and provision has been made for purchasing such estates and reselling them to tenants. That is the principle adopted in Prince Edward Island; sometimes landlords are desirous of selling their estates, and provision is made by the Government for purchasing them, the same way as in Prince Edward Island, and selling them to the tenants.

Government are either incompetent or | Hon. gentlemen will observe there was a unwilling to deal with the case. The wide interval between the year 1854 when simple truth is that the Irish have been we first attempted to pass the "Tenant's their own greatest enemies. Then Compensation Bill" and the years 1871 coming down to the time of Gladstone, and 1872, when they were endeavoring to that was referred to by my hon. friend do the same thing in Ireland and we were opposite (Mr. Howlan), what do we find? seeking to pass a similar law in our Island. We find Mr. Gladstone taking hold of We do not need such laws any longer : we the Irish land question with such effect have achieved our independence by steady that he completely broke into the mon- perseverance, and I am sure if the Irish opoly of the land owners there. I am persevere in the same manner they will glad to see that, although very slightly, attain the same results. Mr. Gladstone's my hon. friend has mentioned the interest measures carried a most valuable land bill which we in Prince Edward Island have for the Irish people; it gave them a great taken in this question from the fact of many advantages they had not before, and having had a land difficulty of our amongst others it enabled them to purown, and I am further disposed chase their freeholds, sometimes in Ireto offer some congratulation on it because land estates are to be had in the market I am aware of the fact that the basis of the Irish Land Bill of 1880 was derived from legislation previously adopted by the Legislature of Prince Edward Island. I have here an extract, which I made the other day, from one of the journals of the House of Assembly-at the time when the Local Government were called upon to correspond with the Imperial Government upon the question which was then up, between us and them. I think the question between us at that time was that we had adopted a Bill for compensating tenants who had been ejected from their noldings. We had in the Island at that time some short-lease holders, on 21 year leases, and at the termination of these leases some of the proprietors stepped in and took possession of the improvements. We sought to pass a Bill of the same description as was then before the British Parliament with reference to Ireland, and I may say that many years before we had attempted to pass a similar Bill but it had been disallowed by the Imperial Government; therefore we were in a position to speak of it as Island legislation. These were the words which the Executive Council of Prince Edward Island used on that occasion;

66

"The Council take leave to express the "satisfaction they feel as members of the local legislature on observing that the leading "principles of the Irish Landlord and Tenant "Act are nearly identical with those of the "Colonial laws passed for the relief of Tenants "in this Island-known familiarly as the "Land Purchase Bill-the Act to assist "Tenants in the purchase of their farms""and the Tenants Compensation bills of "1854-71 and 72 which last three bills have "not yet received the Royal assent."

HON. MR. ALMON-May I ask whether in Prince Edward Island when the Government buys the land there has been any trouble in collecting the money from the tenants who purchase?

Hon. MR. HAYTHORNE-Yes, there has been some trouble, but as a general rule the estate has been paid for. There was one estate, known as the Selkirk estate which was purchased at a very early stage of our proceedings but it was paid for in full not less than ten years ago and the whole account was closed. There have been others which have been standing over for a considerable time, but with reference to these land purchases, I have here in my hand a copy which I took from a Parliamentary return to the Imperial Parliament showing what the operation of these purchase clauses had been during ten years, and I may say that it is exceedingly encouraging. I think that all those whose duty it is to legislate for Ireland and the Irish should take "heart of grace" from the success which has attended these purchases, although they are comparatively limited in extent. I copied this from a report in an English newspaper, purporting to be a Parliamentary return which was

issued of the holdings purchased by ten- | Irish people were well entitled to receive, ants, in the Landed Estates Court, from and I do not think myself, from the the passing of the Act of 1870 to the end opportunities of observation I have had in of last year. The gross amount of sales that country, that the church has at all during that period, in respect to which suffered from it; the consequence of it advances were made by the Board of has been rather to stimulate the industry Works in Ireland, was 44,692 acres. The and activity of the clergymen to make annual value of the land was £27,852, its them more diligent and less careless in rent £31,184, and the gross amount of the performance of their duties. It is purchase money £723,087, of which quite likely that men holding endowments £280,867 was paid in cash by tenants for life would be, perhaps, somewhat inand £434,220 advanced on mortgage by different in the performance of their the Board of Works. The arrears of in- religious duties, particularly when the stalments due upon the advances amount flocks were very few. Gladstone has certo £932-not, I think, a very large sum tainly done this much for Ireland; he considering that this was issued last year has not only risked his reputation as a after a year of famine and agitation; there- politician, but he has placed himself in fore the arrears, £932, do not seem to be such a position as regards Ireland that he very formidable. It also appears from the brought to grief one of the strongest return that, under the Landlords and administrations, and one which was, perTenants Act of 1872, 4261 acres haps, better disposed and better able to of the annual value of £2,524, and of carry out reforms in Ireland than any £2,892 rental have been purchased for which had previously existed, and yet, £74,913 of which the tenants paid unhappily, about the year 1874, I think, £32,189 and the Board of Works advanced £24,724. The amount of instalments due on these advances was £139. There it seems to me, is the legitimate means of settling the land tenure in Ireland without wronging any one, it certainly is probable that conslderable time would be required to carry out a scheme of this sort. In the first place it is not every tenant who is competent to embark in an operation of this kind; many of them are withont means although it is well known that large numbers of farmers in Ireland have deposits in the Savings Banks. Considerable sums are held in that way, and it is quite likely that should effect be given by an Imperial Act, upon a considerable scale, to a scheme of this sort, these deposits in the Savings Banks, and other sums that the Irish are well known to possess, would be invested in the partial purchase of their lands, the balance being advanced to them by the Board of Trade herein indicated; but I do think it will take some time before the average Irish farmer would be in a position to avail himself of these privileges. The ultimate settlement of the land question in Ireland must be arrived at by slower and perhaps on the whole, a less satisfactory process.

Gladstone's other great measure was the disestablishment of the Irish church. That was a measure which I think the

when he introduced his university scheme for Ireland, it brought his Government to grief. I think it was rather a misfortune at that time for Ireland, because we find that the Government that succeeded him did very little indeed for that country. I shall read to the House a statement from an Irish author's history of how the Irish party in Parliament felt towards Mr. Gladstone when he had made this sacrifice of himself and his party on their behalf, and I do so because I wish to give point to the assertion I have made that the English Governments and English press were ready, able and willing to do their very best to promote the interest of Ireland. Here is what Mr. Justin McCarthy says of Gladstone's efforts to pass the Irish university Bill:

"He had received a deputation of Irish members to announce to him frankly that they could not support him. His speech was of Mr. Disreali's defiant and triumphant rhe in remarkable contrast to the jubilant tones toric. It was full of dignity and resolve; but it was the dignity of anticipated defeat met without shrinking and without bravado. A few sentences in which Mr. Gladstone spoke tives with whom he had worked cordially and of his severance from the Irish representasuccessfully on the Church and Land Bills, were full of a genuine and noble pathos. They touched the heart of many an Irish member who felt all that Ireland owed to the ously unable to say that the measure now great statesman, but who yet felt conscientiproposed was equal to the demand of the

Irish Catholics. Mr Gladstone was the first | frivolous, but I will not say that, as there English Prime Minister who had ever really may be hon. gentlemen in this House perilled office and popularity to serve the interests of Ireland; it seemed a cruel stroke who think differently on this question of fate which made his fall from power mainly from what I do--but they gave him very the result of the Irish vote in the House of unnecessary opposition. They delayed Commons. Such was, however, the fact. the passing of that Bill for weeks beyond The second reading of the Bill would have the time it might have been in operation, been carried by a large majority if the Irish members, who were unable to give it their and when it was passed, what was their support, could have conscientiously refrained course? The Land League issued a from voting against it. The result of the di- manifesto in which they advised the vision was waited with breathless anxiety. tenants of Ireland instead of embracing It was what had been expected. The minis- the opportunity to settle their difficulties try had been defeated by a small majority; 287 voted against the second reading, 284 votunder the act, as they might ed for it. By a majority of three the great have done, to pay no rent. Liberal administration was practieally over- Hence arose the difficulties which thrown." have distressed that country so painfully I think it can hardly be fairly asserted during the last twelve months. This is a that the English Parliament and English true, undeniable statement of the case; it Governments have shown indifference is a positive fact that this Act, which Gladto the demands of Ireland. Here is a stone passed through Parliament to settle man who has devoted his best years to the the land question in Ireland, has only welfare of that country. and I do think it been very partially embraced by them. would be a very ill return to make to him They have preferred to shout for no rent, for these noble exertions to add to the rather than avail themselves of the prividifficulties of his already difficult course leges which the Act afforded them; and in the present crisis in Ireland. Omitting I think I am justified in the statement I Mr. Disraelis ministry during which I made at the beginning of my address, that cannot say that I recollect of any great the truest friend of Ireland is the man who measure of reform that was carried in Ire- will advise them to the consideration and land, we find at the period of Mr. Glad- attainment of something practical, and not stones return to power the Irish question to the perpetration of acts which will bring again in a state of agitation. At this time them within the limits of the law. I have the agitation was on account of the land. here a statement which I should very much They had just gone through a terrible like to read to the House. It is written crisis of famine, and naturally it was felt by a gentleman who was a member of the that the tenure of the lands was a matter last Parliament (he is not a member of of first importance to men who had just the present Parliament)-and it contains passed through such an ordeal. What the gist of the land question of Ireland, were their demands then? They have and shows very clearly what are the causes been stated by the hon, gentlemen from now militating against the attaining by the Halifax who seconded this motion. They Irish of the objects that they have been were familarly known as the three F's, contending for for many years. It is writthat is to say fair rents, fixture of tenure, ten by a man named McCarthy; not by which, of course, was meant security Justin McCarthy, the author, but a lawyer against arbitrary ejectment, and free who represented in the previous Parlia dom to dispose of their improvements ment a borough in the County of Cork. whether they desired to emigrate to Ame- He is now chairman of the Board of Land rica, or whether they desired to embark Commissioners. in any other occupation. These were three points for which the Irish people were raising their voice before Mr. Gladstone took office. The first work of his HON. MR. HAYTHORNE-John ministry was to introduce the land bill, George McCarthy. He is contrasting the comprising these three points, and who policy of Mr. Butt and Mr. Shaw with were his first opponents in Parliament? that of Mr. Parnell and his coadjutors. Who but the leaders of the Land League He says:

HON. MR. HOWLAN-What is the name of this McCarthy?

in Ireland. These were the men who Mr. Shaw's policy seems to be substantially gave him—I was going to say the most the same as that which, under Mr. Butt, was

approved by the country in 1874. The essen- An influential Irish Parliamentary Party was tial ideas underlying it appear to be as fol- formed. The Irish case was stated in all its lows:-That Irish demands, however just branches. The leading Irish demands became and reasonable, cannot be carried by physical important political and Parliamentary quesforce; that the only real alternative to physi- tions, and were put in via for ultimate settlecal force is constitutional action; that under ment. Important alliances were formed. the constitution the granting or withholding Useful concessions were obtained. Long Irish demands depends on English public desired privileges were restored to Irish muniopinion and the judgment of Parlament; that cipalities. A valuable measure of Interthat opinion and judgment, though adverse mediate Education was carried. A great and ill-informed in respect to Ireland, are advance was made in University Education. open to considerations of justice and reason; The carriage of a Land Bill, a Waste Land that there are vast numbers of the governing Reclamation Bill and a Franchise Bill became classes in England who would not knowingly merely matters of time. All looked forward persist in wrong-doing towards Ireland; that to the period when, as parties became more therefore the first business of intelligent Irish evenly balanced, the legitimate opportunity advocacy is to win over English public opin- for exercising Irish Parliamentary influence ion an Parliamentary judgment to a convic would arrive. Meantime Mr. Butt's health tion of the justice and reasonableness of Irish failed. His leadership gradually lost elan. demands; that another great object of Irish His management failed in energy, tact and Parliamentary policy should be to acquire the versatality. The reins of discipline hung too Parliamentary influence by which, as a mat- loose in his weakened hands. When the ter of fact, nearly all the great reforms of the opportunity which he so sagaciously anticilast half century have been achieved; that pated and so ardently hoped for had arrived, with this view Irish members should avail Mr. Butt was dead. "His wand of leader had themselves of the opportunities, conform to passed to his young rival's hands; his policy the usages and enter into the generous spirit was reversed, and his party was so divided of Parliamentary life, explaining Irish wants, and so led as to have become practically removing English prejudices, and giving powerless. Now, was this such a trial and practical evidence of their fitness for free such a failure of the policy of 1874 as to Parliamentary institutions; that a large sec. induce the Irish people who declared for it tion of Irish members acting in this spirit, enthusiastically then, to reject it with scorn loyally pulling together as one party, honestly now? I submit that it was not. In truth, seeking the good of the country, not the favor the policy did not fail. It succeeded while it of the minister or the cheers of the mob, known was tried. The failure came only when it to be men of honor, sense and spirit, would was reversed. In politics, as in most things, gradually acquire Parliamentary influence of perseverance is the condition of success. the most legitimate kind, and might one day They don't know how to win who don't know turn the often nicely balanced scale of Eng- how to wait. lish parties, and command for Ireland whatever concessions reason and justice require.

Mr. Parnell's policy also promised well. It was new. It was daring. It was led by a Mr. Parnell's policy is nearly the antithesis chief in the vigour of youth, of indomitable of this. The essential ideas underlying it energy, of most varied resources. It was seem to be as follows:-That the policy of served by brilliant lieutenants and loyal conciliation and conciliatory Parliamentary adherents. It was backed by enthusiastic action has failed; that the opinion of the popular support. What has it achieved? governing classes in England, and the work- Two things, and two things only: the Cloture ing majority in Parliament in respect to Ire- and the Coercion Act. These things followed land is not accessible to the considerations as certainly from this policy as any political of justice and reason; that force of some kind results can be said to follow from any political must be applied to it in order to compel the cause. If Parliament had not been obstructremedy of Irish grievances; that such force ed there would of course have been no cloture. need not necessarily be physical force, or ex- If agrarian passions had not been aroused, ceed the limits of legal right and constitutional and agrarian crimes committed, there would, action; that the right of minorities in Parlia- of course, have been no Coercion Act.

For these reasons I counsel return to the

ment to prolong debates, multiply divisions, and obstruct business is such a force; that the right of tenants in Ireland to refuse payment of unjust rent is such a force; that the old paths of peaceful pro ress. The counsel sympathy of English, French and American may be unwelcome to heated mobs or hireling democracy is such a force; and that the orators, but it is honest, and time will show it bold, yet prudent excrcise of forces such as to be wise. It expresses the real opinion of these, would practically coerce England to do nearly every thoughtful and educated man I justice more effectually than any amount of know. It is in accord with the old policies conciliatory eloquence, or of ordinary Parlia- by which Gratton won independence and mentary action." O'Connell won emancipation. It is in accord with the solemn warning addressed to us by the Father of Christendom on the 3rd of January last, when Leo XIII wrote these trenchant and sagacious words: Multo tutius

Such are the rival policies. Both have been tried. How have they worked?

At first the policy of 1874 worked well,

ac facilius fieri poterit ut ea quæ vult Hibernia There may be numbers of men whose consequator; si modo via quam leges sinunt feelings are estranged from the Imperial utatur causasque offensiones evitet. "Ireland

I am, sir,

Your obedient servant,
JOHN GEORGE MACCARTHY."

may obtain what she wants more safely and Government, but there may be also a vast readily if only she adopts a course which number of others who do not entertain the laws allow and avoids giving causes of any such feelings, and it is quite probable offence." that the more clamorous and impulsive spirits who are strongly opposed to the British Government lead after them-perhaps not willingly-those whose feelings are not of the same violent character. Such things are by no means uncommon, and when a question of that sort arises, perhaps memorials or other documents are circulated, and signatures are easily obtained without the fact being, as stated in this clause of the memorial, that the

River View, Cork, March 2, 1881.

That, I think, is the opinion of a man who has borne part in these transactions and is certainly worthy of attention. It is in conformity with justice and equity in every way, and, moreover, in the past it has been successful. There is no reason estrangement is nearly universal. Now, I to doubt, if properly tried, it will be suc- will point to the fact that numbers of percessful again. Before I resume my seat sons have undoubtedly emigrated to the I wish to add a few words with reference United States from Ireland, but the to the address which has been read by the reason they selected the United States hon. gentleman, and to state specifically for their home was because their friends the grounds upon which I object to some who had preceded them to that country parts of it, and in what manner I think sent them means to cross the ocean the objection could be met. There is one and join them. It was, therefore, important circumstance connected with quite natural that numbers of the this address-there is no mention in it Irish people should have gone to that from beginning to end, of the land ques- country. Then again, they are accustion, the question of all others which is tomed to the mild climate of Ireland, and most important for Ireland, and yet this it is quite natural for them to prefer address is presumed to be strictly in the going to the United States, where the interest of the Irish people. That is an climate is more like their own, than it important omission, and one which I is in Canada. No doubt we have a very think should be supplied-more particu- fine climate here, but it is very unlike that larly as the action of the English Parlia- of Ireland, and it is quite possible that ment in a bill lately passed for the relief of many Irishmen emigrating to the United Ireland has had, at all events, some suc- States may have done so in consequence cess, notwithstanding the inauspicious of the fact that we have so many months surroundings that have been about it. of snow, while in the United States they I think myself it would be exceedingly can always choose their own climate. Bedesirable that another clause should be sides, it must be remembered that Irishinserted in this address, and I would men are not the only emigrants that go to propose that the third and fourth clauses the United States; numbers of Englishshould be remodelled or re-cast, by omit- men and Scotchmen go there too. Such ting what refers to the Irish in the United being the case, that statement in this States and what is contained in the fourth clause is one which cannot be demonclause for reasons which I will briefly strated and is sure to be challenged in the state. The third clause contains an asser- country to which it is going. In my judgtion which is not fully susceptible of ment, it would be preferable to leave it proof. It may be proved to a certain ex-out, and adopt something which could not tent, and I think it can. It is asserted be objected to. I would therefore prothat considerable estrangement towards pose tothe Imperial Government exists amongst the Irish resident in America, but it is impossible for any one to ascertain to what extent it does exist. The Irish in America may be to a very great extent like their fellow countrymen in Ireland.

"Omit all after that,' in paragraph three, first line, and substitute the following words: Your Majesty's subjects in the Dominion of Canada (whatsoever may be their origin) sympathise most earnestly with their fellow. subjects in Ireland in all their legitimate etforts to obtain the lands they occupy at fair