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stood that I stand squarely with the country boys and girls for better schoolhouses, better salaries for their teachers, so that we may have and keep the best, and more teachers.
I, therefore, recommend that you levy a one-mill tax on all personal property and real estate, for the free public schools; said money to be used and expended under the direction of the State Board of Education for said schools, in such manner as, in their judgment, will be most beneficial to the children of the State.
Give me this, gentlemen, and show to the people that we want better schools. You talk about compulsory education—a child to go to school eight weeks or four months, when you have schools in your State that do not run eight weeks. How are you going to compel a child to go to school when you do not give it a school to go to? It is as if you would pass a law that everybody shall eat cake on Sunday; what is the poor man that hasn't any cake, and can't buy cake, going to do? If you are going to force him to eat it, then you must furnish it. If you are going to force a child to go to school, then you must furnish the school. And possibly it may not be amiss for me to say right here that I will, with pleasure, veto any compulsory education law that you pass, for reasons which I have stated so often that I would feel I was imposing upon your good nature and trespassing upon your time to incorporate them in this message.
There is another matter to which I would call your attention in this connection, and that is the greatly disproportionate salaries paid your professors in your higher institutions of learning and your teachers in your common schools. The professors in your State colleges, working ten or twelve hours per week—some even less—are receiving large, and, in some instances, extravagant salaries, in addition to furnished houses, free lights and other conveniences, while the teachers in the country schools are receiving mere niggardly pittances, working ten to twelve hours a day, walking to and from school in the rain and mud, and using pine knots for a fire to keep warm in the winter and to read and study by. Gentlemen, do you consider this fair to the country schools? Some of these professors in the State colleges, at least, are no better educated and no more fitted for their positions than some of these country school teachers would be for the same positions; and many of these country school teachers would grace any chair in any of our colleges. The disproportion is too great; it is unfair and it is unjust.
By reference to the twenty-third annual report of the Board of Trustees, you will see that Clemson College has spent $319,703.14 during the past year; the South Carolina University is asking this year for $218,494.22; the Citadel is asking for $33,500; Winthrop wants $115,705.98 in addition to the regular fixed apportionment as provided by law heretofore. This is a total of $687,403.34, and, taking in the regular and special appropriations asked and amount to be spent, it will reach about three-quarters of a million dollars. Consider the enrollment in these institutions and the enrollment in the common schools, and compare them. During the past year the enrollment in the Citadel was 236; in Clemson, 811; in the University of South Carolina, 443; in Winthrop, 745. In the free public schools of South Carolina, the enrollment was as follows: White-Town, boys, 30,692; girls, 32,107; total, 62,799. Country, boys, 47,675; girls, 45,806; total, 93,481. Negroes—Town, boys, 17,120; girls, 22,519; total, 39,639. Country, boys, 62,143; girls, 73,525; total, 135,668. Here you have an enrollment in the colleges which I have enumerated of 2,235, as against an enrollment in the free public schools of 331,587—for you must include the negroes in this enrollment, for the negroes are receiving a goodly part of the white man's taxes for the education of the negro children. When you compare these figures, then compare the expenditures for these colleges with the expenditures for the free public schools, and then, I beg you, consider seriously if I am not asking you for little enough when I recommend this one-mill levy. CLASSIFICATION OF COLLEGES-MEDICAL COLLEGE.
In my opinion, there should be an equitable distribution among the State's higher institutions of the various departments of learning, with the view of making more compact and more closely related the State's educational activities, so far as these institutions are concerned. I believe we should have certain departments of learning in one of these institutions, and other departments of learning in another. Let us have departments where a young man or a young woman may learn any of the professions-electrical engineering, stenography and bookkeeping, medicine, teaching, law, and the like —but let us not have all the State colleges teaching all these things, but provide for certain departments in one college, and for others in another, and so on, in order that the State may not be scattering her funds in keeping up two or three of the same kinds of depart
ments in two or three or more colleges. For instance, if you are going to teach a boy electrical engineering at the South Carolina University, why have electrical engineering departments at the other institutions, and keep up two or three departments of electrical engineering, instead of placing all the money used for teaching this branch of learning in one school, and perfecting this department there? The same applies to medicine, to law, and to the other branches taught. If we would thus perfect the various aepartments, and make them the best, it would not be necessary to send a boy or girl outside of our State in order that that boy or girl may be well grounded in any of the professions.
In connection with this suggestion, I recommend that an Act be passed making the Medical College at Charleston the Medical College of South Carolina, and making it a branch of the South Carolina University, and that you appropriate the sum of ten thousand dollars for the purpose of defraying the ordinary expenses of this institution. You have a law department; why not a medical department fostered by and under the direct control of the State? This could be done with very small expenditure of money; it is material to your University, and, in my opinion, would add much to the educational system of the State. I, therefore, earnestly urge that you pass a Bill which will be submitted to you, during this session, along that line.
This will be a step in the direction of making one great university of all the various State colleges, which, I respectfully submit, should be the policy of our State in dealing with its higher institutions of learning
I respectfully recommend that you change the name of Clemson College to Calhoun University. I believe this is right and proper. The property belongs, or did belong, to Calhoun; it was his home, and he is entitled to the credit for the institution. We do not know what may have guided any action taken by Mr. Clemson in the matter—whether it was that he felt he held property which he was not entitled to, and relieved his mind in this way, at the same time believing he was building a perpetual monument to himself -or what his reason or motive was. But, whatever it was, this institution should, as a matter of justice, bear the name of Mr. Calhoun, and stand as a memorial to him.
Another reason for this recommendation is that I believe if you will change the name to Calhoun University, this will be a sufficient
breach of the Clemson contract to bring a test suit, and that thereby the State of South Carolina can be released from supporting an institution that is being controlled by outsiders; and then the State can reimburse the Clemson heirs and take charge of Calhoun University, now Clemson College, as a State institution, place it in the hands of its own officials, as it should be placed, and manage and control it. I think it is generally conceded throughout the whole State that the State ought to take entire control of the institution, and not have it conducted independently, as at present, and I believe the action above suggested will bring this about, and I earnestly urge it.
I am in favor of the institution; I think it is a grand and glorious institution, and that it is doing a magnificent and noble work. If this change would cripple it, I would not even intimate a suggestion that it be made; but I believe that by placing it directly under the control of the State, instead of being crippled, it will be greatly strengthened.
Gentlemen, I desire again to call to your attention your hosiery mill at the South Carolina penitentiary--this hosiery mill more properly named the "South Carolina tuberculosis incubator." I shall not burden you with a message in regard to it, but refer you to House Journal, 1912, page 119, Senate Journal, 1912, page 90, and would ask you to read my message of last year upon this matter, and then go to the penitentiary and see for yourselves. But remember, gentlemen, things are in very much better condition now than they were at the time of the message to which I have referred you. The floors have been cleaned; the spider webs have been brushed off the window sashes; the windows have been opened; the cuspidors have been cleaned, and many other changes have been made since I began to raise what some of the officials have termed hell. I am glad I raised it, gentlemen, if I have helped some poor fellows, even though they are not out; and now I want to raise a little more of it, and abolish this infernal death trap—this earthly hell. If you do not abolish it I can not
And am not going to make any threat. I am getting too old for that. It is a demand of humanity which I am calling to your attention, and it is for you and the demand is upon you.
In the thirty-third annual report of the State Board of Health, submitted to me by the chairman, Dr. Robert Wilson, Jr., of Charleston, and which will be transmitted to your bodies, this eloquent plea is made:
“Once more we plead for aid to enable us to grapple with the tuberculosis evil. Year after year this terrible scourge goes on with its train of suffering and death and poverty, and its waste of hundreds of thousands of dollars, and nothing is done. Other States are spending large sums of money to check its spread, but South Carolina spends nothing. Will the Legislature never awake to the economic importance of this disease and support the Board of Health in its fight!"
If you desire, in addition to what has already been given you, any further information in regard to this hosiery mill, I will take pleasure in furnishing you a list of the names of witnesses, who will come before your bodies and give you a full and detailed account of this institution; of how prisoners are treated in the penitentiary, the kind of food that is given them, the kind of clothes put on them, and all the inside facts. These are men, who, although they were convicted of violation of law and have suffered punishment, will be recognized as truthful men, some of these unfortunates having been convicted, not of theft or perjury, or other heinous crime; but of that class of crime which even the best of us may be harassed into committing, and they are known among their neighbors and friends at home as honest and upright men, although they have suffered misfortune. In other words, gentlemen, if you want the information, I will furnish it; all you have to do is to signify your desire to receive it.
BOARD OF PARDONS.
Heretofore I vetoed the appropriation for a Board of Pardons. My reasons therefor were given at the time. The Legislature forced it over my veto, and I then made up my mind I would not have any Pardon Board, any way. But, after thinking over it, I decided that I had just as well give two of my friends a position that had some honor attached to it and barely paid their expenses. So I appointed a board. It has done good work. They are good, honest men, and have been faithful so far as they could be, under the circumstances. But you, gentlemen, know that it is a shame to offer for this board of three men the pitiful sum of four hundred dollars a year, which they receive, when possibly they may have one case before them, in which it may take a man two or three weeks of good, hard, honest effort and study to go through the testimony, the Judge's charge, the affidavits, petitions, etc., and give them the attention they ought to have. For instance, it may