SPEECH OF MR. DENNY ON THE TARIFF.

The following speech of Mr. DENNY, of Pennsylvania, on the subject of the tariff, delivered in the House of Repre sentatives, June 12, 1832, was accidentally omitted in its proper place, and is therefore inserted here.]

Mr. DENNY said it was with reluctance he obtruded or protect the productive industry of the country from the himself upon the indulgence of this committee. But he injurious operation of foreign regulations, from ruinous and felt compelled, by considerations arising from the situation unequal contest with foreign industry, and from a despehe occupied, to say something in defence of a policy, rate competition with foreign bankrupts or foreign pauper deeply interesting not only to the State he in part repre- labor in our own market. Such a policy is wise, it is dicsented, but to the whole nation. The importance of this tated by sound sense, by the universal principle of selfsubject is at this time, said Mr. D., greatly enhanced, preservation, and is pursued by every intelligent nation. from its connexion with the serious aspect which affairs Labor must find something to operate upon; it is in the have assumed in a certain quarter of our country, and power, and it is the duty, of a wise Government to aid from the peculiar attitude in which the nation is placed in giving such a direction to labor as shall best promote by the extinguishment of the national debt; we all feel the interests of the country; and those interests are best and acknowledge this importance. Our endeavor ought promoted when the labor of the citizens is judiciously to be to settle this great question now upon broad na- employed upon the resources of the country. Strictly tional principles, uninfluenced by sectional views, or con- speaking, it may be said that the basis of the wealth and siderations of a geographical character. Our attention power of a nation consists in its internal resources, physhould be directed to the general welfare and condition sical, moral, and intellectual; these mutually aid each of the whole country. I do not pretend to be more free other. Physical resources call for, invite the exercise of, from the influence of sectional feelings than other gentle- and furnish employment to, the intellectual and moral men, but if I know my own mind, I can safely say that, energies of a people intrusted with them. These intellecin reference to the great question before us, I am govern- tual and moral energies are stimulated to devise new modes ed in my views by what I firmly believe will best pro- and facilities for judiciously and most advantageously devemote the prosperity and independence of our country. loping the physical resources, so that the nation shall derive In the wide range which this discussion has taken, we from them in the fullest manner all the benefits which they have been favored with various refined theories of poli- are calculated to confer. Unless the nation avails itself of tical economy, which are better calculated to bewilder these resources, the possession of them is of no account. the mind than to lead it to any useful practical conclu- Great Britain has often been referred to as furnishing sions. I do not think it requires, in order to settle this evidence of the correctness of the protective policy. Look question correctly, a profound knowledge of the arcana of at her resources, her policy, and her condition. A small political economy, nor to be deeply versed in the refined island, but rich in internal resources, abounding in coal speculations of the Smiths, Ricardos, Coopers, and a host and iron, the foundation of her gigantic power, possess. of ether writers upon the subject. The question before ing in abundance lead, tin, copper, salt, various minerals, us is one upon which, in my judgment, plain practical and valuable earths and raw materials, constituting the common sense observation will enable us to arrive at a basis of her extensive manufactures. These have led to correct decision; it is one easily understood by the hum- the construction of numerous turnpike roads, canals, railblest man in the community. The true question, notwith-roads, and of all the facilities for travelling, transportation, standing all that has been said, and although it has been and inland communication. Trace the history of that called a delusion," is--shall we prefer the productions kingdom, and you will be satisfied that she has derived her of foreign labor and foreign countries to the produc- power and her wealth from her internal resources, her tions of our own citizens, and of our own country? Shall coal, iron, and minerals, called into operation and fully we protect and foster the industry of our own citizens, developed by a judicious system of legislation, commencor shall we permit it to be destroyed by an unequal and ed at an early period, and followed up to the present day, nfair competition with foreigners? In the proportion adding every year to her power, and enabling her sucthat foreigners throw into our market their productions, cessfully to resist the combined powers of the continent in the same proportion is the industry of our own coun-arrayed against her; her manufactures and internal improvetry impaired, and the laboring class deprived of the means ments advance together towards perfection, while her of subsistence; and foreign labor takes the place of our commerce stretches into every part of the world. The Own. If the foreign manufacturers glut our market with gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. BELL] thinks that the their manufactures, we become the principal sufferers. power and wealth of Great Britain are not owing to the How to protect ourselves, how to protect the industry of protective policy, but he has not told us what is the true our own citizens, and encourage labor, how to rescue us cause; although he has pictured her power, and wealth, from a dependence upon foreigners, is the great object and prosperous condition in the strongest colors, yet he conof the American system, and the true foundation of the tends that these are not evidence of a just Government. wealth of the nation. Sir, they are evidence of a wise Government protecting We all agree that labor, workmanship, is wealth. Na- the industry of her own people: this has enabled her to tions are made of individuals; national wealth is made up maintain large armies, to carry on and sustain herself in the of individual labor and workmanship; diminish labor, numerous and protracted wars in which she has been throw it out of employment, and you diminish national | engaged; to subsidize one half of Europe against the wealth. If you substitute foreign labor for our own, you other, and at other times to resist the combined efforts of increase foreign wealth at the expense of our own nation. the nations of the continent. Whence could she have Throw ten or twenty thousand laborers out of employ-acquired the means, how could her people have sustained ment, by introducing the produce of foreign laborers, and the burdens, had not the Government given every protecyou inflict a serious injury upon the country, and confer tion to the industry of the country, and encouraged the a corresponding benefit upon the foreign country. That people to rely on and improve their own resources? Sir, community is always the most prosperous in which there the monuments of art and improvement alluded to by the is full employment of labor. Those are wise measures of gentleman from Tennessee, if not evidence of a just Gova Government which add to the means of employing in-ernment, are not evidence of injustice and oppression, dustry, and equally wise are those which tend to preserve but of a wise, enlightened, and sound invigorating policy, VOL. VIII.

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petus to their efforts. Sir, we are rich in every thing calculated to enable us to rival, and in a few years surpass her in wealth and power. But, sir, we must not permit these elements of power and wealth which we possess in such an eminent degree to remain inert, to lie dormant; to be serviceable, they must be brought into active operation. The physical resources with which a beneficent Provi dence has so abundantly blessed our country will be of no value to us unless we endeavor to make a proper use of them, and protect ourselves in the enjoyment of them; to do so is alike our sacred and bounden duty and our true interest. The protective policy must extend not only to our political institutions and civil rights, but to the productive industry and labor of the people. Political and civil liberty, without protection of the labor of the citizen, amounts to nothing more than the liberty to starve, or liberty to live in ignorance, idleness, and poverty.

calling into operation the labor, skill, industry, and intel-giving an elevation of character to the people, and an inligence of the people. If these results have not been produced by legislation, to what cause can they be as cribed? It is impossible to discover any other adequate cause. Oppressive as is the British Government in a political point of view, with a national debt amounting to a sum almost incalculable, yet, under the paternal care, untiring vigilance, and determined perseverance in the protective policy, the means of the nation have kept pace with the accumulation of the public burdens, and she has advanced in manufactures, intelligence, arts, commerce, and power. Suppose the British Government had abandoned this policy years ago; suppose she had withdrawn protection; what would have been her condition at this time? of what value would be her inexhaustible resources? how could she have sustained herself against her numerous foes? By adhering to it rigidly she is now able to prostrate the industry of every other na tion. The gentleman from Tennessee, (Mr. BELL,) has spoken of her protective policy as productive of paupers; these he thinks are the effect of British policy. It is true there are a great number of paupers in Great Britain, but they have not been produced by her protective policy. Her debt and her paupers have been caused by her long wars, competition with the industry of other na tions, labor-saving machinery, her continental policy, and her limited territory. If the gentleman's position be sound, an abandonment of the protective system would diminish the paupers. Can any gentleman believe that? would not such a proceeding quadruple her paupers in four years? If she were to remove the protection now afforded to her people, she would soon number millions of paupers where she now has thousands.

We have arrived, Mr. Chairman, at a period favorable for a correct decision upon this important question, when it can be adjusted and settled on a proper and permanent basis. Heretofore, from the earliest period of our history, our legislation has been influenced more or less by our commercial connexion with other parts of the world-a connexion which originated with our colonial condition, and which was kept up by the influence of the mercantile system of policy under which our Government went into operation, and by the weight of the national debt, which we were taught to believe would be more easily paid by taxing the consumption of the country supplied from foreign labor by imports. The mercantile system has always predominated; it was natural that it should; it was engrafted on the colonies, they grew up under it, and, Sir, look at the effect produced by removing the re- when separated from the parent stock, it continued to be strictions upon the glove trade: large importations of considered as the best policy; our leading and intelligent gloyes were made from France; thousands of glovers, thus men had been educated under it. Foreign commerce deprived of employment, were reduced to pauperism and was consequently esteemed as the great if not only source starvation. If such were the effects in relation to the of national wealth; from it a large revenue was derived glovers, what would be the consequence if the same po- apparently from the merchants and foreigners, but which licy should be adopted with all other man facturers? She eventually came from the pockets of the consumer. From would become a nation of paupers. The paupers of these causes, foreign commerce obtained over this GovGreat Britain are as much opposed to our tariff as are ernment a paramount influence, and has given a direction the advocates of free trade on this floor. If British pau- to much of its legislation and controlled its policy pers have any claim on the sympathies of this House, re- Foreign commerce soon secured through the Gov peal the tariff, and you will soon reduce the number of ernment the most ample protection, and to this day enpaupers in England, by giving to them increased employ-joys a greater protection than all the other great interests ment; but recollect you will reduce the industrious labo- of the country taken together; and yet commercial men rer and mechanic of our country to poverty. The now pau- are the first and the loudest to complain when it is propers of Great Britain will then supply us with all the manu-posed to extend protection to other pursuits--to the agrifactures and productions which we now receive from our cultural and manufacturing interests. workmen. Break down the woollen business in our country, and you will diffuse joy and gladness among the halffamished operatives of Huddersfield and Leeds, and the clothing districts of the west of England; you will give immediate relief to the whole woollen trade of Great Britain. So depressed has the woollen business become in England, that the most industrious workman cannot earn sufficient to support himself upon the meanest and coarsest fare; the deficiency in his earnings is supplied by parochial allowances. The woollen trade with the United States will support half a million of these paupers at the rate they are now subsisted in England.

The power which Great Britain has thus acquired has been, and will be still further, checked by the United States, if we be firm and true to our own interests. We are nearly equal to her in population, our citizens are not inferior in skill and machinery, superior in inventive genius, bolder in enterprise, and as persevering in in dustry; our resources boundless, our soil fertile, climate salubrious, intelligence is more generally diffused among the people, our happy form of free Government giving every security to property and person, our civil and religious institutions organized upon better principles, and

I have said, sir, that a favorable period has arrived for the proper adjustment of the policy for this country. We are at peace with the whole commercial world; our national debt paid; the labor of our own citizens more than adequate to supply the country with its clothing, subsistence, and means of defence. What, then, should be our policy? Should it not be adapted to the enterprising character of the people, to their intelligence, to the internal condition, physical resources, and capacity of our country-of the whole country? Should we not exert every effort to develop these resources as rapidly, and to the fullest extent that the interests, wants, enterprise, and increasing intelligence of the people will justify? I consider that such a policy has already been commenced, adopted at a time when, perhaps, more liberal principles prevailed in this body, and received the sanction of distinguished and enlightened statesmen from that part of the country in which it is now most violently opposed.. Having experienced the benefits of this policy, the country having prospered under it in an unexampled degree, why shall we change it? Cui bono? Should we not pause long before we destroy a system already deeply rooted, and so beneficial? Sir, we need not look even to Great

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Britain for argument in its favor: she furnishes, however, of the prosperity of the country, we mean the tariff States, a most powerful and convincing illustration of the benefits or particular parts, districts, or towns. I do not know what of the policy. Our own brief history is replete with sound evidence will satisfy the gentleman. Accounts of the prosinstruction on this subject. We have risen from a state of perity of the country reach us from all quarters. We colonial dependence, political and commercial, to entire hear of it from the Chief Magistrate of the nation, and it political independence, and to the enjoyment of the right is reiterated from Maine to the Balize; our own eyes witto direct and regulate our own commercial relations. ness the general prosperity. But the gentleman says it is When in a colonial condition, the trade and manufac-not. so, even in parts of the country in which it is suptures of the colonists were restricted, prohibited, and posed the American system operates beneficially; that made subservient to the interests and wishes of British West Pennsylvania, with which he was somewhat acquainttraders and manufacturers. Why shall we now legislate led, exhibited the effects of the iron rule of their masters. to return to that state of colonial dependence-to a de- Sir, I was surprised at the declaration of the gentleman. pendence upon foreign labor for comforts, conveniencies, The term "masters" suits a slave region, not that of treenecessaries, and useful productions, when all are within men; we acknowledge no masters there. If by "iron our reach in our own country, and can be advantageously rule" is meant an oppressive system, and that West Pennproduced by the industry and labor of our own citizens, sylvania was suffering under it, I cannot understand upon if properly protected? Why shall we pay profits of labor what basis the gentleman has made the assertion, or has to sustain foreigners, when it may be usefully distributed founded his opinion: it is certainly contrary to my obseramong our own mechanics and citizens? Shall we impo-vation and to the evidence. The selection of West Pennverish ourselves by paying profits to foreigners? They sylvania as oppressed by the American system was unforsend their goods here for their own advantage, and often, tunate. If any portion of Pennsylvania is more prospeafter supplying their customers and the demand at home, rous at this time than another, it is the western portion; and ship their refuse or surplus stock to be sold in this coun-it furnishes the strongest evidence, and the only evidence try. I would ask the gentleman from Tennessee, [Mr. which could be desired, to establish the truth of what I BELL,] who seems so unwilling that any profits of labor here assert. Sir, the whole land is smiling, the busy should be retained in this country, whether it is his desire hum of industry pervades it; there are no idlers, no pauthat the profits of lapor should be taken from us and given pers there; employment is given to all, and all feel the to foreigners? The argument of the gentleman has inge- beneficial effects of the American system. Can that be nuity to recommend it, but it seems to me to partake of a called an iron rule" under which the people are happy, sectional character rather than national. He tells us that contented, cheerful, and industrious? Sir, that country the profits of labor in one part or district are derived or is in a most prosperous condition. New towns and vil abstracted from the labor of another district: it is a sys-lages springing up in various parts of it, farms opening in tem of pillaging and plundering each other. For sake of every quarter, turnpike and improved roads intersect it the argument, admit this statement of the case to be true: in every direction, and, with canals and numerous steamwhence does England derive the profits of her labor? Are boats and noble rivers, furnish positive evidence of an acnot the profits which her manufacturers make from the tive internal commerce. These and other improvements, products of their labor, sent to the United States, “ab. and an increasing population and universal employment, stracted," to use the gentleman's term, from the labor give unequivocal proof of the prosperity of that portion and earnings of our mechanics? And yet he is willing that of Pennsylvania to which the gentleman from Tennessee this state of things should continue; that the millions which alluded, as exhibiting effects of an "iron rule." The England now receives should continue to be abstracted gentleman's argument is comradicted by the evidence of from the industry of this country to add to the profits of our own senses. Look abroad upon the face of the whole her labor. This is all legitimate, while here the profits of country; general prosperity meets the eye from every dilabor, in one part, is considered as so much plundered rection, population increasing, lands improving, labor evfrom that of another. Carry this principle out: the manu-ery where employed. It is true, sir, that those States which facturers of one district acquire their profits by plunder-advocate the encouragement and protection of American ing others, one from another, and the whole from the industry instead of foreign, may, and I believe do, present planter; but he does not tell us from whom the planter evidences of greater prosperity than several other States. plunders his profits. Of this the gentleman from Tennes-This difference, however, is not to be ascribed to the le see complains, and his remedy is, that we should be plun-gislation of the General Government, but to a wise and dered by the manufacturers of Great Britain and other fo- liberal State legislation. What gives to New York, Ohio, reign countries. Maryland, and Pennsylvania the appearances of greater Now, sir, to prevent the British and foreign manufac-prosperity than are to be met with in Virginia, or South turers from abstracting from the profits of the labor of our Carolina, or any other Southern State? The public spimechanics, farmers, and tradesmen, is the object of the rit of the citizens, seconded and called forth by a wise, juAmerican system. The gentleman from Tennessee thinks dicious, and liberal policy on the part of the State Governthat inequality in profits was owing to the legislation of ments, has caused those States to flourish; they have not been this Government, and this has produced distraction in a slumbering over their resources, nor have they been idle certain portion of the country. Sir, there is a mistake spectators of the march of internal improvement in other here: our legislation is to operate equally upon the whole States; they have by their improvements in roads, canals, country. But a difference in the profits of labor may be, turnpikes, rail-roads, bridges, and other public works, and is, caused by many other circumstances. Difference given an impulse to the enterprise of their citizens and a in soil will make a difference in the quantity and quality stimulus to their industry. Other States to the south of us of agricultural productions. The impoverished and ex-may pursue a different policy, but then they must not hausted lands of South Carolina will not yield to the same complain that Pennsylvania has outstripped them in proslabor an equal quantity of cotton with the fresh and fer- perity, nor attribute to partial legislation of the General tile lands of Alabama, Mississippi, or Louisiana. Then, again, there may be difference in skill, in management, in economy, in intelligence, in practical industry, and in the application of labor: all these produce inequality in the profits, and not the legislation of the Government.

The gentleman from Tennessee denies that the country is in a prosperous condition, and says, when we speak

Government that which is the natural result of an enlightened practical State policy, running parallel with the intelligence and public spirit of the people. We ask nothing from the General Government but what is their duty to render-protection to the industry of the whole country from a desperate and unequal competition with foreigners, and protected by foreign Governments whose

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[JUNE 12, 1832.

interest is to ruin the free working class of this country, insured protection to the commercial capital; under this and reduce us to a state of colonial dependence. policy the mercantile system has become powerful; we The gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. BELL) finds an- have been dazzled by the appearance of wealth, and an other objection to the American system in what he ima- immense carrying trade, and have neglected the more gines a tendency to concentrate in a few districts or States substantial basis of national wealth, agriculture, and manuthe whole manufactures of the country, particularly wool- factures. Give equal and adequate protection to these len, cotton, and iron. I cannot perceive any such tenden- great interests, and you will melt down the mass of capital cy in the system, but directly the reverse; its object is to which has accumulated with those engaged in foreign encourage and protect manufacturing establishments in commerce, who have abstracted so largely from the labor every part of the Union. I think the gentleman was by no of others to enrich themselves; and thus you will diffuse means fortunate in referring to cotton, woollen, and iron wealth through the whole country. There will never manufactures to support his position. Of all the manu- then be the same inequality as that which existed before factures of the country, these are the most generally dif- the late war, when the whole capital of the country was fused, or may be; we find them established in all parts of in the possession or under the control of comparatively a the country, in the Northern States, Southern States, mid- few merchants, who could elevate or depress public credle and Western States. The establishments themselves dit at their pleasure to suit their profit. The true policy must necessarily have particular locations. These are now is, to raise the country above its foreign commercial not the result of our legislation, but depend on the facili- connexions, add to its wealth from its own internal reties for manufacturing raw materials-power, (water or sources, and give property a distribution among the laborsteam,) subsistence; where these happen to exist in vicinity, ing classes, protect them in their employments, and give or can conveniently be brought to each other, there manu- encouragement to their enterprise, labor, and skill; and facturing establishments may be advantageously erected. thus prevent the accumulation in the hands of a few merWool can be produced and woollens manufactured in ev-chants on the sea-board.

ery State in this Union. Cotton, although confined to a par- The gentleman from Tennessee (Mr. BELL) calls the ticular section, can be manufactured every where. Iron protective system a stimulus to individual accumulation is found in rich abundance in most of the States, and all and inequality. This system, as applied to manufactures, possess facilities for manufacturing. Give encouragement has never produced capitalists in any country, certainly and protection to manufactures, and you will assuredly not in this. This tendency or wish to accumulate, of which cause them to spread every where. Adopt in its fullest he complains, will always exist; it is inseparable from our extent what is so often called the American system, and natures; you cannot divest men of it, no legislation will you will not have to complain that manufactures are con- eradicate it. The gentleman thinks that the protective fined to New England, New York, or Pennsylvania. policy peculiarly aids this disposition. Suppose it does! The best evidence of the correctness of the protective what have we to fear? The apprehensions of the gentlepolicy is derived from the success which has attended it man, if even well-founded, arise from his viewing the subwherever it has been fairly and fully in operation. But ject as connected with European, monarchial, and aristothe gentleman from Tennessee seems to think that be-cratic institutions and policy, and not with American. cause European nations have adopted a protective policy, We have no rights of primogeniture which give to one the efforts of the friends of American industry are to the accumulation of years, but we have our statutes of engraft on this country what he terms "the European distribution; fortunes are amassed and dispersed, gains system," a system to raise up "capitalists." Sir, we have are distributed, the process of accumulation and distribunothing to do with "European systems;" ours is the Ame- tion is going on every moment. rican system, for the protection of American industry and It is the American, not the European system for which labor against foreign rivals, and can be supported by ar- I contend. Let us look at home. In that year of abun guments not drawn from European policy; arguments dance (1824) to which the-gentleman has alluded, in conclusive on the subject can be adduced from the very which he says the oppression complained of was "one of nature of our country, our institutions, the character of abundance-of cheapness of subsistence," the great and our citizens, and from the dictates of self-preservation. true cause of complaint was the want of employment--the We cannot now be mistaken, for what was once argu- want of purchasers. In those miscalled cheap times, it ment is now our happy experience. was more difficult for the poor and industrious laborer to The gentleman ingeniously urged as an objection to our obtain the means of living than it is now. If it were the protective policy, that it tended to produce capitalists, abundance of subsistence which produced at that time the which is the European system; "that the capitalists or distress in that part of the country in which I reside, why bankers of Europe controlled the Governments there." do we not hear of complaints at the present time? There The protective policy in all countries ought to extend to is no scarcity. That year of abundance, the gentleman the great leading interests, viz: manufactures, agriculture, says, was a year of felicity, and ought not to have proand commerce. The gentleman is willing to admit that duced complaint. If the argument be good which he European capitalists have not been produced by the pro- derives from that "year of abundance" of the staple protection afforded to manufactures; we must then look for ductions of our part of the country, and his conclusion them under the protection given to agriculture, or to com-just, so must also be the argument and the conclusion It will not be pretended that farmers were con-derived from the abundance of the staple productions of verted into capitalists by the protection of their labor and any other portion of the country. Therefore, the distress produce; this is too clear to admit of a doubt. The argu- complained of in South Carolina must be owing to the ment, then, of the gentleman can only be applied to the abundance of her staple commodity, and not to the opera protection given to commerce. This has produced cap- tion of the protective policy. The gentleman further italists every where; the protection of commercial pur- observed, that in 1824 the low prices were produced by suits has caused men suddenly to amass wealth and cap- the revival of trade; other gentlemen think that the revi ital, not only in Europe but also in the United States. val of trade causes high prices. According to the gen Commerce has enabled a few men in Europe to acquire tleman from New York, (Mr. CAMBRELENG,) the revival of immense fortunes, who, in the opinion of the gentleman, trade increased the price of iron from nine pounds in 1813, are able to control the Governments. Now, sir, must to thirteen pounds in 1814, and to fourteen pounds in protection of commerce be abandoned to prevent capital- 1815. [See Mr. CAMBRELENG'S Review of Tariff.] This ists from springing up? Capital will always flow into revival of trade furnishes a very convenient argument; it channels which are protected; your stars and your stripes makes articles cheaper, or enhances the price, just as gen

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tlemen may choose to apply it. The gentleman insists As to the immoral practice of smuggling, much less of that it was under these low prices thus produced that this takes place than is alleged, and, whatever does occur, capitalists sought legislative protection to raise prices and it is not among our own citizens and merchants-they have increase their profits. Sir, the gentleman labors under a too high a sense of their own honor, and too much regard mistake; capitalists were not the only individuals concern- for the laws of their country; but is practised by lawless ed in manufactories. There are but few of them, com- foreigners and enemies of American policy. Taxing the pared with the great mass of manufacturers, mechanics, many for the benefit of the few. This argument, I be-. and laborers, from whom the applications for protection lieve, is now abandoned, or, forgotten; it never was veriproceeded. It was not to gratify the capitalists that the fied; but, according to the present doctrine, this system Government adopted the protective policy, but to render which is now supported by the majority, is oppressive on the country independent of foreign manufacturers, and the few. The argument is now reversed by our oppoto enable our own laborers and working class to sustain nents; and it is now urged that the few are taxed for the themselves. benefit of the many.

If we would take a candid view of the operation of the "Destroy agriculture." This argument was intended protective system, not only in Europe, but in our own for the farmers, to excite their fears, and it had an infiucountry, under our own short but instructive experience, ence upon many; but now they are ready to certify and we may be assured it will accomplish every thing for bear testimony to the benefits of this system. "Ruin which its most sanguine advocates have contended, and commerce." Commerce has outlived the argument. Look will utterly disappoint its opponents. Wherever this policy at our desks, which are burdened with statistical tables has been fairly in operation, it has triumphed over all op-from the Treasury Department, showing the extent and position, and signally refuted every argument vigorously flourishing condition of our commerce. "Diminish imurged against it by ingenious, strenuous, and irreconcila- ports, and render direct taxation necessary." Instead ble foes. Sir, I fear the victory so advantageous to the of this, the reverse is true. Our revenue has greatly in. country, but humiliating and mortifying to the pride of creased. The establishment of various extensive manu. opinion and intellects of some gentlemen, will but confirm factories has promoted the consumption of a greater them in the attitude of perpetual resistance. I had hoped amount of foreign articles not produced in our counthat, after a series of years and daily experience, before try. The treasury has been enriched, and the national which argument after argument formerly urged against debt may be considered as paid. The protective policy was the system has been successively destroyed, that opposi-established in 1824, and in eight years from that period, tion would have ceased, and given place to a general ac- and under its operation, the public debt is reduced to so quiescence in a policy calculated to promote more rapidly small an amount as to be considered as extinguished. The our march to the high destiny to which, under Pro- opponents of this policy are disarmed. What has become vidence, this nation seems appointed. But this is not the of their prophecies? The greatest difficulty now arises case; arguments of the opposition have melted away-have from the fact that the national debt is paid, and this is vanished before the blaze of truth; but like the changing urged as a reason why the policy should be abandoned. hues of the ever variable and fleeting cloud, are succeed- Truly, the gentlemen are ingenious. They one day tell ed by others equally unsubstantial. What were the argu- us, you will diminish the revenue; the next, you will inments formerly used? It is worth our while to look back crease the revenue, and cause a surplus in the treasury. at them. Unconstitutionality of the system-its demoral-One day we are told you will prevent or retard the payizing tendency-taxing the many for the benefit of the ment of the national debt; the next, the national debt is few-destroy agriculture-ruin commerce-impair the re- paid, and, therefore, we must abandon a system which venues by diminishing importations, and render direct taxa- has been so productive and beneficial. The public debt, tion necessary-retard, if not prevent, the payment of the under the operation of a wise system of policy, adopted national debt. What has become of all these arguments? at an early period of our Government, has under successWhat force or weight have they now? When urged origi-ive administrations been so reduced, that, during the prenally, they had much plausibility. Have they been realized' sent administration, or early in the next, the remnant will have they been verified, or falsified? Merely to mention be paid; thus, all fears that the protective system would them suggests a sufficient answer. I would not draw them interfere with this event are dispelled. In anticipation from the oblivion to which time and experience have con- of this event, we are called upon to provide a reduction of signed them, nor would I disturb their repose, in order to the revenue. examine them minutely in detail, but merely to contrast By what process this reduction of the revenue is to be them with the present state of the country and public effected, is now the question. We find ourselves in a diopinion. Take them in succession. First, the argument lemia, into which we have been brought by the unexamof unconstitutionality, this has been settled by the delibe- pled prosperity of our country, under the oppressive, unrate judgment and good sense of the people, and, indeed, constitutional, demoralizing, commerce-ruining, and rehas been abandoned by many who oppose the protective venue-destroying protective system; and all this, notwithpolicy. Injurious to the morals. Sir, the tone of moral standing the powerful harangues and prophetic speeches feeling has not been impaired by this cause. The charge against it. Yes, we shall have more revenue than we was easily made, but its refutation is obvious, if we but want. Then let it be reduced, but let us keep an eye to look abroad upon the community, and survey the condi- the condition of the country. Reduce, but not so as to tion of society. Visit the manufacturing towns and dis-encourage foreign labor, and sustain British paupers; retricts, and you will no where meet with a more beautiful duce, but not by measures calculated to supplant home moral spectacle than they present, particularly on the Sab-industry and destroy American labor, impair the value of bath day. I might almost say that they are characterized our own property, and reduce us to a dependence on Briby the regularity of life, and correctness of deportment tish manufacturers.

of the people; they abound in churches, Sabbath schools, A repeal, an abandonment of the system, is demanded and numerous other institutions, established and support- by some gentlemen. What is to be gained by an abaned by the people for the instruction of the young and the donment? Will it diminish the number of paupers, or the ignorant in religion, and for the preservation of sound number of persons now out of employment? No, sir, it morals. If there be any difference, it is in favor of those portions of our country in which manufactories are most numerous, and where this much abused "system" is most fully in operation.

will add to the paupers, by diminishing the employment of our citizens. Will you, by the repeal, bring one individual from the ranks of idleness and poverty, and place him among the useful and comfortable? Will you clothe