UNIVERSITY

CALIFURENTA.

LUTHERAN REFORMATION.

CHAPTER XVII.

Recapitulation-Diet of Augsburg-Confession of Augsburg -Proceedings respecting the Confession-Luther-Concluding Transactions and Recess of the Diet.

THE diet of Augsburg forms an era in the history of the reformation and the proceedings of that assembly are next to engage our attention.

The blessed reformation had now been thirteen years in progress. Its origin, its preservation, its advancement, had all been alike beyond human expectation. It had seemed throughout to maintain a precarious existence, dependent on the will of its adversaries. And scarcely ever before had those adversaries shown themselves deficient either in vigour or sagacity; but, in their treatment of the reformation in its earlier stages, a remarkable want of those qualities had been manifested. Their disunion among themselves, and the distractions arising to the emperor Charles V. from the rivalry existing between him and Francis I. King of France, and to the popes from their jealousy of both these potentates; together with the alarms excited by the threatening advances of the Turks: these, sometimes conjointly and sometimes separately, proved the means of sheltering the reformation, till it gradually acquired that root and establishment which no human power could subvert. But, in fact, it was the work of God; and the greatest and best of his works for the children of men in these latter ages; and he would not suffer "the gates of hell to prevail against it." He caused all these agents and events, and whatever others

may be pointed out as having contributed to the grand result, to fulfil his purposes. The friends and promoters of the great cause were made to feel constantly their dependence upon him; but the requisite help was never withheld in the time of need.

Amid the divisions and disorders (as they were esteemed) to which the proceedings of Luther and his coadjutors, in exposing the errors and corruptions of the Church of Rome, had given occasion, the great remedy to which the hopes of all those who wished to combine some reformation of abuses with the preservation of the sort of order which had previously subsisted in the Christian world, were directed was the convocation of a general council. Much as such assemblies had hitherto disappointed the expectations entertained from them, the repetition of the experiment was the only resource which suggested itself. The reformers, whether they looked for any very satisfactory result from the deliberations of a council, or not, yet acted prudently in appealing to one: the princes and people, in general, felt the necessity of something being done, which only such an assembly was thought properly authorized to do: the court of Rome alone stood cordially opposed to the measure; and they could not with decency openly reject the numerous and repeated applications made, from the very highest quarters, for the calling of a council, under such circumstances as might induce all to refer the points in dispute to its decision.

Člement VII., however, who now filled the papal chair, viewed the convocation of a council with a degree of aversion and dread surpassing that usually manifested by those who had occupied his situation. The proceedings of the councils of Pisa and Constance, which had deposed the popes Benedict XIII., Gregory XII., and John XXIII., ex cited his fears; and the circumstances of his own birth and elevation (neither of which was free from reproach) con firmed his terrors.

The emperor, after spending several months with him in the same palace at Bologna, was fully instructed in the views of his holiness, and at his late coronation had sworn "to be, with all his powers and resources, the perpetual defender of the pontifical dignity, and of the Church of Rome:" though we must conclude, that he neither felt himself inclined if he had been able, nor able if he had been inclined, to carry

matters with that high hand against the adherents of the reformation which the pope would have wished. As however a council was so much dreaded by Clement, that he would offer none but upon terms which he knew would be rejected by the Protestants, the effect of a diet of the empire was once more to be tried; and this, as we have seen, had been summoned to meet at Augsburg on the 8th of April,

1530.

This celebrated diet was the sixth before which the subject of the religious differences in Germany had been brought. The first was that of Worms in 1521, which proscribed Luther as an excommunicated heretic. The second, that of Nuremberg in 1522-3, distinguished by the presenta tion of the "hundred grievances." The decree of this diet virtually abrogated the edict of Worms. The third, again held at Nuremberg, 1523-4, where the members resolved to observe the edict of Worms "as far as they could." The fourth, convoked at Augsburg, 1525, and afterward adjourned to Spires, 1526. Here a general council, was demanded, and all left at liberty till it should be held. The fifth, that of Spires again, in 1529, which produced the protest whence the Protestants derived their name.

The diet of Augsburg, summoned for the 8th of April, had been postponed to the 1st of May and it was not opened till the arrival of the emperor in the middle of June.

Before entering upon the business of the diet, it may be useful further to recall to the reader's memory the principal leaders on both sides. On that of the papists there were, besides the emperor Charles V. and his brother Ferdinand, the pope's legate Campeggio, Joachim Elector of Brandenburg, George Duke of Saxony, and William of Bavaria. Henry Duke of Brunswick was on the same side: but he was at this time comparatively moderate; though he afterward became one of the most violent. The same was to a considerable degree the case with the Cardinal Archbishop and Elector of Mentz, brother to Joachim of Brandenburg, and the first prince of the empire. The name of the Archbishop and Elector of Cologne also occurs; but he seems to have taken no active part in this diet. Perhaps he was already well disposed towards reformation; and we shall ultimately find him a confessor and sufferer in the cause of Protestantism. To these are to be added two papal nuncios, Chere

gato and Pimpinello; and the Cardinal Archbishop of Salzburg. The Bishop of Augsburg also was one of this party, though he acted on more than one occasion a remarkable part, more favourable to the Protestants than any of the

rest.

On the side of the Protestants were John, surnamed the Constant, Elector of Saxony, and his son John Frederic; Philip Landgrave of Hesse; George Marquis (not Elector) of Brandenburg; Ernest and Francis Dukes of Lunenburg; Wolfgang prince of Anhalt; Albert Count Mansfeldt; and Count Philip of Hanover: to which are to be added the deputies of several imperial cities.

Each party also brought with them some of their principal divines, to whose assistance recourse might be had as circumstances should require. Faber, Eckius, Cochlæus, and De Wimpina were among those of the papal party: Melancthon, Justus Jonas, Spalatinus, Schnepfius, and Agri-, cola were the chief on the part of the Protestants. Bucer, Hedio, and Capito also attended from Strasburg, but they leaned more to Zwingle than to Luther. The Elector of Saxony took Luther with him as far as Coburg, but perhaps fearing for his safety, he left him in the castle of that city, as a place at once of security and convenience, where he might be informed of what passed, and give his counsel if required.

The emperor had been met at Inspruck by several of the electors and princes of the empire. Accompanied by these personages, his brother Ferdinand, Campeggio, the ambassadors of France, England, and Portugal, and met by all the other princes and grandees at some distance from the city, he entered Augsburg on the evening of the 15th of June. On the approach of the princes who came out of the city to meet him, the emperor and his brother dismounted, and received them in the most gracious manner, but the legate and cardinals sat still on their mules. The legate also, to draw the more attention to his official character and authority, seized this opportunity of pronouncing his benediction, which the emperor and the princes of that party humbly knelt down to receive; while the Elector of Saxony and his associates continued standing. In the cathe dral some contest, it appears, arose concerning the benediction. The Cardinal of Salzburg came forward to pro

nounce it: but he was indignantly repelled by the legate, who chose again to perform that service himself.

The day of the emperor's entry into Augsburg had been, probably by design, deferred to the eve of the festival of Corpus Christi, when a solemn procession of the host took place. Late in the evening the emperor sent for the Protestant princes, and signified to them his pleasure that they should attend him in the procession of the ensuing day. Having anticipated the demand made upon them, the princes promptly replied, that it was contrary to their consciences to do it. The Marquis of Brandenburg was their spokesman; and he, having received a sharp answer from Ferdinand, placed his hand on his neck, and made this memorable delaration, "Rather would I instantly kneel down, and in the emperor's presence submit my neck to the executioner, than prove unfaithful to God, and receive or sanction antichristian error." The emperor merely observed, with mildness and address, "That there was no intention to take any man's life." The next morning the demand was renewed, and the discussion concerning it was protracted so long as to delay the procession some hours beyond the appointed time. Here again the Marquis of Brandenburg declared, "In the present cause, which pertains to God, I am compelled by an immutable Divine command to resist all impositions of this kind, whatever may be the consequence, since it is written, We ought to obey God rather than man.' For the confession, therefore, of the doctrine which I know to be the word of Christ, and eternal truth, I decline no danger, not even that of life itself, which I hear is threatened by some."

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All efforts to prevail with the Protestant princes having proved fruitless, the procession was celebrated without them, but with great pomp. The popish historian observes, "This was the triumph of Christ at Augsburg, in the sight of the Lutherans!" The pious Seckendorf more justly rejoins, "It was the triumph indeed of the pope and his party, not of Christ; but so conducted that the real honour of the day, in the sight of God and his saints, belonged to those princes and others, few in number, and of comparatively small power, whom neither the dread majesty of Cæsar, nor all the dangers that threatened them, could prevail with to do any thing contrary to their consciences."