H. OF R.]

The Tariff.

[JUNE 12, 1832.

the naked? Will you feed the hungry? Will you, by this States, to compromise; but the concessions now asked are measure, stimulate enterprise?-add to the wealth of the of a character different from those made at the adoption nation? Will it increase the productions of the country? of the constitution. We are called upon to compromise Will it add one more pound of cotton to the millions of our subsistence, to sacrifice the laborers of our country, pounds already glutting the market? Will it bring more while no corresponding benefit is conferred upon us, and cotton land under cultivation, when the production now none even upon those who make the demand. It is ungreatly exceeds the demand? and will this add one cent to reasonable. What, sir! withdraw subsistence from mil the price? What answers can the gentleman give to these lions of our citizens, and give it to the people of other parts questions? They are obvious. What is gained? Why, of the world!--bring this whole nation to submit to foruin! destruction to the industrious working class in the reign regulations and manufacturers!—to tie up the hands United States, and a submission to foreign capitalists and of the mechanics, the manufacturers, and the whole laborregulations! This repeal, if adopted, will compel thou-ing class of our own country, and cast them bound at the sands of the mechanics, manufacturers, and laborers in mercy of British capitalists! I can never agree to a comPennsylvania, New York, New England, and elsewhere, promise fraught with such results, and make my country to change their occupations and turn to raising grain; once more tributary to a foreign Government. Break from being consumers of breadstuffs, they must become down the industry of our country, and you will necessarily producers. What then will become of the fine grain-grow- promote a greater consumption of British goods; and, in ing country in Virginia, Maryland, and the Middle States? that case, will you not, in the same degree, aid the British Flour and produce will glut every market, and sales will Government? Will you not assist the manufacturers in be forced at ruinous prices, and general distress visit the the payment of the excise? Will you not give employfarmers. The severest period of our distress was when ment to their laborers and increase their income? Will flour was at one dollar and fifty cents per barrel, and you not stimulate the industry and diminish the poor rates wheat, in Ohio, at twenty-five cents per bushel. The of Great Britain? Will you not add to the revenue of the poor, then, suffered more, because without employment; landed proprietors, who constitute the aristocracy of that but salary-men and place-men were the gainers, because country? Will you not increase the value of their estates, of the reduced-price of subsistence.

whether consisting of coal mines, iron mines, sheep farms, or of any other description? And will you not, in this way, contribute to sustain the whole fabric of the British Government, composed of its King, Lords, Commons, soldiers, and paupers? This South Carolina policy would take the bread from the mouths of the poor men of our country, and send it to feed the half-starved, overworked operatives of Great Britain.

The Southern planters of cotton complain of the protective system, because their business, they say, is unprofitable. Their own injudicious system is the true cause of their difficulties. Why do they continue among themselves a ruinous competition in the cotton business? In my part of the country, a farmer would be thought very unwise to keep his whole farm under the cultivation of a losing crop. To guard against loss, and insure profit, he The concession demanded by some would not benefit will manure his soil, cultivate various productions, change the South. The tariff is not the cause of the low price of his crops, improve his mode of cultivation or his mode of cotton: to repeal it would bring them no relief; nor would life, and practise more rigid economy. In my humble the excitement for which it is made the pretext be allayed. opinion, the wealth of every extended community, or na- Concession will meet with disappointment, and encourage tion, depends upon the variety of its occupations, the di-greater demands. I believe that those individuals who versity of its productions, and the division of labor. If have been the most active in keeping up the excitement we were all farmers, all merchants, or all cotton planters, would be among the first to resist compromise. Sir, look we would be all poor, and without enterprise. Varied at the speeches of Governor Hamilton, and other proceedoccupation, diversified and subdivided modes of producings in South Carolina: they all breathe the spirit of resisttion, prevent ruinous and impoverishing competition, cre-ance. At a public meeting in Charleston, the following ate and multiply reciprocal consumers. But, say the gen-resolution was received with cheers, and unanimously tlemen, slave labor cannot be changed. I would ask, can adopted: "Resolved, That it is the firm belief and convic it not be better employed, and more profitably applied, "tion of this association that no modification of the tariff than in growing and cheapening cotton, and pushing the "will be satisfactory to the people of South Carolina that production beyond demand? Misapplied or badly applied "does not involve an ultimate abandonment of the princi slave labor will be like misapplied or badly applied labor "ple of protection." No compromise will satisfy them. of any other class of individuals-unproductive, and, if Carry it to the extent of the wishes of some in this House; persevered in, will be ruinous. This is the true cause afflict three-fourths of this nation with distress and embar of Southern distress. The planters have pushed the growth rassment, with the hope that the other fourth may be beof cotton to an extreme. This one object has engrossed nefited, and you will fail in administering the relief, and in their chief attention and labor. The competition thus allaying the excitement. Those who have been the loudexcited among themselves has proved injurious to their est in preaching up this unholy crusade against the Geneown interests. The argument drawn from this fact has ral Government, take alarm at the whisper of a compronever been satisfactorily answered, and is not attempted. mise, and are the first to declare their determination against Those who advocate a change in our policy urge it on any such measure. Listen to the language of Governor another ground--that of compromise and concession. The Hamilton. He says: "They (the Jackson party, influUnion itself, we are told, was the result of compromise,"enced by the threatening attitude of the State) began to and formed on the principle of mutual concession. This" bid for conciliation. A willingness had been declared in is true, sir, and we have gotten a Government or consti-"a high quarter to fix the tariff at an ad valorem duty of tution the most admirable in the world. But, let me ask, "twenty-five per cent. This was something gained in that what was the nature of the compromise? What kind of "quarter, but, having beaten them down to that, we must concessions were made? It was a compromise of political" not rest satisfied; that was yet too high for justice-alpower, concessions of political rights, not of the means of "most fifteen per cent. too high: we must bring them subsistence, not of the right to protect the national indus-"down to justice." No compromise will soothe these try and labor. Who gained most by that compromise? troubled spirits. Elements of revolution exist in every Who yielded? The South gained political power and se- Government; in the very best, these elements may be excurity, which gave them an ascendancy and control in the cited and agitated by designing or mistaken men, whose Government. The Northern and Middle States yielded mortified ambition may urge them to extremes. Judging then: these are again called upon, with the Western froin what I have seen in the publications of the day, I

APPENDIX

TO THE REGISTER OF DEBATES IN CONGRESS.

TWENTY-SECOND CONGRESS-FIRST SESSION.

MESSAGE FROM THE PRESIDENT

a country productive of every material for ship-building, and every commodity for gainful commerce, and filled

To both Houses of Congress, at the commencement of with a population active, intelligent, well informed, and the first session of the twenty-second Congress.

Fellow-citizens of the Senate

and House of Representatives:

The representation of the people has been renewed for the twenty-second time since the constitution they formed has been in force. For near half a century the Chief Magistrates who have been successively chosen, have made their annual communications of the state of the nation to its representatives. Generally, these communications have been of the most gratifying nature, testifying an advance in all the improvements of social, and all the securities of political life. But frequently, and justly, as you have been called on to be grateful for the bounties of Providence, at few periods have they been more abundantly or extensively bestowed than at the presentrarely, if ever, have we had greater reason to congratulate each other on the continued and increasing prosperity of our beloved country.

Agriculture, the first and most important occupation of man, has compensated the labors of the husbandman with plentiful crops of all the varied products of our extensive country. Manufactures have been established, in which the funds of the capitalist find a profitable investment, and which give employment and subsistence to a numerous and increasing body of industrious and dexterous mechanics. The laborer is rewarded by high wages, in the construction of works of internal improvement, which are extending with unprecedented rapidity. Science is steadily penetrating the recesses of nature, and disclosing her secrets, while the ingenuity of free minds is subjecting the elements to the power of man, and making each new conquest auxiliary to his comfort. By our mails, whose speed is regularly increased, and whose routes are every year extended, the communication of public intelligence and private business is rendered frequent and safe--the intercourse between distant cities, which it formerly required weeks to accomplish, is now effected in a few days and, in the construction of railroads, and the application of steam power, we have a reasonable prospect that the extreme parts of our country will be so much approximated, and those most isolated by the obstacles of nature rendered so accessible, as to remove an apprehension, sometimes entertained, that the great extent of the Union would endanger its permanent existence.

If, from the satisfactory view of our agriculture, manufactures, and internal improvements, we turn to the state of our navigation and trade with foreign nations, and between the States, we shall scarcely find less cause for gratulation. A beneficent Providence has provided, for their exercise and encouragement, an extensive coast indented by capacious bays, noble rivers, inland seas, with

VOL. VIII.- -α

fearless of danger. These advantages are not neglected; and an impulse has lately been given to commercial enterprise, which fills our ship-yards with new constructions, encourages all the arts and branches of industry connected with them, crowds the wharves of our cities with vessels, and covers the most distant seas with our canvas.

Let us be grateful for these blessings to the beneficent Being who has conferred them, and who suffers us to indulge a reasonable hope of their continuance and extension, while we neglect not the means by which they may be preserved. If we may dare to judge of His future designs by the manner in which His past favors have been bestowed, He has made our national prosperity to depend on the preservation of our liberties--our national force on our Federal Union-and our individual happiness on the maintenance of our State rights and wise institutions. If we are prosperous at home, and respected abroad, it is because we are free, united, industrious, and obedient to the laws. While we continue so, we shall, by the blessing of Heaven, go on in the happy career we have begun, and which has brought us, in the short period of our political existence, from a population of three to thirteen millions-from thirteen separate colonies to twenty-four United States--from weakness to strength-from a rank scarcely marked in the scale of nations to a high place in their respect.

This last advantage is one that has resulted, in a great degree, from the principles which have guided our intercourse with foreign Powers since we have assumed an equal station among them; and hence the annual account which the Executive renders to the country, of the manner in which that branch of his duties has been fulfilled, proves instructive and salutary.

The pacific and wise policy of our Government kept us in a state of neutrality during the wars that have, at different periods since our political existence, been carried on by other Powers; but this policy, while it gave activity and extent to our commerce, exposed it in the same proportion to injuries from the belligerent nations. Hence have arisen claims of indemnity for those injuries. England, France, Spain, Holland, Sweden, Denmark, Naples, and lately Portugal, had all, in a greater or less degree, infringed our neutral rights. Demands for reparation were made upon all. They have had in all, and continue to have in some cases, a leading influence on the nature of our relations with the Powers on whom they were made.

Of the claims upon England it is unnecessary to speak, further than to say that the state of things to which their prosecution and denial gave rise, has been succeeded by arrangements, productive of mutual good feeling and amicable relations between the two countries, which it is

22d CoNG. 1st SESS.]

Message of the President at the opening of the Session.

hoped will not be interrupted. One of these arrange-United States and Great Britain, the increasing intercourse ments is that relating to the colonial trade, which was between their citizens, and the rapid obliteration of uncommunicated to Congress at the last session; and, al- friendly prejudices to which former events naturally gave though the short period during which it has been in force rise, concurred to present this as a fit period for renewing will not enable me to form an accurate judgment of its our endeavors to provide against the recurrence of causes operation, there is every reason to believe that it will of irritation, which, in the event of war between Great prove highly beneficial. The trade thereby authorized Britain and any other Power, would inevitably endanger has employed, to the 30th September last, upwards of our peace. Animated by the sincerest desire to avoid 30,000 tons of American, and 15,000 tons of foreign ship- such a state of things, and peacefully to secure, under all ping in the outward voyages; and, in the inward, nearly possible circumstances, the rights and honor of the coun an equal amount of American, and 20,000 only of foreign try, I have given such instructions to the minister lately tonnage. Advantages, too, have resulted to our agricul- sent to the court of London, as will evince that desire; tural interests from the state of the trade between Canada and, if met by a correspondent disposition, which we and our territories and States bordering on the St. cannot doubt, will put an end to causes of collision, which, Lawrence and the lakes, which may prove more than without advantage to either, tend to estrange from each equivalent to the loss sustained by the discrimination made other two nations who have every motive to preserve, to favor the trade of the Northern colonies with the West not only peace, but an intercourse of the most amicable Indies.

nature.

After our transition from the state of colonies to that of In my message at the opening of the last session of an independent nation, many points were found necessary Congress, I expressed a confident hope that the justice of to be settled between us and Great Britain. Among them our claims upon France, urged as they were with persewas the demarcation of boundaries, not described with verance and signal ability by our minister there, would sufficient precision in the treaty of peace. Some of the finally be acknowledged. This hope has been realized. lines that divide the States and territories of the United A treaty has been signed, which will immediately be laid States from the British provinces, have been definitively before the Senate for its approbation; and which, confixed. That, however, which separates us from the pro-taining stipulations that require legislative acts, must have vinces of Canada and New Brunswick to the North and the concurrence of both Houses before it can be carried the East, was still in dispute when I came into office. But into effect. By it, the French Government engage to I found arrangements made for its settlement, over which pay a sum which, if not quite equal to that which may be I had no control. The commissioners who had been ap- found due to our citizens, will yet, it is believed, under all pointed under the provisions of the treaty of Ghent, circumstances, be deemed satisfactory by those interested. having been unable to agree, a convention was made with The offer of a gross sum, instead of the satisfaction of Great Britain by my immediate predecessor in office, with each individual claim, was accepted, because the only the advice and consent of the Senate, by which it was alternatives were a rigorous exaction of the whole amount agreed "that the points of difference which have arisen stated to be due on each claim, which might, in some inin the settlement of the boundary line between the Ame- stances, be exaggerated by design, in others overrated rican and British dominions, as described in the fifth through error, and which, therefore, it would have been article of the treaty of Ghent, shall be referred, as therein both ungracious and unjust to have insisted on, or a setprovided, to some friendly sovereign or State, who shall tlement by a mixed commission, to which the French be invited to investigate, and make a decision upon such negotiators were very averse, and which experience in points of difference:" and the King of the Netherlands other cases had shown to be dilatory, and often wholly having, by the late President and his Britannic Majesty, inadequate to the end. A comparatively small sum is been designated as such friendly sovereign, it became my stipulated on our part, to go to the extinction of all claims duty to carry, with good faith, the agreement, so made, by French citizens on our Government; and a reduction of into full effect. To this end I caused all the measures to duties on our cotton and their wines has been agreed on, be taken which were necessary to a full exposition of our as a consideration for the renunciation of an important case to the sovereign arbiter; and nominated as minister claim for commercial privileges, under the construction plenipotentiary to his court, a distinguished citizen of the they gave to the treaty for the cession of Louisiana. State most interested in the question, and who had been Should this treaty receive the proper sanction, a source one of the agents previously employed for settling the of irritation will be stopped, that has, for so many years, controversy. On the 10th day of January last, his Ma-in some degree alienated from each other two nations who, jesty the King of the Netherlands delivered to the pleni- from interest as well as the remembrance of early associapotentiaries of the United States, and of Great Britain, tions, ought to cherish the most friendly relations-an his written opinion on the case referred to him. The encouragement will be given for perseverance ir. the papers in relation to the subject will be communicated, demands of justice, by this new proof, that, if steadily by a special message, to the proper branch of the Go- pursued, they will be listened to-and admonition will be vernment, with the perfect confidence that its wisdom offered to those Powers, if any, which may be inclined to will adopt such measures as will secure an amicable settle- evade them, that they will never be abandoned. Above ment of the controversy, without infringing any constitu- all, a just confidence will be inspired in our fellow-cititional right of the States immediately interested. zens, that their Government will exert all the powers with It affords me satisfaction to inform you that suggestions, which they have invested it, in support of their just claims made by my direction to the chargé d'affaires of his Bri- upon foreign nations; at the same time that the frank actannic Majesty to this Government, have had their desired knowledgment and provision for the payment of those effect in producing the release of certain American citi- which were addressed to our equity, although unsupportzens who were imprisoned for setting up the authority of ed by legal proof, affords a practical illustration of our the State of Maine at a place in the disputed territory submission to the divine rule of doing to others what we under the actual jurisdiction of his Britannic Majesty. desire they should do unto us.

From this, and the assurances I have received of the Sweden and Denmark having made compensation for desire of the local authorities to avoid any cause of colli- the irregularities committed by their vessels, or in their sion, I have the best hopes that a good understanding will ports, to the perfect satisfaction of the parties concerned, be kept up until it is confirmed by the final disposition of and having renewed the treaties of commerce entered into the subject. with them, our political and commercial relations with

The amicable relations which now subsist between the those Powers continue to be on the most friendly footing.