the case," and instead of "free higher duty on the manufactures of cotton, he would trade," we have just heard from gentlemen, who, yester-vote a corresponding duty on the raw material. To put day, denounced the tariff as an abomination, some of the a high duty on the raw material, whether wool, iron, cotsoundest tariff arguments he had ever heard on that floor. ton, or any thing else, and a low duty on the manufactured The gentleman from North Carolina, [Mr. BARRINGER,] article, was making it the obvious interest of the foreigner (always opposed to the tariff,) has just told us that the to work up the raw material, and import it in a manufacreduction of the duty on cotton would be giving a bounty tured condition under low duties, thus compelling our to that amount, to induce foreigners to import their cheap people not only to pay for the raw material, but also for cotton into our markets, to the great damage and injury the labor and its subsistence, thereby depriving our own of the labor employed in growing cotton in our own coun-industry of employment, and our own farmers of a home try. True, perfectly true; and does not this argument market for their produce. We have been told, said Mr. apply with equal force when applied to wool, iron, hats, S., that a certain description of cotton was sold in the foshoes, and every thing else? If you reduce the duties on reign market for three and four cents per pound. If it cost these, do you not thereby give a bounty to the foreigner three and a half, it might be imported for four, but it had to import cheap wool, iron, hats, &c., to the injury of to pay three cents duty, which made it cost the manufacthose now employed in their production and manufacture turer seven cents; this amount they, of course, were comhere? This could not be denied: the only difference was pelled to pay the Southern planter for similar cotton; but that the one was produced in the South, and the other in if this three cents were taken off, then the foreign cotton the North. The difference of meum and tuum. This difference of mine and yours often brought many to opposite conclusions. The gentleman has further told us, that, owing to the great difference in the price of labor in could be bought for four cents, and the Southern planter would be compelled to sell the same for four cents instead of seven, or lose the market. Thus this duty of three cents enabled the Southern cotton grower to sell his cot FEB. 20, 1833.] The Tariff Bill. [H. OF R. ton to the American manufacturer 75 per cent. higher Mr. ISACKS suggested to the mover the expediency than he could if the duty was repealed. This was obvious. of making the duty twenty per cent. It was too plain to admit of dispute. Yet we are told that Mr. ARNOLD also preferred twenty per cent, and made they have no interest in the tariff policy! He was glad some remarks to show the propriety of protecting the cotthis debate had opened gentlemen's eyes and the people's ton product against the importation of the foreign staple. eyes to the true state of the case. Was it right to tax the The debate was now renewed, and continued for some manufacturer with a duty of 75 per cent. on the raw cot-time, by Messrs. McDUFFIE, DAVIS, of Massachusetts, ton, while the producers of this cotton refuse to give the TAYLOR, E. EVERETT, WICKLIFFE, CLAY, REED, cotton manufacturer any protection whatever? Did gen- of Massachusetts, ADAMS, BATES, of Massachusetts, tlemen expect to get all and give nothing? No! they and COKE; and, the question being taken, the motion must give and take. If they will destroy our industry by to insert a duty of twenty per cent. was negatived: Yeas withdrawing protection, they must expect theirs to fall in 60, nays 104, as follows: turn. We are willing to do as we would be done by. If YEAS-Messrs. Heman Allen, Angel, Archer, Barrinthe protection on manufactures is to be reduced to 20 per ger, James Bates, Bethune, John Blair, Bouldin, Branch, cent. let cotton come down to the same. If they will give Carr, Chinn, Claiborne, Clay, Clayton, Lewis Condict, more to manufacturers, he would give more to cotton. Connor, Coulter, Craig, Crane, Davenport, Doubleday, This was the rule which should govern his vote. He Draper, Ellsworth, Foster, Gilmore, Gordon, Hogan, would prefer leaving the duty on cotton open until the Horn, Isacks, Richard M. Johnson, Cave Johnson, Kavarate of duty on manufactures of cotton was first determin-nagh, Lyon, Mason, William McCoy, McKay, Mitchell, ed, and then the House could regulate the duty on cotton Newnan, Patton, Pitcher, Polk, John Reed, Rencher, by this standard. He, for one, would never consent to Roane, Augustine H. Shepperd, Smith, Soule, Southard, fix a higher rate of duty on the raw material than was Standifer, Stewart, Sutherland, Francis Thomas, Wiley granted to the manufactured article. This he considered Thompson, Verplanck, Ward, Wayne, Wilkin, Wicka sound principle of legislation, and he would be glad to liffe, Wilde, Williams-60. see it introduced as a permanent provision in every tariff, that the manufactured article should in no case have a lower rate of protection than was granted to the raw material. Otherwise, it was made the interest of the foreigner to import the raw material in a manufactured condition, to the prejudice of the agricultural and manufacturing industry of our own country. The question was then put on the motion to reconsider, and was carried in the affirmative: Yeas 92, nays 77, as follows: Slade, Speight, Spence, Taylor, Philemon Thomas, John NAYS-Messrs. Adams, Alexander, Chilton Allan, Allison, Anderson, Arnold, Ashley, Babcock, Banks, Noyes Barber, Barstow, Bergen, James Blair, Bouck, Briggs, John Brodhead, John C. Brodhead, Bucher, Bullard, Burd, Cambreleng, Carson, Chandler, Coke, Silas Condit, Eleutheros Cooke, Bates Cooke, Cooper, Corwin, Crawford, Creighton, Dearborn, Denny, Dewart, Dickson, Joshua Evans, Edward Everett, Horace Everett, Findlay, Fitzgerald, Ford, Grennell, Griffin, Thomas H. Hall, William Hall, Hiland Hall, Harper, Hawes, YEAS-Messrs. Alexander, Robert Allen, Anderson, Hawkins, Hiester, Hodges, Hoffman, Howard, Hubbard, Angel, Ashley, Babcock, Noyes Barber, Barnwell, Bar- Hughes, Ihrie, Ingersoll, Irvin, Jarvis, Jenifer, Joseph stow, Isaac C. Bates, Bell, Bouck, Bouldin, John C. Brod-Johnson, Kendall, John King, Henry King, Lamar, Leahead, Cambreleng, Chinn, Clay, Clayton, Lewis Condict, vitt, Lecompte, Lewis, Mann, Mardis, Marshall, McCarConnor, Eleutheros Cooke, Coulter, Davenport, John ty, Robert McCoy, McDuffie, McIntire, McKennan, MuhDavis, Dearborn, Dickson, Doubleday, Draper, Horace lenberg, Nelson, Newton, Nuckolls, Pearce, Pendleton, Everett, Ford, Foster, Gilmore, Gordon, Grennell, Grif- Plummer, Potts, Edward C. Reed, Root, Russel, Semmes, fin, Thomas H. Hall, William Hall, Hawkins, Hodges, Hoffman, Hogan, Holland, Horn, Hughes, Ihrie, Jarvis, Richard M. Johnson, Cave Johnson, Kavanagh, Kennon, Adam King, Lamar, Lansing, Lecompte, Lewis, Mardis, Mason, William McCoy, McDuffie, McIntire, Newnan, Nuckolls, Patton, Franklin E. Plummer, Polk, Potts, John Reed, Edward C. Reed, Rencher, Roane, William B. Shepard, Smith, Soule, Stewart, Storrs, Sutherland, Taylor, Wiley Thompson, Verplanck, Vinton, Ward, YEAS-Messrs. Alexander, Anderson, Angel, Archer, Wardwell, Watmough, Wayne, Elisha Whittlesey, Fre- Barnwell, James Bates, Bell, Bergen, Bethune, John derick Whittlesey, Campbell P. White, Wickliffe, Wilde, Blair, Bouck, Bouldin, John C. Brodhead, Cambreleng, Williams, Worthington, Young-92. Chinn, Claiborne, Clay, Clayton, Coke, Lewis Condict, NAYS-Messrs. Adams, Allison, Archer, Banks, Bar-Connor, Eleutheros Cooke, Coulter, Craig, Crane, Daringer, Beardsley, James Blair, John Blair, Briggs, John venport, Dearborn, Doubleday, Draper, Ellsworth, FelBrodhead, Bucher, Bullard, Burd, Chandler, Claiborne, der, Ford, Foster, Gilmore, Gordon, Griffin, Hawes, Bates Cooke, Cooper, Corwin, Craig, Crawford, Creigh-Holland, Horn, Jarvis, Richard M. Johnson, Joseph Johnton, Dayan, Denny, Dewart, Edward Everett, Findlay, son, Lamar, Lewis, Mason, William McCoy, McDuffie, Fitzgerald, Hiland Hall, Harper, Hiester, Howard, Hub- McIntire, McKay, Mitchell, Newnan, Nuckolls, Patton, bard, Ingersoll, Irvin, Isacks, Jenifer, Jewett, Joseph Plummer, Polk, Edward C. Reed, Rencher, Roane, WilJohnson, Kendall, Henry King, Leavitt, Letcher, Lyon, liam B. Shepard, Augustine II. Shepperd, Soule, Speight, Mann, Marshall, Maxwell, McCarty, Robert McCoy, Sutherland, Wiley Thompson, Verplanck, Ward, Wayne, McKay, McKennan, Mitchell, Muhlenberg, Nelson, New-Elisha Whittlesey, Wickliffe, Wilde, Williams-71. ton, Pearce, Pendleton, Pierson, Pitcher, Root, Russel, NAYS-Messrs. Adams, Heman Allen, Allison, ArSemmes, Sewall, Slade, Southard, Speight, Spence,nold, Ashley, Babcock, Banks, Barringer, Barstow, James Standifer, Philemon Thomas, John Thomson, Tompkins, Blair, Briggs, John Brodhead, Bucher, Bullard, Burd, Tracy, Vance, Washington, Weeks, Wilkin, Wheeler, Carr, Chandler, Silas Condit, Bates Cooke, Cooper, CorEdward D. White-77. win, Crawford, Creighton, Denny, Dewart, Dickson, Mr. McDUFFIE then moved, instead of the proposed specific duty of two cents, a duty of fifteen per cent., which was decided in the negative-Yeas 71, nays 87, as follows: The question then, of course, recurring on concurring Joshua Evans, Edward Everett, Horace Everett, Findwith the Committee of the Whole in the specific duty of lay, Fitzgerald, Grennell, Thomas H. Hall, William Hall, two cents a pound on raw cotton, Mr. WICKLIFFE Hiland Hall, Harper, Hawkins, Hiester, Hodges, Hoffmoved to strike out this duty, and insert a duty of fifteen man, Howard, Hubbard, Huntington, thrie, Ingersoll, per cent. ad valorem. Irvin, Isacks, Jenifer, Kendall, John King, Henry King, H. OF R.] Frontier Defence.--Revenue Collection Bill. The question then recurred on concurring with the Committee of the Whole in inserting a duty of two cents a pound on foreign cotton wool, and was decided in the negative: Yeas 80, nays 81, as follows: [FEB. 21, 1833. CLAYTON addressed the Chair on the questions which arose relating to the order of business. The question on suspending the orders of the day, in order to consider the bill from the Senate, was then taken by yeas and nays--Yeas 115, nays 63. The required vote of two-thirds of the members present not having sustained the motion, the House refused to suspend the rule. Mr. BELL then asked the unanimous consent of the House to have the bill printed. Objections being made, however, Mr. SPEIGHT moved to postpone the special order (Mr. VERPLANCK's tariff bill) until to-morrow. Mr. SPEIGHT here interposed, and disclaimed any such purpose as the gentleman imputed to him. His sole object had been to get the Senate's bill printed, and laid on the tables of members. YEAS--Messrs. Adams, Heman Allen, Allison, Arnold, Ashley, Banks, Barringer, James Bates, Bethune, Mr. WICKLIFFE opposed the motion. The mover James Blair, John Blair, Briggs, John Brodhead, John C. had avowed it to be his object, in making this motion, to Brodhead, Bucher, Bullard, Burd, Carr, Chandler, Clai- get at the Senate's enforcing bill upon a motion to print borne, Silas Condit, Connor, Bates Cooke, Cooper, Cor-it. The whole object of this movement was obvious. It win, Craig, Crawford, Creighton, Denny, Dewart, Dra- required little penetration and little reflection to discover per, Joshua Evans, Edward Everett, Findlay, Ford, that the end and object of the motion was to give a quiWilliam Hall, Hiland Hall, Harper, Hiester, Hodges, etus to the tariff bill for the residue of the session. Hubbard, Ingersoll, Irvin, Isacks, Jenifer, Jewett, Richard M. Johnson, John King, Lansing, Leavitt, Lyon, Mann, Marshall, Robert McCoy, McKay, McKennan, Muhlenberg, Nelson, Newton, Pearce, Pendleton, Pierson, Pitcher, Rencher, Russel, Augustine H. Shepperd, Mr. WICKLIFFE said he had no objection to the printSlade, Smith, Southard, Spence, Standifer, Sutherland, ing of the bill; and what he had said had had no personal Philemon Thomas, John Thomson, Tracy, Ward, Wash- reference to the mover, but to the effect of his motion. ington, Watmough, Wheeler, Edward D. White--80. It was evidently the intention of a majority in that House NAYS--Messrs. Alexander, Anderson, Angel, Archer, to give the tariff bill the go-by; if the majority would Babcock, Noyes Barber, Barnwell, Barstow, Isaac C. disclaim any such object, Mr. W. would withdraw all Bates, Bell, Bergen, Bouck, Bouldin, Cambreleng, Chinn, opposition to the motion. But he believed that the avowClay, Clayton, Coke, Eleutheros Cooke, Coulter, Crane, ed, the declared object of the motion was to put off the Davenport, John Davis, Dearborn, Dickson, Doubleday, further discussion of the bill to reduce the tariff, and Ellsworth, Horace Everett, Felder, Fitzgerald, Foster, take up the bill which had produced so much debate and Gilmore, Gordon, Grennell, Griffin, Thomas H. Hall, excitement elsewhere. [In the Senate.] Mr. W.regretHawes, Hawkins, Hoffman, Hogan, Holland, Horn, ted that such a motion should have proceeded from a Hughes, Ihrie, Jarvis, Joseph Johnson, Kendall, Henry quarter of the country which, through its representative King, Lamar, Lecompte, Lewis, Mardis, Mason, McDuf- on that floor, had complained loudly of the utter inexpefie, McIntire, Mitchell, Newnan, Nuckolls, Patton, Plum-diency, oppressiveness, and unconstitutionality of the mer, Polk, Potts, John Reed, Edward C. Reed, Roane, tariff laws. Did any gentleman, could any gentleman Sewall, Soule, Speight, Storrs, Taylor, Wiley Thomp- expect, that if the Senate's bill once became the subject son, Verplanck, Vinton, Wardwell, Wayne, Elisha Whit- of discussion, the House would return to the bill now betlesey, Frederick Whittlesey, Wickliffe, Wilde, Worth-fore it? He would appeal to gentlemen, he would apington, Young--81. peal to the gentleman from North Carolina, who had made So the House refused to concur in the amendment im- this motion, whether he believed, should the House get posing a duty of two cents a pound on cotton; and The House adjourned. THURSDAY, FEBRUARY 21. FRONTIER DEFENCE. The bill making further provision for the defence of the frontiers coming up for consideration, and the question being on an amendment offered to it, in committee, by Mr. ASHLEY, going to create a difference of pay be tween mounted men and foot soldiers, it was opposed by Mr. WATMOUGH, and Mr. THOMAS, of Louisiana; when, on motion of Mr. R. M. JOHNSON, (who had reported the bill,) the bill was, for the present, laid upon the table. REVENUE COLLECTION BILL. at the other bill in any stage, at its first, or second, or third reading, there could be the faintest hope that they would reach the tariff bill again this session. The gentleman might hope it, but as surely as he drew the breath of life he would find himself disappointed. Mr. W. said he felt deep anxiety on this subject. He had witnessed, not without pain, the slow progress of the House toward the adjustment of this question for the last two or three weeks. Several voices here called to order, and the CHAIR admonished Mr. W. that the question being simply on a motion to postpone, he must confine his remarks to that point alone. Mr. W. insisted that the motion involved the previous course of the House in respect to the bill which it was proposed to postpone. He trusted before the House would lay aside the subject before them to take up a bill Mr. BELL asked that the bill from the Senate, to en-which went to throw a firebrand into the country, and to force the collection of the revenue, now on the Speak produce a state of things that must end in the exciteer's table, be ordered to be printed for the use of mem-ment of lasting discord among the States of this Union bers. Mr. WILDE objecting, and the orders of the day being called, Mr. BELL moved to suspend the orders of the day, to allow him to make the motion he had indicated. Mr. LAMAR demanded the yeas and nays. Mr. CAMBRELENG here called Mr. W. to order. The CHAIR said it was not in order to enter on the merits of a bill not before the House. Mr. W. inquired whether it was not in order to show the importance of acting on the tariff first, before taking up that bill. If the House should determine to pass a bill Mr. HUNTINGTON, Mr. ELLSWORTH, Mr. SU-reducing the tariff, did any man imagine that such a bill THERLAND, Mr. WILDE, Mr. WAYNE, and Mr. as that from the Senate could ever pass in that House? The CHAIR again reminded Mr. WICKLIFFE that it was not in order to advert to the character or fate of a bill not before the House. [Mr. ARNOLD here reminded the CHAIR of a decision some time since, in a case which he considered strictly parallel, that all discussion on a motion to postpone the orders of the day was out of order.] [H. OF R. Mr. WAYNE again inquired whether his motion for the previous question was not in order. The CHAIR repeated its former decision. Mr. IRVIN said he regretted to witness, on this occasion, such feelings as had been evinced by the gentleman from Kentucky, and he felt fully convinced that language of the kind the gentleman had thought fit to use, would [The SPEAKER understood the case to be different.] have no operation on the course of members in that Mr. WICKLIFFE resumed. When interrupted, he House. He could assure the gentleman it would have had been presenting reasons why the House ought not to none upon his own. He trusted the House would act postpone the consideration of the bill which they had from no excited feeling, but from a deliberate and dishad so long before them. It was admitted that the bill passionate judgment of what its duty required. had occupied a vast length of time, and the universal ex- Mr. DANIEL said that he understood the motion to be pectation of the country was that the House would, after to postpone the consideration of the tariff bill until toso long a time, come to some prompt, decided, (and he morrow, without reference to any object whatever in would add,) patriotic action upon that bill. To postpone view, and that nobody must even allude to what was to its consideration, would be to disappoint this just expec- follow. He should endeavor to conform to order, and tation. For the last five or six days the House seemed then the field left was quite wide enough for a discussion to have let go its hold upon the bill; its friends had relax- that would occupy the balance of the session. Mr. D. ed their grasp upon it almost entirely. Mr. W. well re- said that he was now fully satisfied that it never had been membered that at a certain time after this bill had been the intention of some gentlemen, who had professed made the special order of the day, a member could scarce themselves to be very anxious to settle the tariff quesget leave to offer an ordinary resolution-the cry of the tion, that any bill should pass the House on that question. tariff bill was instantly raised--nothing must impede it He was convinced of it. It was conclusively testified even for a moment; and none had been louder or more Their conduct proved it, and no man could doubt it. strenuous in this cry than the gentleman from North Ca- Here the House had been laboring under a recommendarolina, [Mr. SPEIGHT.] And yet now, when the bill had tion of the President, for weeks and weeks past, to settle come out of committee, and the House seemed just upon an all-important subject, which, if left unsettled, must the point of coming to a vote upon ordering it to a third jeopardize the safety of the Union; and now what did reading, and when the gentleman from Virginia [Mr. they hear to-day? He heard a motion made, without any BOULDIN] had apprised the House that if it should not reason assigned, that the daily special order for the conpass, he had a substitute to offer, which would, as he sideration of the tariff should be postponed until to-morhoped, enlist the suffrages of a majority of the House-row. What was to follow that motion, no mortal dare to now, it was proposed to give the whole subject the go- know, nor was it in order so much as to hint at it. by! Gentlemen must not think to deceive themselves or thing, however, was certain. The object of the motion their constituents. If the motion should succeed, they was to defeat the tariff bill, and to let some other busiwould hear nothing more of the tariff bill this session; it ness, which nobody must talk about, take precedence. would be equivalent to an indefinite postponement of it. This was clearly the object of the motion. And why If it should be found, after every effort, that they could must not the House dispose of its special order? Was not agree upon a bill which would give quietness and not the tariff bill as important? Surely it was. contentment to the country, why it could not be helped. judgment, it was the most important measure that had But he hoped gentlemen would come and sit with him ever come before the American Congress; for on it might till the lamps expired in that hall, to try if they could not depend the permanence, and the very existence of the pass some bill that would prevent consequences such as Union. Why must it be postponed? The House had must be deeply deprecated by every patriot. He trusted, he entreated that every expedient would first be tried, every effort exhausted, to prevent what might lead to consequences that must long be lamented by all who loved their country. One In his only seven or eight business days remaining. Would gentlemen come out and say plainly that they were determined to pass no tariff bill at all? That they were not anxious to give quiet to the country? Was he so to understand gentlemen? It would seem so. A gentleman from Mr. SPEIGHT denied that it had been his wish or pur-the Southern section of the Union now came forward and pose to give the tariff bill the go-by. He was of the same opinion, in respect to the necessity of passing that bill, that he had been at the first. His opinions in respect to the tariff had in nowise changed. He held it to Mr. CRAIG here called Mr. DANIEL to order. be unjust, oppressive, and unconstitutional. His whole Mr. DANIEL. To order? How am I out of order? conduct had been such as clearly to show that he was Mr. CRAIG insisted that the rules of the House should willing to pass, a bill to reduce it. The gentleman from be applied as rigidly to the gentleman from Kentucky as Kentucky [Mr. WICKLIFFE] got up and talked to him they had been to himself. demanded the previous question. It was an extraordinary--a most extraordinary course. What, was the gag law to be enforced upon them so early? about throwing firebrands! He had made his motion Mr. DANIEL. Oh! that is right; very right. But how with a view, simply, of giving some disposition to a bill am I out of order? sent down by the Senate. However, as the motion scemed to create so much disturbance, he would withdraw it; and Mr. S. withdrew it accordingly. Mr. IRVIN renewed the motion. Mr. WAYNE demanded the previous question. The CHAIR decided that the previous question would not apply to a motion to postpone. Mr. CRAIG said that a reference to the gag law was no more in order than a reference to the bill from the Senate. Mr. DANIEL. I am much obliged to the gentleman, much obliged, indeed. The gentleman is very polite. I never take any umbrage at what that gentleman says, either here or elsewhere. But I had no allusion to the Mr. WAYNE expressed some astonishment, but sub-gentleman at all. mitted to the decision. Mr. IRVIN said he had renewed the motion because he was anxious that the Senate's bill should be printed, and that it should be settled on what day it was to receive the action of the House. Mr. WAYNE. Did the gentleman allude to me? Mr. DANIEL. Yes, I did allude to you. Mr. WAYNE. Then I call the gentleman to order. I understand him to allude to the decision of the Chair that my motion for the previous question was not in or der; and I want to know whether it is in order for him to allude to it in a manner calculated to misrepresent me to the public. The CHAIR said that personal allusions were not in order. Mr. DANIEL said he had no desire to be out of order; it was not his purpose. He meant to keep himself in order, and he should try to do so. He was an orderly man. But he thought it was an extraordinary attempt to stifle investigation on a subject so important as this. He meant to pursue the rules of order rigidly. The field was wide enough. He had a right to discuss the motion to postpone, and he had a right to complain of any gentleman who pretended to be in favor of reducing the tariff, and yet attempted to stifle investigation. The CHAIR here called Mr. DANIEL to order. Mr. DANIEL. What! Cannot I apologize? Well! if I cannot apologize, I do not know how I am to keep myself in order. Mr. WAYNE here rose to explain, when Mr. DANIEL called him to order. He insisted that the delay of the tariff bill was justly chargeable to those who, while they professed to be anxious to settle the tariff question, never had in fact desired any such thing. That was not the gentlemen's object. They had a far higher object in view; they were engaged in President making: and to that end it was necessary to hang up this tariff bill, and keep the subject still unsettled before the people. The ediet had gone forth. A gentleman was in another part of that hall, who had expressly proclaimed that the question should not be settled because his President was not elected. The CHAIR here called Mr. DANIEL to order. It was not in order to refer to any thing that passed in the Senate. [FEB. 21, 1833. to move successively to postpone the remaining orders before the House until they arrived at the Senate's bill. Mr. DICKSON now moved to postpone the special order of the day (Mr. VERPLANCK's bill) till to-morrow, for the purpose of disposing of the bill from the Senate, to enforce the collection of the revenue. Mr. WAYNE moved to lay that motion on the table. The CHAIR pronounced Mr. WAYNE's motion not to be in order. Mr. DICKSON demanded the yeas and nays on the motion he had made, and they were ordered by the House. Mr. CLAY suggested that to-morrow had been set apart for business relating to the District of Columbia. Mr. CAMBRELENG opposed the motion of Mr. DICKSON, and hoped that the gentleman from Kentucky [Mr. WICKLIFFE] would carry out the zeal which he had manifested for having the tariff question settled first. Mr. ELLSWORTH said that, unless the House fixed upon some day of the six business days left them for the consideration of the Senate's bill, it could not come up at all. To refuse to fix a day to consider it, would be equivalent to declaring that they would not consider it at all. He hoped a majority of the House would proceed to postpone every bill until that bill should be reached. Mr. BELL suggested that the Senate bill would be disposed of to-morrow at any rate. It could not surely be very important to dispose of it to-day in preference. He therefore hoped that the gentleman from New York [Mr. DICKSON] would consent to withdraw his motion, and suffer the House to manifest its will on the bill now before it. Mr. ELLSWORTH said the gentleman was mistaken in supposing that the Senate bill would be reached tomorrow. There were bills enough before it to occupy the mornings of four or five days. Why not give the bill some disposition now? [Mr. BOULDIN here made some observations, which are necessarily deferred.] Mr. DANIEL said he had not uttered a word about the Senate. He had spoken of a gentleman in that hall: he had said nothing about the Senate. If the bill was to be defeated, let the responsibility rest where it ought to Mr. THOMPSON, of Georgia, said that he did not inrest, on the shoulders of those who were endeavoring to tend to detain the House, but his feelings were such at prevent its passage, while they professed to be its friends this moment as constrained him to ask the House to pause. -who were doing all they could to put the country into The proposition was to postpone the special order-till civil war. when? It was said, until to-morrow; but should the moMr. FOSTER remonstrated against the consumption of tion prevail, the postponement would be to the end of the precious time. He understood the gentleman from Ohio session. Could any gentleman believe otherwise? The [Mr. IRVIN] was ready to withdraw his motion to post-gentleman from Connecticut [Mr. ELLSWORTH] had repone, if gentlemen would withdraw their opposition to monstrated against wasting the little time now remaining. the printing of the Senate's bill. He conjured gentle- If he was not mistaken, that gentleman himself had done men to put an end to this debate: let the order for the at least his share towards consuming the time of the printing be passed, and then let the House return to the House. He knew that it was not in order to advert to consideration of the tariff. He concluded by asking the the bill intended to be gotten up by this motion, but he unanimous consent of the House to move for the printing was certainly permitted to suppose what would be the conof the bill from the Senate. sequence of postponing. Could gentlemen persuade them. selves that the American people would not feel disappointed? Had not their voice called upon Congress finally to adjust this long vexed question? Should the motion prevail, it would be immediately followed by another, for taking up a subject of a different complexion. The South Mr. ARNOLD demanded the yeas and nays on sus- had long been petitioning Congress to be relieved from pending. Mr. ARNOLD objected. Mr. IRVIN withdrew his motion to postpone. Mr. FOSTER then moved to suspend the rule. The House refused to order them. the burdens under which they were groaning. What must be the consequence, should Congress lay aside the The question being thereupon put, the rule was sus-bill for their relief, and take up a bill, the declared object pended. Mr. FOSTER now moved that the bill from the Senate, to enforce the execution of the revenue laws, be printed. Mr. ARNOLD said, if the House intended to act on the Senate's bill at all, it must be manifest to all that it was necessary to make some disposition of it without delay. The CHAIR said that no such motion could be in order at present. Mr. ELLSWORTH suggested that the best course would be to take a question on printing the bill, and then of which was to enforce submission? When they asked for bread, to give them a stone, when they asked for a fish, to give them a serpent, he implored the House, in the name of God, and of his country, and by all the consequences which were suspended on its action, not to do such a deed. He would go down to its feet, and humble himself in the dust, if he could but prevail, if he could but induce them to have mercy upon our common country. There was a point beyond which human forbearance would not extend; a point where reason would yield to the dictates of deep and uncontrollable feeling. |