FEB. 26, 1833.] The Tarif [H. or R. induced to vest their private fortunes? In strict law there might be a distinction, but in morality and justice there was none. falls entirely on the foreign manufacturer, who deducts it from his profits, and pays it into our treasury for the privilege of selling it in our market. This is universally the case where American competition has established an Ame- Mr. S. said he would not trespass longer on the time rican price, which price regulates the market for all and attention of the House, but he did hope that gentleTo illustrate this operation, he would present a statement men would not be so soon driven from the act of the last which had just been furnished by a gentleman then in the session by a few disappointed and ambitious men in the hall, who was an old and extensive importer of British South-men who seemed determined to rule or ruin the iron, residing in this District. From his correspondence country. To yield to their dictation would not only be with his agent in Liverpool, it appears that, shortly after disgraceful, but ruinous in the extreme. These people the addition of seven dollars per ton on bar iron, in 1828, of the South have already been spoiled by indulgence; he wrote that he was obliged to pay this duty, and could they cannot bear to see any prosper but themselves. not get a cent more for his iron; that, consequently, the What has been their course, and what has brought about price must be reduced, or he must cease to purchase. the present alarming and unhappy state of things? Let In a short time the price of iron was reduced in Liver- us go back a few years and inquire. Let us see how pool to the full amount of the increase of duty, and so it Southern jealousy has operated, and how it has been incontinued till the 22d of December last, when his agent dulged. Having, by non-intercourse, embargoes, and wrote to him that, in consequence of the reduction of the war, broken up the navigation of the North, and comduties on iron by the act of July last, the price of iron had pelled them to turn their capital and industry to manufac risen five dollars per ton, and would soon be up to the tures, they next determine to break down manufactures; full amount of the reduction of the duty, and thus the and, to accomplish this, what is the plan? First, to hasten price of the iron here would remain the same as before the payment of the public debt, and then to repeal the the duty was taken off. Who, then, paid the seven dol- duties, as no longer necessary. And how is the payment lars added to the duty on iron in 1828? The consumers? of the debt to be hastened? First, internal improvements No! The British manufacturer paid it, and took it from must be arrested to swell the annual surplus applicable to his profits. And who is benefited by the reduction of the payment of the debt. They are indulged in this, and seven dollars in 1832? The consumer? No! The Bri- internal improvements have been arrested. Next, the tish manufacturer, who puts it in his pocket instead of act limiting the sinking fund to ten millions a year must your treasury. The consumer still pays the same price; be repealed, and this was also done. Next, the United the market price established by the American manu- States Bank, being suspected of affording capital and facturers. And what was true as to iron, was true as other facilities to the manufacturing States, must be put to woollen and cotton goods, and every thing else ex- down also. They were again indulged last session. The tensively manufactured here. A reduction of duties on tariff was attacked, and reduced six or eight millions; but, these articles was not followed by a reduction of price. like spoiled children, they grow worse from indulgence. It was, in fact, a reduction of duties levied upon and paid They now demand that the protective principle shall be by foreigners for the privilege of selling their productions utterly abandoned, and the whole people of the Northern in our markets. This was, he contended, the plain and and Middle States sacrificed at once, or they will dissolve practical operation of the tariff, be the theory what it might. the Union! Grant this, and next we must clect a PresiBut, Mr. S. said, after all, he believed one of the great-dent south of the Potomac, or we shall have another nulest sources of mischief and injury to the industry of the lifying ordinance-more threats of civil war and bloodnation arose from the fickle, changing, and unsteady shed; and where was this system of concession to end? course of legislation on the subject of the tariff. No man It would end only when all political power was surrenderknew when he was safe. One day we grant protection, ed to the South, and the free people of the Northern and and the next day we take it away. But a few months ago Middle States reduced to a condition more miserable and we passed a law which was understood to be a final com- degraded than that of the Southern slave. It was time to promise and settlement of the question. With this expec- stop and tell these gentlemen plainly that we will go no tation millions of capital had been invested, extensive further, and to play out their game of nullification and establishments had been bought and sold; and now civil war if they dare-civil war! Where is it to be? and the faith of your laws is to be violated, these men are who is to suffer by it? It will be confined to South Caroto be ruined, every thing again involved in doubt and lina. It will be a war between her own people, the union uncertainty, to gratify a few Southern malcontents. By men and nullifiers, and the former would be able to put what system of morality were gentlemen governed? Up-down the latter with little or no aid from the Federal Goon what principle of common justice could such a course vernment. But why should we of the Northern and Midbe defended? You have no right to alter a law under the dle States sacrifice our people by repealing the tariff to faith of which rights have been vested, because it is in prevent these madmen of South Carolina from cutting the nature of a contract which is inviolable. Suppose the each other's throats? But there was no danger; they reasons of the acts of 1824 and 1828 had been set forth were not rash and crazy enough to do so. There can thus in the preamble: "Whereas large amounts of capi- be no war in the North; it would be entirely a Southern tal have been invested in manufactures; and whereas the affair. They would have all the glory and all the sufferprosperity and independence of these United States would ings of this war among themselves. All would commibe advanced by still further investments: Therefore, be it serate and none envy their condition under this glorious enacted, that the following duties be, and the same are reign of nullification. "In hereby, imposed," &c. Would not such a preamble truly Pass this bill, and you will still fail to settle this quesstate the reasons which influenced those who advocated tion. The act of concession, passed in July, it was then and voted for these laws? No one could doubt it who said, would satisfy the South, and harmonize the counwould read the contemporaneous debates. How, then, try. Has this been accomplished? No; it has but mulafter millions upon millions of private capital had been tiplied their demands, and aggravated the evil. vested upon the faith of these laws, could gentlemen who crease of appetite has grown by what it fed on." You had voted for them now vote for their repeal, and thus gave up one-half, and now they demand the whole. sacrifice and destroy those whom they had thus betrayed? They have nothing to lose, and every thing to gain, by this As far as good conscience and sound morality were con- plan of annual compromise and concession; and as long as cerned, would they not be quite as justifiable in voting to we continue to give, they will not cease to ask. alter or repeal a charter under which individuals had been friends of protection remember that what is once given Let the [FEB. 26, 1833. up, is gone for ever. "Facilis descensus Averni, sed re- this ruin upon us." I will redeem myself from this revocare gradum hic labor hoc opus est." Some gentlemen, proach, said Mr. S., by voting against this unjust and inhowever, indulge the hope that whatever is now surren-jurious measure. dered, will be recovered hereafter. This, he feared, Mr. SUTHERLAND next addressed the House, and was a vain hope. But why pass an act destructive to the put it to all who heard him, whether a bill presented in best interests of the country, with the hope that those the manner, and under the circumstances that this had who come after us will repeal it? Will such an excuse been, ought to pass. It was out of all reason. It was as this satisfy our constituents? Will it satisfy our own against the course of all legislation. The ink was hardly convictions of public duty? But we are told by others dry with which a bill had been engrossed, and passed at that our successors will do worse; that they will destroy the last session, settling this very question, and settling it the whole system; that they will entirely repeal the act of by compromise. Would the House be doing justice to 1832. We are therefore called upon to destroy this act, those who had relied upon that act, so soon to overturn to murder our own offspring, lest it might perish by other what had been so deliberately resolved upon-a law hands; to cut our own throats, to prevent others from do- which had commanded the votes of two-thirds of that ing it. "Sufficient for the day is the evil thereof." Let House, and two-thirds of the Senate? But he was told us live while we can. If the country must be destroyed, that the bill must pass, because a spirit of opposition had let the sin rest upon other heads. Let us do right, and appeared in South Carolina, and was running through all leave the responsibility of doing wrong to others. He, the Southern country, which nothing could allay but the however, had no such fears. He was willing to trust the passage of such a bill. On that subject he must be alnext Congress, coming fresh from among the people, and lowed one word of reply. He asked, where did this whole full of their feeling, with this subject. He had no doubt protecting system come from? With whom did it origiit would be safe in their hands, when the excitement and nate? Where was it born? The system was started in panic which now prevailed will have passed away. Un- South Carolina. It had originated in the early days of der existing circumstances, to pass this bill would be to this Government, and it had been sustained in Virginia, establish the principle that the minority are to rule the by one of the ablest statesmen that ever graced that majority, and thus subvert the very foundation of our Go-proud and ancient commonwealth. He meant Thomas vernment. When this doctrine is once sanctioned, the Jefferson. Yes, it was Mr. Jefferson, who had given it Government is at an end, the Union is repealed, our li- his most 'decided sanction. He had appeared in his naberties are gone. To repeal the tariff, in obedience to the tive State, on our great national anniversary, in 1808, commands of South Carolina, while she holds her nullify-dressed from head to foot in homespun. All the militaing ordinance in one hand, and the drawn sword in the ry, horse and foot, had paraded in uniforms of American other, would go far to establish this pernicious principle. manufacture. And the reverend clergy were clad in the He was, therefore, for this reason alone, if no other ex-same. And so entirely was the system approved of, that isted, opposed to all legislation at this time. If, after re- prayers were offered up on that occasion for its maintesistance to the law has ceased, it is deemed expedient to nance and perpetuity. This House was asked to repeal modify it, be it so; but he was opposed to legislation un- the protective system, although the very people who der threats, or by compulsion. A better opportunity brought the system into being, now declared it to be unnever could occur of putting down, without difficulty, constitutional: and although there had not lived scarce and without bloodshed, resistance to the law. South Ca- a distinguished man, since the revolution, who had not rolina not only stands alone in her attempt to nullify, but been, or was not now, the approver and advocate of the even her own people are almost equally divided on the American system, and its constitutionality. It had been question. Serious resistance is, therefore, out of the a member from South Carolina, a Mr. Burke, who had question. Let this insurrection, then, be put down, and first proposed in that House a protecting duty upon hemp, we will be troubled no more with the absurdity of nulli- to enable the people of his State to raise that commodity fication. But establish it as a "peaceable remedy," by upon their rice grounds. With this view the duty had yielding to its demands at this time, and hereafter, when been imposed. The same individual had then asked a it has acquired more strength from victory, enlarged its protecting duty upon indigo, all for the benefit of his alliances, and multiplied its friends and followers, it will State and the South; and this duty had, in like manner, make an attack which may end in civil war, in revolution,been laid on. But now, South Carolina had discovered and in the dismemberment and destruction of this happy that every protecting duty was a flagrant and alarming Government, with all its hopes and all its glorious pro- violation of the constitution. mises to mankind. "We think our fathers fools-so wise we grow; But, sir, if this precedent is to be now established by No doubt our wiser sons will think us so." yielding to the demands of nullification; if the constitu- At the first session of the first Congress, one of the tion and laws of this Union are to be cancelled by the signers of the constitution had offered an address to South Carolina ordinance; if the legislation of Congress George Washington, as being the devoted friend to the is to be repealed at the pleasure of every State in the whole system, which address had been unanimously adoptUnion; if our Government, established at the expense of ed, by men who were themselves the fathers of our revoso much blood and treasure, is thus to be overthrown and lution. Southern gentlemen might rave as they would. destroyed, I, for one, said Mr. S., shall escape the sin The constitutionality of that system stood beyond their and the reproach, by voting against this bill. If, sir, the power. In a debate which had taken place in the first effect of the adoption of this measure shall be (as he Congress, as to the duty proper to be laid upon tobacco, firmly believed it would) to sap the foundations of the the celebrated Roger Sherman, a member from Connecnational prosperity, destroy millions of capital, and throw ticut, had proposed to lay sixpence a pound on that artithousands of industrious people out of employment; if its cle, avowedly as a prohibition. This was carrying proeffects should be to reduce to the level of the paupers tection to its extreme; and had a single Southern man so of England the free and now prosperous labor of the much as whispered an objection? Not one. Why should country, to grind down alike the wages of the farmer the law be altered now? Protection was as constitutional and mechanic, to exhaust our currency, and spread po-at this day as it had been at that day. verty, wretchedness, and ruin, far and wide over this In 1808, the whole capital and enterprise of New Engnow prosperous and happy land, his constituents, to land had been mainly engaged in commerce. The canwhom he was so much indebted, should never have it in vass of New England ships whitened every sea. But Contheir power to say to him-"You contributed to bring gress, to oblige the South, had passed a law which drove FEB. 26, 1833.] The Turiff. [H. OF R. that capital from the ocean, and compelled that enter-upon the American system. It dwelt in eloquent and forprise to turn itself into the new channel of manufactures. cible language on the multiplied and widely extended beThe whole state of that part of the Union had been revo-nefits which that system had conferred upon the United lutionized. States. It spoke of villages and cities grown up, as if by And now, when capital had invested itself in buildings enchantment: of mills and factories, of roads and canals, and machinery, which could not be abandoned without and a thousand works of improvement in every form. ruin, the men of the South came to that House, and in- And, after dwelling with enthusiasm on the internal prossisted on driving the whole of that capital back to the perity and growing strength of our country, it attributed sea again. Where were the pledges to the manufacturers the whole, in a very important degree, to the wise policy which had been so solemnly given? Or what pledge of protecting our own industry, and making the most of were they now to receive that the whole legislation of the our own resources. Could it be that a bill which went country would not continue to experience these ruinous slowly but surely to destroy the system, should have been fluctuations? Did any gentleman talk to him of a pledge brought into Congress by that same individual? It struck here in this bill? What did it amount to? Every body him with amazement. It would strike the whole country knew that the protective system had received the most de- with astonishment. He did not believe there was a single cided support of this Government. Mr. Jefferson him- man in his district, who had so much as dreamed of such self, in the last message he ever addressed to Congress, a thing. A gentleman had said, that by this bill the mahad avowed himself to be in favor, not only of protection,nufacturers were "cheered” with the prospect of a conbut of carrying protection to prohibition. That distin- tinued protection for seven years to come. Cheered! The guished man, now quoted with an air of triumph by the bill gave them the prospect of lingering out a wretched, nullifiers of the South, had, upon the subject of the ta- doomed, dying existence for seven years to come. Was riff, set his face against nullification. He had recommend-this to cheer them? It was the very worst part of the mea. ed protection he had advised prohibition. sure proposed. If South Carolina must be gratified at all Mr. S. said that he had lately examined into what had hazards, and at all expense, let the wide-spreading tree of taken place in 1808, in Richmond, that hot-bed of the protection be felled at once. Let not gentlemen lop a principles of '98, and he found old Virginia as steady as branch here, and a branch there, until limb after limb the mountains, and all right and sound upon the protect- dropped from the scathed and naked trunk, which was ive system. He had said that Richmond had exercised reserved to the melancholy privilege of falling last amidst great power in this republic under all administrations. It the surrounding ruins of its former beauty. Let them put was justly due to her, for much political intelligence was the axe at once to its root, and let it fall in all its majesty concentrated there. But could gentlemen forget that, and strength. He called gentlemen to look at the effect under the Jefferson administration, a report, coming from of the twenty per cent. duty, now held out as the ultimate the luminous mind of Albert Gallatin, had proposed that hope of the manufacturing interest. Could not British five millions of dollars should be loaned for the express statesmen and British manufacturers calculate the effects purpose of encouraging and sustaining the manufactures of this bill, as well as our own? Send this law to Engof the country? Yet now, forsooth, the country was told land, and they would put into the hands of our manufacthat Mr. Jefferson was the great authority for nullification; turing rival a chart to guide his future course. It apprised and precious Mr. Editor Ritchie, he, too, was quoted in him beforehand, here we are going to take away so much support of the same doctrine; a great, consistent, and of our own protection, and there we are going to take most undeviating authority! Among all the rest, the away so much more; this year the protection is to be forty House had heard Governor Giles appealed to. Yes, he,per cent., that year it is to be thirty per cent., and when too, was a great advocate of nullification. Now, Mr. S. it gets down to twenty per cent. our system of protection was so fortunate as to have one of this same gentleman's is to be wound up entirely. So, now knowing all beforespeeches in his possession, an extract from which he hand, you may govern yourselves accordingly. This, to would take the liberty to read, for the edification of the be sure, was dealing very frankly, and no doubt the maHouse, and especially of Southern gentlemen. [Here Mr.nufacturers of Manchester and Sheffield would highly S. read from the speech.] commend so novel a magnanimity. Those gentlemen, as And now, he asked, whether, with all the lights to be was well known, could borrow as much capital as they derived from Mr. Jefferson, Mr. Giles, Mr. Baldwin, and pleased at four per cent., and with such an advantage they all the Georgia and other Southern statesmen, in behalf could ruin us at their leisure. Was this protection? Was of the constitutionality and expediency of the protecting it? Would any gentleman say it was? Our whole history system, it would be fair in this Congress, at one blow, to proved the reverse. And would gentlemen commit so repeal it. A great system of national policy, like this, rash an act? Would they destroy in a single day what it had affecting so many millions of people, and so many hun- taken so many years to build up? When the day should dred millions of property, was a plant which did not arrive that laid this system low, then the gentlemen of the grow up in the night. It had taken a long series of years South would have achieved what they had long predicted; to plant, to nourish, to train, and to foster it; and now then the poor men of the North would all have become the House was called upon to lay the axe to its root. slaves. God grant that he might never live to see that The House had just heard a very eloquent speech on the day: he trusted it would never come: he trusted that the dreadful evils of civil war; but he asked whether an act means of education and of intellectual and moral improvelike this was not likely to be followed by as wide-spread ment would never be torn from the millions of our labora devastation as any war that ever swept over the coun- ing classes, and that that accumulation of light, social, citry. It must drive thousands of men, women, and chil- vil, and political, with which this country seemed destined dren from their daily bread, and ruin multitudes whose to illumine the rest of the world, would never be quenchall was embarked on the faith of the Government. And, ed, especially by an act of our own Government, by rewhat was the worst feature in the whole matter, all this ducing free and laborious citizens of the North to a level was to be done on the ground of a false theory, from a with the planters' slaves. The Government would lose mistaken and unfounded notion of policy. All this loss their hearts, and with their hearts it would quickly lose and desolation was to be inflicted on the Northern half of also the support of their strong arms. The bill inflicted the Union, for supporting a system which had originated great injustice on the North, especially when taken in in the South. connexion with previous acts of the Government: when the previous promises and pledges to the manufacturers should be placed beside an act like this, every honest and Mr. S. had lately read a speech purporting to have been delivered by Mr. CLAY, in the Senate, at the last session, H. OF R.] The Tariff. [FEB. 26, 1833. intelligent man would blush for his country. Mr. S. did tives of interest, were determined to destroy the tariff, not mean to charge the honorable Senator who had ori- they could do so. But in the name of all consistency, let ginated this bill with the design to destroy the American them not affect to do it because the tariff was unconstitusystem; he did not believe that such had been his purpose, tional. but he did fully believe the policy was a mistaken one, and that such would be its consequences. Mr. CARSON, of North Carolina, now rose, and observed that the House had heard three speeches in opposition to the bill, the denouncing speech of the gentleman from Rhode Island, [Mr. BURGES,] the violent speech of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. STEWART,] and the vociferous speech of the gentleman from Pennsylvania, [Mr. SUT ERLAND.] Believing that this was quite enough, he demanded the previous question. The CHAIR inquired whether the motion was seconded. When the House refused to second the motion: Yeas 65, nays not counted. That honorable gentleman did not live surrounded with the men on whom this bill was intended directly to operate; his residence was in a portion of the Union which had little or nothing to do with the tariff; but the inevitable effect of his bill would be to bring down upon the American mechanic the competition of foreign labor. The laboring population of France and England were to be brought to compete with us, a new nation, a young people. Could a population situated as ours were, safely enter into the contest with all the old world? We started in Mr. BATES, of Maine, said that he should vote for this an unfair race; all the capital, all the experience, and all bill, not because it was what he wished, but because it was the poor rates of England brought to bear upon a people the best thing that could be procured. The bill proposed just emerging from the agricultural state, and covered to impose a less degree of taxation on the country, so soon with no higher protection than twenty per cent.! The as January next. Had this bill been offered to him at the South knew well that such a protection would amount to commencement of the session, he should have felt himself little or nothing, and what must be the result? Could the bound to reject it. Had himself or any of his friends pronation maintain itself in its present condition? Never. posed such a measure to the South at that time, he should We were now a prosperous people. But we are said not have felt that he was offering them an insult. But cirto be a happy people. And why? Because, in the South, cumstances had since occurred which showed that now there was a speck of opposition. He did not mean to treat the South was willing to accept the bill as a compromise the State of South Carolina with disrespect, but still it that would settle the distracted state of the country. Such was but a speck. The States of this Union could not be being the case, he was bound to accept it. He rejoiced made to believe that her system was true, or her griev- to find, that somehow, or somewhere, an arrangement ances such as she stated them. All men of common sense had at length been effected. The fact proved either that repudiated her fears. So did Mr. S., and condemned her the injuries complained of by the South were not so sericonduct, but still he was for keeping South Carolina in ous as they had been represented to be, or that the South the Union. He found among her sons too many able, and had been governed by a laudable patriotism, which led too many gallant men to be willing to part with them or them to assent to an offer which came short of that which with her. They were now under a mistake. But for the they had a just right to demand. He hoped and believed mistake of one State, must the Government throw up at that it was from the latter. He would now say a word or once all that the other States held dear? two on the subject of pledges. The House had been told But he was told that this Government had no right to that, having voted for the bill of 1832, they were pledged compel the States into obedience. This was to introduce to leave the subject of the tariff at rest. But Mr. B., general anarchy. They were all influenced more or less though he had voted for that bill, had not voted for it as by compulsion. They must be regulated by fixed laws. the best that was possible: he had voted for it as the best South Carolina was but one star in the system. She must he could then get: but he had not considered himself as learn to move in her proper orbit. She must revolve in bound never to get a better, when it should be in his her own sphere. She must not derange the whole sys- power. He had never pledged either himself or his contem to suit her will and pleasure. It had been said by stituents. Whether it was or was not, in the opinion of some that one star would not be missed in the national some, implied that the system was to remain untouched constellation. Therefore, let her withdraw. But such for eight or ten years to come, was a matter of mere moongentlemen forgot that Carolina was not the only party con- shine to him. He had never pledged himself for a single cerned. The Government had to deal with more than one session ahead. His successors, he knew, would act as he State. It was bound to sustain the rights and interests of had acted, independently. all portions of the country. It had been charged that this bill was a sacrifice to the In concluding, he would offer one remark in respect to slave labor of the South. Mr. B. would vote for the bill the whole South. He perceived that it had been asked in from a different motive, and for the benefit of a very difVirginia, when the people were about to vote for a new ferent people. He represented a class of people denouncSenator, whether thie candidate was opposed to the tariffed by those who considered all who left the mark laid on constitutional grounds. The question had been asked down by their rulers, as the real slaves of the North, the in Richmond, in the very spot where both the constitu- real "dough faces:" but he could tell all such persons tion and the protecting system had started. If Jefferson that his constituents were a people who understood their could have heard that question, he would have started own rights, and would maintain them. Every protective from his tomb in amazement, and would have asked, is duty was a tax upon them, and they knew it. They knew this the doctrine of Virginia? Have you forgotten the that they were consumers of articles on which the price year 1808? After the South had riveted upon the coun-was enhanced a hundred times more than on those which try the protection of every Southern staple, they turned they exported; for them he acted. He should not inquire about and insisted that, in relation to all who dwelt north where this measure originated: it was sufficient for him of Mason and Dixon's line, the entire protective system that it promised peace to the country: and he hailed it as should be destroyed. They had enjoyed a tariff for thirty the harbinger of halcyon days of national prosperity and years for themselves. But the moment its benefits were happiness. to be extended across that line, the discovery broke upon Mr. PENDLETON, of New York, said he viewed the them that the tariff was unconstitutional. He trusted that bill as a compromise. It was an exchange of intermediate no man would vote for this bill on the ground that the ta- protection for ultimate reduction: and those who voted riff was unconstitutional, who did not mean to fly in the for it voted for it as a whole. There was no reason why face of the father of democracy, and the author of the gentlemen who voted on one side should be more reflectDeclaration of Independence. If gentlemen, from mo-ed on than those on the other. Gentlemen who chose to FEB. 26, 1833.] The Tariff. [H. OF R. reject the compromise can do so; but those who took it, fore, not only an abandonment of the principle, but a took it as a whole. They consented to the continuance limitation upon the power. The duties upon the unproof protection for a certain course of years, for the sake of tected may transcend the duties upon the protected artiensuring its reduction in the end. In his judgment, this cles themselves. was altogether illusory, because this Congress could not bind its successors; for himself he never would consent to take a measure so entirely uncertain. Mr. McDUFFIE said that he did not believe that the bill made all the concession to the demands of the South which justice required; much more ought to have been allowed. The South had a right to demand more, much more. But he had nevertheless made up his mind to vote for the bill. He wished to give quiet to the country; he believed this bill would give quiet to the country: and in that view he should give it his vote. Mr. SPEIGHT now moved the previous question: but great objection being manifested in all parts of the House, he withdrew the motion. But how, he inquired, does this bill propose to reduce the duties? It changes all the specific into ad valorem duties after 1842. In the mean time it reduces them equally, without any regard to the magnitude or wants of the different interests, their importance in war or peace, their character as connected with agriculture or commerce, with necessaries or luxuries, with the capabilities or exigencies of the country; it reduces them all as a gardener trims a hedge, cutting every thing to the same level, without reference to any thing but uniformity. Whatever may be the legislation of foreign Governments, whatever the competition and power brought to bear upon a given department of industry, this bill fixes its position and condition immoveably, and leaves it at the mercy of those who may choose to assail it, and in any way they choose. Mr. HUNTINGTON demanded the yeas and nays on the passage of the bill, and they were ordered by the House. Mr. BATES, of Massachusetts, said he had no inclina- And wherefore all this? The gentleman from Kentucky tion to go into a discussion of the bill, but he wished to [Mr. LETCHER] tells us that if Congress does not pass this state the grounds upon which he should vote against its bill now, the next Congress will do something worse; and passage, that he might stand fairly before his constituents, before 1842 the South will think better of this matter. and before the country, upon this deeply interesting sub- It is a sufficient answer to say that, if the people will the ject. He did not share in the apprehension expressed, destruction of the system, this bill cannot preserve it; that the South would not abide by the provisions of the and if they do not, neither the next Congress nor any bill. He had no fear on that score, for the bill is an aban- other Congress can destroy it, and a change of principles donment--gentlemen may say what they will to the con- and feelings in the South is too remote and uncertain a trary--the bill is an abandonment of the protective prin- contingency to justify the sacrifice that this bill makes. ciple, progressively and slowly, but certainly and fatally. Mr. B. said that he would detain the House no longer. Nor had he any disposition to join in the denunciations, The victim is bound, and he would not delay the sacrifice. although he shared largely in the regrets of the occasion. But he could have wished the offering had been made by Had the cup which the friends of the tariff are called upon other hands. to take been mingled by other hands, he could have borne it; but, presented and forced upon them as this has been, it becomes as unpleasant and ungrateful as unexpected. He would state, that he might be distinctly understood, that the advocates of the protective system admit- 1st. That the revenues of the Government ought to be no more than the wants of the Government; that they do not ask, by way of protection, for a dollar beyond this. But, 2d. They maintain that, so far as the revenue is derived from impost, it ought to be from duties imposed for protection. And, 3d. That, in the apportionment and assessment of duties, reference ought to be had to the condition and wants of the interests to be protected. Acting upon these prin ciples, he said, there would be ample means of protection for all needed purposes; but, in his opinion, the bill under consideration was in utter disregard of every one of them. So far as derivable from duties on protected articles, this bill will augment the revenue, and thus will diminish protection, while it will increase the demands upon the people. Mr. WILLIAMS now moved the previous question, and the House sustained the motion: Yeas 93, nays 65. The previous question was put, and carried: Yeas 109, nays 85. The main question was about to be put; when Mr. ADAMS said that, before he voted, he wanted to know the meaning of one of the clauses in the first section of the bill. It being out of order to debate after the previous question had been carried, Mr. A. resumed his seat. The main question, viz. "Shall the bill pass?" was then put, and decided by yeas and nays, as follows: YEAS--Messrs. Adair, Alexander, Chilton Allan, Robert Allen, Anderson, Angel, Archer, Armstrong, John S. Barbour, Barnwell, Barringer, James Bates, Bell, Bergen, Bethune, James Blair, John Blair, Boon, Bouck, Bouldin, Branch, John Brodhead, Bullard, Cambreleng, Carr, Carson, Chinn, Claiborne, Clay, Clayton, Coke, Connor, Corwin, Coulter, Craig, Creighton, Daniel, Davenport, Warren R. Davis, Doubleday, Drayton, Draper, Duncan, Felder, Findlay, Fitzgerald, Foster, Gaither, Gilmore, Gordon, Griffin, Thomas H. Hall, William Hall, Harper, Hawes, Hawkins, Hoffman, Holland, Horn, Howard, Hubbard, Irvin, Isacks, Jarvis, Jenifer, Richard M. The duties upon protected articles, it will be observed, Johnson, Cave Johnson, Joseph Johnson, Kavanagh, Kerr, are to be progressively reduced to twenty per cent, in 1842, Lamar, Lansing, Lecompte, Letcher, Lewis, Lyon, Marand afterwards at pleasure; but, in no event, peace or dis, Mason, Marshall, Maxwell, William McCoy, McDuf war, is the progress of reduction to be stayed; and in no fie, McIntire, McKay, Mitchell, Newnan, Newton, Nuckevent, after 1842, is the rate of duty to exceed twenty olls, Patton, Plummer, Polk, Rencher, Roane, Root, per cent. The bill contains a formal enactment, and gives an express pledge to this effect. And both before and after 1842, in case of a deficiency or excess of revenue, recourse is to be had to such unprotected articles as are not made free by the bill. This he considered an abandonment of the great protective principle. It is an express agreement that the duties for protection shall not exceed twenty per cent., and that duties for the mere purposes of revenue may be imposed upon unprotected articles when they are needed for protection. It is, there. VOL. IX.-114 Semmes, Sewall, William B. Shepard, Aug. H. Shepperd, Smith, Speight, Spence, Stanbery, Standifer, Francis Thomas, Philemon Thomas, Wiley Thompson, John Thomson, Tompkins, Verplanck, Ward, Washington, Wayne, Weeks, Elisha Whittlesey, Campbell P. White, Edward D. White, Wickliffe, Williams, Worthington-119, NAYS--Messrs. Adams, Heman Allen, Allison, Appleton, Arnold, Ashley, Babcock, Banks, Noyes Barber, Barstow, Isaac C. Bates, Beardsley, Briggs, John C. |