was strange that they should give another bill to supersede it. If gentlemen wished to express an opinion on the measures of the bill, they should do it in a way to conciliate. Then why not postpone the consideration till Thursday, and then take it up? It was said that, if the bill should be taken up to-morrow, all hopes of passing the tariff bill would be lost. Might it not yet, by perseverance, be turned to advantage? If any proposition was likely to be brought forward which would be acceptable to the House and the Senate, why not go on? If the tariff bill was postponed, there would be no occasion for the other; but if you pass that without the measure of peace, let gentlemen reflect upon it! The people of South Carolina were not opposed to the Union, but they were opposed to the tariff; and if they were driven from measures which were constitutional, they had but one measure to take, and they would take it. If gentlemen supposed that passing that bill without the pacific measure of the tariff would not have that effect, they deceived themselves. The bill, he said, had a wrong title; it ought to be called a bill to dissolve the Union. Mr. COULTER had given his vote under the impression that the little time that remained of the present session would be requisite for its discussion; but as he now understood that in some other place a measure had been matured, and that there was a majority of the House to support it, he would now vote to postpone the consideration of the other bill till Thursday. To gain the consent of the people, ought to be the first resort of any Government, and particularly a Government like ours, which originated from, and was for the benefit of the people. He would quell discontent by coercion, indeed, but it should be the coercion of kindness. He would soothe the people of South Carolina. Some gentlemen were of opinion that to yield to the wishes of South Carolina would be compromitting the national honor. When opposed to a foreign foe, it was glorious to conquer with the sword; but when we contended with our friends, then it was glorious to talk of peace. Was there not some danger in offering to South Carolina the olive branch and the bayonet at once? Let it be remembered, said he, that our countrymen are freemen, and have the spirit of freemen, and when you offer them the cup of peace, do not mingle it with gunpowder. In the hope that that bill would pass that ought to pass, he would vote for a delay till Thursday, and, in the intervening time, when it was recollected that the happiness of the country and the Union was at stake, much might be done. Mr. BLAIR, of South Carolina, was astonished that if gentlemen wished to discuss the bill, they should wish to put it off till Thursday. [FEB. 25, 1833. Mr. WICKLIFFE said that those gentlemen who were opposed to the tariff bill were perfectly consistent in the course which they were taking to defeat that bill altogether. When the present question was disposed of, he intended to propose to take up the tariff bill to-night; and if the House were disposed to act upon it, much might be done towards introducing and acting upon one or other of those specific bills which were intended to supersede the tariff bill of the Committee of Ways and Means by to-morrow. Mr. BLAIR, of South Carolina, called for the yeas and nays, which were ordered and taken, when the motion was negatived: Yeas 84, nays 99. The question recurred on the motion to make it the special order for to-morrow. Mr. DAVIS, of Massachusetts, rose to move an amendment that it be made the first special order for to-morrow. This being declared not to be in order, The question was taken on making it the special order for to-morrow, which was agreed to without a division. Mr. WICKLIFFE then moved that the House take up the special order, (which was the tariff bill.) The motion was agreed to by yeas and nays, 115 to 57. The House then took up THE TARIFF BILL. Mr. LETCHER immediately rose, and moved to strike out all the bill after the enacting clause, and to insert another bill in lieu thereof, [the bill introduced in the Senate by Mr. CLAY.] This being objected to, Mr. LETCHER moved to recommit the bill to the Committee of the Whole, with instructions to report his bill to the House. The bill and instructions having been read, Mr. TAYLOR, Mr. ARNOLD, and Mr. DAVIS, of Massachusetts, rose together to ask for the yeas and nays, which were ordered and taken; when the motion was agreed to: Yeas 96, nays 54. Mr. WICKLIFFE then moved that the House go into Mr. FOSTER moved to amend the amendment reported by the Committee of the Whole, by striking from the third section the following words: "And from and after the day last aforesaid, the duties required to be paid by law on goods, wares, and merchandise, shall be assessed upon the value thereof, at the port where the same shall be entered, under such regulations as may be Mr. McDUFFIE rose to appeal to the judgment of the House whether the present discussion could possibly be attended with any good results. Gentlemen who might be anxious to discuss the merits of the bill from the Se-prescribed by law." nate must be aware that every hour that was occupied in Mr. F. said he did not intend to detain the House but this preliminary debate limited the time which would ena- a moment in explaining the reasons of his proposed amendble them to express their sentiments upon it. The same ment, nor did he wish to embarrass the effort which was was the case with those who wished the tariff bill to be making to adjust the great question which had not only taken up, and he therefore hoped that no more would be so long divided our councils, but distracted our country. said upon either, until the merits of the case should fairly On the contrary, he would cheerfully contribute his feeand fully come before the House. ble aid to the success of an object so desirable and important. But he found, in the amendment of the committee, a clause which, from the slight view he had been able to take of it, seemed to conflict with a provision in the constitution familiar to every one, that all duties shall be uniform." Now, said Mr. F., we have a seacoast extending from Maine to Louisiana, with numerous ports of entry. At each of these ports you have your appraisers to assess the value of the goods imported; and on this assessment you propose to calculate the duties. Can it be presumed that these appraisers will all affix the same value on articles of the same quality? And if this is After some further remarks from Mr. WICKLIFFE, Mr. WAYNE, Mr. CAMBRELENG, and Mr. BELL, the question was taken on the motion to postpone the bill till Thursday, and negatived: Yeas 77, nays 108. Mr. BATES, of Maine, moved that the further consideration of the bill be postponed till Wednesday. Mr. BEARDSLEY was in favor of the motion to make the bill the special order for to-morrow. It would be even then in the power of the House to take up the tariff bill, if a majority of the House should be in favor of doing so. FEB. 25, 1833.] The Tariff Bill. [H. or R. not done, if the appraisements vary, will not the duties harmony, of conciliation; a measure to heal disaffection, necessarily vary also? How is it possible for the uniform-and to save the Union. Sir, I am aware of the imposing ity required by the constitution to be preserved, if this effect of these bland titles; men love to be thought generegulation is adopted? Having suggested the difficulty, rous, noble, magnanimous; but they ought to be equally Mr. F. proposed to obviate it by the amendment which anxious to acquire the reputation of being just. While he had offered, and was content to submit it to the deter- they are anxious to compose difficulties in one direction, mination of the House. I entreat them not to oppress and wrong the people in Mr. FOSTER's motion was negatived; and the question being stated on engrossing the new bill, Mr. WICKLIFFE said the objection of his friend another. In their efforts to save the Union, I hope their against the particular clause was a constitutional one, aris-zeal will not go so far as to create stronger and better ing from the difficulty of ascertaining the duties in different founded discontents than those they compose. Peaceports. For example, an article might be purchased in makers, mediators, men who allay excitements, and tran. Paris, and another of the same description in Manchester. quillize public feeling, should, above all considerations, They would bear different prices where purchased, but study to do it by means not offensive to the contending be of the same value here, and the difficulty would be to parties, by means which will not inflict a deeper wound ascertain the duties chargeable on each article. His [Mr. than the one which is healed. Sir, what is demanded by FOSTER'S] object was to make the duties equal in every those that threaten the integrity of the Union? An abanport. donment of the American system; a formal renunciation of the right to protect American industry. This is the language of the nullification convention; they declare they Mr. DAVIS, of Massachusetts, rose, and said he was regard the abandonment of the principle as vastly more greatly surprised at the sudden movement made in this important than any other matter; they look to that, and not House. One short hour ago, said he, we were collecting to an abatement of duties without it; and the gentleman our papers, and putting on our outside garments to go from South Carolina, [Mr. DAVIS,] with his usual frankhome, when the gentleman from Kentucky rose, and pro-ness, told us this morning it was not a question of dollars posed to send this bill to a Committee of the Whole on and cents; the money they regarded not, but they requirthe state of the Union, with instructions to strike it all ed a change of policy. They demand the pound of flesh, out, and insert, by way of amendment, an entire new bill, with the unyielding obstinacy of Shylock, and they require formed upon entirely different principles; yes, to insert, this House to apply the knife nearest to the heart; and I believe, the bill which the Senate now have under con- shall it be cut away? Is it patriotic? Is it harmonizing sideration. This motion was carried; the business has public feeling? Is it saving the Union to drain out the passed through the hands of the committee, is now in the life-blood? What is this bill? I will not say it goes at House, and there is a cry of question, question, around once to such extremities, but it seems to me to contain a me, upon the engrossment of the bill. Who that was not principle which works an unqualified abandonment of the a party to this arrangement, could one hour ago have protective policy, unless changes greater than we have a credited this? We have, I believe, been laboriously en- right to look for shall take place in our condition. gaged for eight weeks upon this topic, discussing and It proposes to descend, by a reduction, once in two amending the bill which has been before the House. Such years, of two-tenths of the excess of duties over and above obstacles and difficulties have been met at every move, twenty per cent. for nearly eight years. It then proposes that, I believe, very little hope has of late been entertain-to divide the residue of such excess into two equal parts, ed of the passage of any bill. But a gleam of light has and to remove the whole in two years, so that all duties on suddenly burst upon us; those that groped in the dark all imports will be run down to a level of twenty per cent. seemed suddenly to see their course; those that halted, ad valorem, in between nine and ten years. The first part doubted, hesitated, are in a moment made firm; and even of the descent may be termed gradual; but in the last two some of those that have made an immediate abandonment years, the strides are, I fear, decidedly too long to be met of the protective system a sine qua non of their approba- by any preparation for them. Our course then is down tion of any legislation, seem almost to favor this measure. hill during this time, wearing out the American system; I am obliged to acknowledge that gentlemen have sprung and when we arrive at the foot, we pass out from under the proposition upon us at a moment when I did not ex-the protection of that parental benefactor, and place ourpect it. And as the measure is one of great interest to selves under the guardianship of the Carolina system. I the people of the United States, I must, even at this late say from the American to the Carolina system, because hour, when I know the House is both hungry and impa-duties which are now below 20 per cent., are to be raised tient, and when I perceive distinctly it is their pleasure to to that amount, and all free articles, with the exception of vote rather than debate, beg their indulgence for a few an unimportant list of dyestuffs, are to be subjected to minutes while I state some of the reasons which impose on duties. Duties are, therefore, at the end of our declivime the duty of opposing the passage of this act. [Cries tous course, to fall on all imported merchandise at an equal from different parts of the House, "go on, go on, we rate of 20 per cent. This is the Carolina system. will hear."] What will be the effect of this bill? The protection Mr. Speaker, I do not approve of hasty legislation un-will be diminished from year to year. This will check der any circumstances, but it is especially to be deprecat- the operations of capital; it will, I fear, stop investments, ed in matters of great importance. That this is a mea-if it does not crush that enterprising, valuable class of sure of great importance, affecting, more or less, the young men who have entered upon business, relying upentire population of the United States, will not be denied, on their industry and capacity to carry them forward. and ought, therefore, to be matured with care, and well They are in debt, and I fear timid creditors may fall upon understood by every gentleman who votes upon it. And them. Business then will be brought to a stand at any yet, sir, a copy has, for the first time, been laid upon our rate, and, if bankruptcies ensue, will be diminished. This tables, since I rose to address you; and this is the first op- is precisely what some interested in manufacturing are selportunity we have had even to read it. I hope others feel fish enough to desire, for they have money; wages will be well prepared to act in this precipitate manner; but I am cheaper, if a portion of the mills cease to run, and no new obliged to acknowledge I do not; for I hold even the best ones are erected, and the capitalists will, by this means, in of intentions will not, in legislation, excuse the errors of the end, gain more by a diminution in the competition in haste. business, and the reduction in wages, than they will lose I am aware that this measure assumes an imposing atti-by the reduction in duties. But, sir, this is a policy foundtude. It is called a bill of compromise; a measure of ed in such naked selfishness; it is built up so manifestly at H. OF R.] The Tariff Bill. [FEB. 25, 1833. the expense of those who have small capital, and of the duce? When you have arrived at twenty per cent., if laborers; it is so hostile to the first principles of protection there is a surplus, you have, I believe, the right to diswhich invite the free investment of capital from all quar-criminate below that: but of what value is such a right? ters, that goods may be made cheap by the competition, Twenty per cent. ad valorem upon the foreign cost; and the public be thus benefited, that no friend of Ameri- what is that? Go to the officers of the custom-house in can labor can give it his approbation on that ground. It New York, who witness the daily frauds and impositions may answer for a time the purposes of a few, if it ope- of importers. Go to the head of that establishment, who, rates as they anticipate; but should this prove so, it will it is said, declared openly in this city, it was a railroad for be an unanswerable argument with the public for disap- legalized smuggling, and inquire what a twenty per cent. proving of it, for the causes which will make the measure ad valorem duty, or any other ad valorem duty, is. And if valuable to some, will make it injurious to the public. they tell you the truth, it will be, that it is whatever the Again, sir, I can vote for no bill which abandons pro-importer chooses to have it. tection. I think this does. It adopts the Carolina sys- This bill, after we have made our descent, facilis descentem for equalizing duties, by bringing them all to 20 per sus Averni, carries us into the free trade system, which cent. It abandons the exercise of all right to discriminate, may be summed up under three heads. and in that, give me leave to say, abandons common sense, 1. All specific duties are abolished, and all duties are for the system of equalization has never, to my knowledge, to be ad valorem; all free traders, and especially the until now, found an advocate among financiers or political Yorkshire men and Lancashire men of England, have aleconomists. It is, however, a very cunningly devised plan, ways earnestly contended for this. For what reason, it is and worthy of its origin, (Gallatin, in the free trade report,) difficult to imagine, unless it is because frauds are perpefor it contains a sweet poison that will destroy the last rem-trated with greater facility. nant of protection. Who ever heard of so absurd a sys- 2. All duties are to be equal, and to be assessed upon tem as equalizing duties? What, impose the same duties all imports, except a few articles of little importance, and on ardent spirits as upon tea and coffee! But why do consequently the discriminating principle is abandoned. the free traders desire an equalization? Why do they in- 3. The gradual reduction which is professedly made sist that the duty on hats, on shoes and boots, on leather, to reduce revenue, is applied to all articles, as well those on scythes, hoes and axes, shall be reduced to 20 per cent.? on which no revenue is raised, as those which produce Why do they at the same time insist that there shall be a revenue; thus tending, by every reduction, to bring the duty of 20 per cent. on tea and coffee, pepper, spices, American producer into greater peril at every step. If fruits, and a thousand other things which we do not, and this be not a total, unqualified abandonment of the protecnever shall produce, and which are now free of duty? It tive policy, unless twenty per cent. is protective, then I is to level all protection with the dust. They start with know not what is an abandonment. The bill, it is true, the proposition that the public debt is paid, that we have provides that after we come to the twenty per cent. ad too much revenue, and it must be reduced. We have valorem, the duty is to be assessed on the valuation in the always contended, not that the revenue shall not be re- home market. About the meaning of this, however, there duced, for we are not the advocates of an accumulating is already a dispute. The South say it means the price of surplus, but that it shall be reduced by letting goods in the goods by the duties and charges; that is, it means the free, or by diminishing the amount of duty when the whole foreign cost; and a distinguished gentleman declared in cannot be spared, and that this principle shall be applied debate distinctly, that he supported the bill upon that exto merchandise not produced in this country, that our la- position of its meaning. If this be a true interpretation, bor may have the benefit of the revenue as a protection. the provision is worth nothing. That valuation is to be While we contend that the revenue shall be levied in this regulated by law, according to the terms of the bill, and manner, the free traders insist that nothing shall be free, what that regulation will prove to be, no one can foresee. and that the duty on all shall be alike. The revenue, say Sir, I regret that discontent and signs of violence have they, is too abundant, and must be reduced. The bill manifested themselves in this country; but I am not disbefore us, as reported by the Committee of Ways and posed to meet it with a faint heart, or to falter for a moMeans, is for that purpose. What a happy mode of re- ment in support of the Union and constitution. I would ducing the revenue, to diminish the duty on hats, shoes, face these disturbers of the public tranquillity on their boots, leather, axes, &c., from 30 per cent. and more, to own ground, and accede to the general proposition that 20 per cent., when the articles are so entirely produced the revenue shall be reduced to the demands of the Gohere, under the present protection, that none are import-vernment; but the amount of expenditure shall be fixed ed, and no revenue is realized. Is not the direct and ob- by Congress, and not by South Carolina; and the revenue vious effect of such a reduction an experiment, to see if should be raised in such a manner as to give the most effithe foreign articles cannot be introduced, and the revenue cient protection to American labor. For one, sir, while I increased instead of diminished? It is a still more singular would do South Carolina justice, ample justice, I would mode of reducing revenue to restore the duties on articles not destroy the Union by attempting to save it. I would which are free. Sir, the farmers, the mechanics, the not bring the power of Congress and the constitution into manufacturers, cannot be blind to such an insidious contempt, by establishing a precedent, that a little knot scheme. They will not fail to discover that the reduc-of uneasy, discontented politicians can, by threatening to tions of duty on a vast variety of articles produced wholly dissolve the Union, make the Government itself bow in this country are made under a false pretence of reduc-down, humble itself in the dust, abandon its policy, and ing the revenue; and that the restoration of duties to free promise in future to give no offence. If these are the articles is also made under the delusive pretence of mak- terms on which the Union exists, if this Government holds ing taxes more equal. It will not escape their observation and exercises its powers upon such contingencies as these, that this crafty plan of reducing revenue is apparently I was about to say, the sooner the Union is at an end the devised for the purpose of overstocking the treasury, and better, for the rude breath of treason will dissolve it at creating a surplus from year to year, so as to call for fur- any moment. But, sir, whether South Carolina is well or ther and further reductions, till you come, as the politi-ill pleased, whether she declares herself in or out of the cians of South Carolina declare you shall, to twelve and a Union, I am not prepared, on any compromise, to give up half per cent. Is it not plain that an equalization gives the protective policy; and I do contend that an equalizathe least protection which industry can possibly have, tion of duties as low, or lower, than twenty per cent. prounless you make the duties on articles which we do not tection, is incompatible. Yes, when you surrender; the produce, higher than you rate them on such as we do pro- right to discriminate, you surrender all. FEB. 25, 1833.] The Tariff Bill. [H. of R. Mr. Speaker, I have done my duty, in an imperfect manner, I confess; but I perceive it is in vain to discuss the matter, and I will detain the House no longer. This is a bill to tranquillize feeling, to harmonize jarring stop all enterprise. But I do object to a compromise opinions; it is oil poured into inflamed wounds; it is to de- which destines the East for the altar. No victim, in my finitively settle the matters of complaint. What assurance judgment, is required, none is necessary; and yet you have we of that? Have those who threatened the Union propose to bind us, hand and foot, to pour out our blood accepted it? Has any one here risen in his place, and an- upon the altar, and sacrifice us as a burnt offering, to apnounced his satisfaction and his determination to abide by pease the unnatural and unfounded discontent of the it? Not a word has been uttered, nor any sign or assur- South; a discontent, I fear, having deeper root than the ance of satisfaction given. Suppose they should vote for tariff, and will continue when that is forgotten. I am far the bill, what then? They voted for the bill of July last, from meaning to use the language of menace, when I say and that was a bill passed expressly to save the Union; but such a compromise cannot endure, nor can any adjustdid they not flout at it? Did they not spurn it with con- ment endure, which disregards the interests, and sports tempt? And did not South Carolina, in derision of that with the rights of a large portion of the people of the compromise, nullify the law? This is a practical illustra- United States. It has been said that we shall never tion of the exercise of a philanthropic spirit of condescen- reach the lowest point of reduction, before the country sion to save the Union. Your folly and your imbecility will become satisfied of the folly of the experiment, and was treated as a jest. It has already been said that this will restore the protective policy; and it seems to me a law will be no more binding than any other, and may be al- large number in this body act under the influence of that tered and modified at pleasure by any subsequent Legis- opinion. But I cannot vote down my principles, on the lature. In what sense then is it a compromise? Does not ground that some one may come after me who will vote a compromise imply an adjustment on terms of agree them up. ment? Suppose, then, that South Carolina should abide by the compromise while she supposes it beneficial to the tariff States, and injurious to her; and when that period shall close, the friends of protection shall then propose to Mr. H. EVERETT asked the attention of the House re-establish the system. What honorable man, who votes for a few minutes. He said he was unwilling that his disfor this bill, could sustain such a measure? Would not sent should be given by a mere silent vote. The gentleSouth Carolina say, you have no right to change this law, man from Kentucky [Mr. LETCHER] had said the House it was founded on compromise; you have had the benefit had had ample time to examine the bill, and he presumed of your side of the bargain, and now I demand mine. the minds of the members were made up. It was true Who could answer such a declaration? If, under such that the Senate bill had been laid on their tables some circumstances, you were to proceed to abolish the law, days ago: the amendments which had since been made would not South Carolina have much more just cause of in the Senate were adopted in the bill now before the complaint and disaffection than she now has? House; these, he admitted, had improved the bill, but It has been said, we ought to legislate now, because the still had not rendered it satisfactory to him. For one, next Congress will be hostile to the tariff. I am aware Mr. E. said, he did not complain of want of time; he had that such a sentiment has been industriously circulated, formed an opinion, and that opinion he now rose to exand we have been exhorted to escape from the hands of press. He considered the bill, as originally reported in that body as from a lion. But, sir, who knows the senti- the Senate, as a total, an absolute abandonment of the ments of that body on this question? Do you, or does protective system after 1842--at best, it was but a lease any one, possess any information which justifies him in as- to the manufacturers for seven or eight years, or, perserting that it is more unfriendly than this House? There haps, more properly speaking, a notice to wind up their is, in my opinion, little known about this matter. But concerns within that time: their destruction was slow, suppose the members shall prove as ferocious towards the but sure. The existing protection was to go down, down, tariff as those who profess to know their opinions repre- from year to year, until the end of the term, when the sent, will the passage of this bill stop their action? Can existing establishments were to be abandoned by the Goyou tie their hands? Give what pledges you please, make vernment: he said the existing establishments, for new what bargains you may, and that body will act its plea-ones could not be expected. Prudent capitalists would sure without respecting them. If you fall short of their not adventure in a sinking concern. About the same wishes in warring upon the tariff, they will not stay their time was given that was allowed the bank to wind up; hand; but all attempts to limit their power by abiding and were theirs a mere money business, they would have compromises, will be considered by them as a stimulus to less reason to complain; but, unfortunately, their capital act upon the subject, that they may manifest their disap- was fixed, and must be sacrificed. Factories and maprobation. It seems to me, therefore, that if the next chinery were of no value unless in operation. The ownCongress is to be feared, we are pursuing the right course ers of flocks were not in a much less hopeless condition. to rouse their jealousy, and excite them to action. He repeated that the bill, as originally laid on their ta Mr. Speaker, I rose to express my views on this very bles, abandoned, totally abandoned, the protective policy. important question, I regret to say, without the slightest It reduced all duties to the same level, twenty per cent. preparation, as it is drawn before us at a very unexpected Even the principle of discriminating duties was abanmoment. But, as some things in this bill are at variance doned. In its present form, he admitted that principle with the principles of public policy which I have uniform- was faintly perceptible. "Congress were not to be prely maintained, I could not suffer it to pass into a law vented from altering the rates of duties on articles which without stating such objections as have hastily occurred are now subject to a less duty than twenty per cent. in such manner as not to exceed that rate;" that is, they may to me. Let me, however, before sitting down, be understood raise or lower the rates of duties on the unprotected artion one point. I do not object to a reasonable adjustment cles, but may not raise the duties on the protected artiof the controversies which exist. I have said repeatedly cles above twenty per cent. This is the only discriminaton this floor, that I would go for a gradual reduction on ing principle now in the bill; and this, poor as it was, he protected articles; but it must be very gradual, so that no should show was wholly illusory; that the wants of the violence shall be done to business; for all reduction is ne- Government would require the full duty of twenty per cessarily full of hazard. My objections to this bill are not cent. on the unprotected articles. The change of the so much against the first seven years, for I would take the foreign for the home valuation, he admitted, was a valuaconsequences of that experiment, if the provisions beyond ble improvement, though its principal value must, in a that were not of that fatal character which will at oncel very considerable degree, if not wholly, depend on the VOL. IX.--112 H. OF R.] 66 Patton, Plummer, Polk, Rencher, Roane, Root, Sewall, William B. Shepard, Augustine H. Shepperd, Smith, Southard, Speight, Spence, Stanbery, Standifer, Francis Thomas, Wiley Thompson, John Thomson, Tompkins, Tracy, Vance, Verplanck, Ward, Washington, Wayne, Weeks, Elisha Whittlesey, Campbell P. White, Wickliffe, Worthington--105. regulations which may be hereafter established by Cambreleng, Carr, Chinn, Claiborne, Clay, Clayton, law." The gentleman from Kentucky had echoed the Coke, Connor, Corwin, Coulter, Craig, Creighton, Dacry of alarm which had been heard from another quarter, niel, Davenport, Warren R. Davis, Doubleday, Draper, that the protective system was in danger; that the next Felder, Findlay, Fitzgerald, Gaither, Gilmore, Gordon, Congress would prostrate it. Such alarms tended to cre- Thomas H. Hall, William Hall, Harper, Hawes, Haw ate the peril they announced. That system, in his opi-kins, Hoffman, Holland, Horn, Howard, Hubbard, Irvin, nion, had no greater peril to encounter than the one of Isacks, Jarvis, Jenifer, Richard M. Johnson, Cave Johnwhich St. Paul complained as the chief of perils. He son, Joseph Johnson, Kavanagh, Kerr, Lamar, Lansing, was willing to trust it to the next Congress: they, he Lecompte, Letcher, Lewis, Lyon, Mardis, Mason, Martrusted, would protect the great interests of the country. shall, Maxwell, McIntire, McKay, Newton, Nuckolls, This projet had come upon the manufacturers from an unexpected source: the blow had not been anticipated from that quarter. If there should be a majority in the next Congress against the protective policy, the manufacturers, the farmers would submit with what grace they may. If the system should then fall, it would fall under the superior force of the enemy. But, said Mr. E., the occasion had excited feeling--better, perhaps, sup- NAYS--Messrs. Adams, Heman Allen, Allison, Applepressed than uttered. He had heard it said, out of the ton, Arnold, Babcock, Banks, Noyes Barber, Barstow, House, that we were only bending to the blast; that we Isaac C. Bates, Beardsley, Briggs, John Brodhead, John should right when it had passed over us. But was such a C. Brodhead, Bucher, Burd, Cahoon, Chandler, Bates forecast just? Should not they who present, and they Cooke, Cooper, Crane, Crawford, John Davis, Dayan, who accept this bill as a measure of conciliation, do it in Dearborn, Denny, Dewart, Dickson, Ellsworth, George good faith, without mental reservations? For one, he did Evans, Joshua Evans, Edward Everett, Horace Everett, not join in the offer, nor would he pledge himself or his Grennell, Hiland Hall, Hiester, Hughes, Huntington, constituents to abide by it. He would ask the gentleman Ihrie, Ingersoll, Kendall, Kennon, Adam King, Henry from Kentucky what would be the financial operation of King, Leavitt, Mann, McCarty, Robert McCoy, McKenthe bill? What would be the amount of revenue accruing nan, Milligan, Muhlenberg, Nelson, Pearce, Pendleton, under it, particularly in 1841 and 1842--the period when Pierson, Potts, Randolph, John Reed, Edward C. Reed, it was to settle down as the revenue system of the Govern- Slade, Soule, Storrs, Sutherland, Taylor, Vinton, Wardment? These were the periods to which the manufacturers well, Watmough, Wheeler, Frederick Whittlesey, Edwould look (he would not say they had been encouraged ward D. White, Young--71. to look) for the restoration of the protective system. The House then adjourned. Taking the excessive importations of 1831 as the basis of calculation, the amount of the proposed reduction of duties on the protected articles (paying over twenty per cent.) would be nearly twelve millions, ($11,924,000;) the whole amount of the customs, in 1841, would be The engrossed bill to reduce the tariff (as amended by between ten and eleven millions, ($10,846,000;) and, the adoption of Mr. CLAY's bill of the Senate) was read after the final reduction in 1842, about seven millions, a third time, and the question stated to be on its passage. ($7,268,000.) How would the deficiency of revenue be Mr. HUNTINGTON, after a few remarks on the great supplied? The last section proposes it should be sup-importance of this question, moved a call of the House. plied by raising the duties on the dutiable, unprotected The House was called accordingly. TUESDAY, FEBRUARY 26. THE TARIFF. articles up to twenty per cent. This would give short It appeared that two hundred and one members were of eight millions, ($7,679,000;) making the whole re-present. venue from the customs less than fifteen millions, Mr. BURGES moved to suspend further proceedings ($14,947,000.) What then becomes of the discriminat-on the call, but the motion failed: Yeas 69, nays 78. ing principle of protection? If additional revenues are to The doors were then closed, and the excuses of absenbe raised, in what manner could it be done? It must be tees received. Proceedings were then suspended, and done either by raising the duties on the protected arti- the doors of the hall again opened. cles, or by laying duties on the articles now free. Mr. BURGES, of Rhode Island, then rose to address Should this bill pass, said Mr. E., he should be almost the House against the bill. I have not risen, at this time, prepared to concur in the opinion he had heard express- said he, to enter into any extended discussion of the bill ed in the House this morning, that it would do away the just now read to the House: it is my purpose to do no necessity of passing the enforcing bill. The duties were more than to pronounce an humble protestation against eventually to come down to the same rate on all dutiable the provisions of this measure; to state a solemn denunciaarticles--to twenty per cent., the South Carolina standard. [tion of the purposes intended to be effected by its enactWith her it was only a question of time, unless she should ment; and, in a few words, to express my utter abhorrence still insist that there should be no articles imported free of of the causes which, as I think, must have brought such a duty. This was one of her unalterable resolutions. Mr. E. scheme before Congress. said he did not wish to prolong the debate. He had risen to state the light in which he had viewed the bill, and in which he thought it would be viewed by the country--as the ultimate abandonment of the protecting policy. Mr. DICKSON also opposed the bill, and moved its postponement till to-morrow. Negatived. If, sir, you will permit me to do it, I will first read, from my place, the resolutions, brief, but full of meaning, which, on the morning of the 21st day of the last month, I had the honor to present to this House, and to move the reference of them to a Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union. These resolutions were sent to me Mr. LETCHER spoke in reply, and in defence of the and my colleague by the State of Rhode Island and Probill; when the question was put on engrossing the bill for vidence Plantations. They had been, on the 16th day of a third reading, and carried: Yeas 105, nays 71, as follows: that month, unanimously passed in both the House of ReYEAS--Messrs. Alexander, Chilton Allan, Robert Al-presentatives and the Senate of that State; and, speaking len, Anderson, Angel, Archer, John S. Barbour, Barrin- our sentiments in a better style, they announce to us the ger, James Bates, Bell, Bergen, Bethune, James Blair, opinions and requirements of the State representatives John Blair, Boon, Bouck, Bouldin, Branch, Bullard, of that portion of the American people who have honor. |