ralizing influence" in the habitual use of (which we cannot too often place, with the such language as this, in which the "Cou- "Washington Intelligencer," the "Boston rier" notices one of the cabinet organs of Daily Advertiser," and the "New York EveWashington, a paper called the "Madisoning Post," apart from their disreputable nian," somewhat mild in its tone: indeed, contemporaries,) and observe the terms in as will be observed, only too mild for the taste of the "Courier."

"Mr. Tyler and his cabinet employ a paper which is an utter disgrace to the country, and would be a disgrace to its chief magistrate, if that were predicable of such a man. It would lower John Tyler in the estimation of every decent citizen in the United States, if that individual were not already at the bottom. As an exponent of the intellect, the feelings, and the public character of the present President, we do not undertake to pronounce this 'Madisonian' much out of the way: but judged by any other standard, or tried by any other test, that stupid official is a subject of national humiliation. Would that it were as gross as the Globe' in its ruffianism! Would that it had any stamina or vigor of talent of any sort. ... One curse (Tyler) at a time is enough,

......

even for our sins."

Oh moral "Courier"! indignant assailer of the languageof vice. But this is little. We have heard a good deal amongst ourselves lately of inducements to assassination, but what can an inducement to suicide be meant for? It would be a nice question for the casuists. "Suicide," remarked the "Courier" on the 20th of December last, "is agreed on all hands to be a horrible crime, but if Mr. John Tyler should be left to commit so shocking an act, it would be easier to look up EXTENUATING CIRCUMSTANCES, than in any case, ancient or modern, within our knowledge!" And what is the effect of all thiswaiting that final and terrible effect which, if waited for, will come-but to make the passion for "strong writing" so universal, that decency is rejected as mere spiritless stuff. Let us turn for a moment even to that able and respectable paper, the "American"

He has settled into a

which the head of the Republic of America
is spoken of there. It refers to a "mock
veto message" addressed to Congress. "It
was received," says the American, “with
unanimous contempt. The poor creature can
hardly get himself the honor of a loud laugh
from the house now.
hopeless and helpless quietude of infamy, from
which nothing will disturb him till 1845. No-
body cares what he says or does or thinks.
He can do us no hurt, and he can do the loco
focos no good. No gentleman in Congress
calls on him; and he is left to the compan-
ionship of the very scavengers of a licen-
tious press. He is already a wholesome ex-
ample to all traitors and ingrates.
Despised, abused, derided, and almost spit upon
by those for whose unmeaning promises and
deceitful smiles he renounced good faith and
truth; abhorred by the good for his dishon-
esty, and scorned by the bad for his folly; a
more pitiable instance of self punished crime
was never seen by an astonished world. His
present elevation is a mere pillory to him. But
we will pelt him no more; for that part of
the sentence has exhausted itself. À more
signal retribution than we now witness in
him, the most ferocious and unforgiving
vengeance could not ask." Can-we are
obliged to ask, when we read this language
from a quarter we must respect-can even
such forms of government as Washington
and his great associates established, be ex-
pected long to outlive this reckless system
of party warfare?

One word before we quit these papers on what the reader may have seen boasted in some of our extracts as the "out-generalling" of Lord Ashburton. We feel bound Another "Tyler paper" we find thus character- to say that this was any thing but the tone istically referred to in one of the opposition. "The proprietors of the newly-established Tyler newspa- of the majority of the American papers, per in Philadelphia-the 'Evening Express-have until the publication, in the "Courier and been unfortunate in business: having been arrested Enquirer," of what was called the "private for forgery, and one of them sent to gaol-being un

able to get the 2,000 dollars bail which was demand- history of the Ashburton Treaty." It was ed." Then, some days later, we have the palliation contained in a letter of remonstrance from by the repentant and reformed editor of this unlucky a friend of Mr. Webster's, against the connewspaper, of his experiences of the party with tinued abuse of that statesman, and it cerwhich he had been so lately connected. And such

are the almost daily revelations of this atrocious tainly succeeded in turning aside wrath. press! "Our recent accidental association (!) with Whether or not on reasonable grounds, we the Tyler administration as editor of the Evening leave others to judge. Our present busiExpress' has enabled us thoroughly to understand and appreciate the peculiar principles of that branch of Federalism, known as the CORPORAL'S GUARD (the President's Cabinet?), and to satisfy our own mind that a more WICKED, CORRUPT, and BANDITTILIKE SET OF SCOUNDRELS, never before leagued together in this republican country, as a political party, clique, cabal, or faction."

ness is not to meddle with red-lined maps, or smart doings, and we simply give the socalled private history as a matter of some present interest, which occurred to us as we went through the painful and repulsive drudgery of transcribing specimens of

American Newspaper Literature for the purposes of this review.

"When Lord Ashburton arrived in Washington, he took an early day to open the subject of his mission; and with the frankness which marked his whole course throughout the negotiation, he advised Mr. Webster that the nature of his instructions forbade his yielding any portion of the disputed territory north of the line of Highlands, claimed by the British government to be the true boundary. This, of course, presented the question in a very serious light; and Mr. Webster very promptly informed his lordship that he must recede from this demand or terminate his mission. As his instructions were peremptory, he was about to close his mission of peace, and war be tween the two countries appeared inevitable; when Mr. Webster persuaded him to enter into. a full examination of the whole question, with a view to make himself acquainted with its real merits. This he did in obedience to Mr. Webster's urgent solicitations; and such was the character of Mr. Webster's representation of the factsso perfectly simple did he render this intricate subject by bringing to bear upon it the force of his mighty intellect, that Lord Ashburton acknowledged his conriction of the injustice of the claims of his government to the extent insisted upon, and actually agreed to remain at Washington until he could receive additional instructions from his government, instead of promptly closing his mission, as he was authorized to do! A delay of six weeks followed, during which time nothing was heard in relation to this negotiation; but at the expiration of that period the anxiously looked for instructions arrived, and the treaty was actually made according to the line of boundary fixed upon by Mr. Webster after Lord Ashburton's mission under his first instructions had virtually closed. It is the secret history of that negotiation which can alone do justice to the Secretary of State."

As for the other British negotiator, who is said to have been out-generalled," we suspect that some mistake may possibly before long be discovered in that quarter, too, and that they may not have won who have laughed the most. Mr. Dickens (to whom many allusions have been made in these pages,) having written a perfectly honest book, must be presumed to have prepared

himself for its reception with men of all opinions and parties. But such a man can afford to "go on fearless," knowing the audience he will address at last; and we make a grave error, if his book is not found in the long run to have hit the hardest, those evils of the American character which cry loudly for instant counteraction, and with the most exquisite feeling and skill to have developed those germs of good, in which, rightly and generously cultivated, the enduring safety of America and American institutions will alone at last be found. In two French works named at the head of this article (and to which we regret that we have only left ourselves room for very slight allusion,) we have been struck with the unconscious support which is given in almost every page of one of them, to the

written by Daniel O'Connell to a correspondent in this country, Thank God Dickens is not an Irishman-he is of the texture of a Saxon glutton-and the more you fill him and stuff him with the good things of this life, the more overbearing and ungrateful you make him. The more kindness you extend, and the more praise you bestow upon a gorturbulent notions you drive into his empty and symandizer of this order, the more aristocratic and cophantic noddle.... DANIEL O'CONNELL. This is capital-and is a pretty fair account of the celebrated Boz."

It may have been this, or it may have been some other-for Mr. O'Connell, as a great favorite with the "patriots" from the fact of himself and his great of England, is subject to have his authority daily Irish cause being supposed to be thorns in the side forged-on which remark is made in the following extracts from a letter addressed to the editor of the

"Pilot."

"I saw with great surprise, in the last 'Pilot,' a

paragraph which you certainly took from some other newspaper, headed O'Connell and Dickens,' and purporting to be a quotation from an alleged letter of mine to the editor of a Maryland newspaper, pubvocate. The thing is, from beginning to end, a lished at Baltimore, and called the Hibernian Adgross lie. I never wrote a letter to that newspaper; nor am I in the habit of corresponding with editors of American papers. I have seen, indeed, with great contempt, but without much surprise, in several American newspapers, letters deliberately published under my signature, given to the American public as genuine documents-all, of course, being Our attention has been directed since this was forgeries, but published by the editors as if perfectly written to an indignant disclaimer by Mr. O'Con- genuine. This is a species of outrageous rascality nell of a forged letter with his signature that had which has been seldoin attempted in this country, "gone the round" of the American press. These and seems reserved for the vileness of a great porpractices are of such every-day occurrence, that tion of the newspaper press in the United States. though several are marked in the notes we had ta- Perhaps it is right that I should add, that few people ken for our review, we found no opportunity or admire more the writings of Dickens, or read them special occasion to refer to them. Indeed the abuse with a deeper interest than I do. I am greatly pleasof Mr. Dickens has arrived at such an ultra-horrible ed with his 'American Notes.' They give me, I and hyperbolical pitch of atrocity, as to render in- think, a clearer idea of every-day life in America dignation needless, and be matter of simple laughter. than I ever entertained before; and his chapter conWe hardly open a paper of the States, half of which taining the advertisements respecting negro slavery, is not devoted to reprints of his writings, and some is more calculated to augment the fixed detestation portion of the other half to libels on himself. We of slavery than the most brilliant declamation, or do not know the exact forgery to which Mr. O'Con- the most splendid eloquence. That chapter shows nell alludes, but we find among our memoranda the out the hideous features of the system far better than following, taken from the New York Herald.' any dissertation on its evils could possibly produce "An eastern paper contains an extract of a letter I them-odious and disgusting to the public eye."

sound and impartial observation of Mr. |sible interest comprehended or concerned. Dickens, and with the excellent means of Some such mistake as this, we think, is the judgment supplied by the other, as to the mistake of an eloquent, manly, thoughtful, way in which his style and manner of re- and most acute writer, in the last number cording those impressions would affect an of that excellent periodical, the "North intelligent, and perfectly impartial mind. American Review." He thinks that the M. Philarète Chasles (whom we are also profligate papers, "numerous as they are, happy to claim as an assenting party to our and widely as their circulation ranges," views on the American press,) gives it as may "open their foul mouths in full cry his opinion, that after examining carefully upon a man of character, year after year, the late books of travels in the United and through every state in the Union," but, States, he has found the most recent of" can harm him no more than the idle wind. them-though neither piquing itself on They are read, despised, and the next day philosophy nor profundity, though neither utterly forgotten." We do not know all ill-humored nor presuming-by far the most that may lurk in that expression-a man of gay, the most spirited, the most effective character-but we do know that there has and complete, in its delineation of Ameri- not been a public man engaged in the sercan life and character. He quotes, in a vice of the American state, since the death capital translation, some of the comie of Washington, whose means of usefulness sketches of Mr. Dickens, and remarks of have not been impaired by these infamous them that no doubt they may be charged as assailants. But we discussed this fully on a dealing with petty and insignificant detail, former occasion, and will only put it to this but that this very detail it is which reveals honest writer now, whether ou greater rethe peculiarities of such a people. "It is flection he would feel as sure, supposing by those familiar and minute facts," he ob- these prints to be "despised," that they serves, "that you arrive at the true under- would still continue to be " read." Of him, standing of a nation, as yet too young and and of others with the same cultivated already too powerful, too informed and yet mind and lofty purpose, we would earnestly too advanced, to have escaped the suscepti- implore to look abroad from the small and bilities, the weaknesses, the bullying, the select community in which they live, and 'niaiseries des parvenus.' I prefer these understand without further compromise, or sketches, for my own part," he adds, "to hinderances self-imposed, the mischiefs of learned dissertations." And this prefer- this wide-spread pestilence. We believe ence, we may safely predict, will be one that, by forming a rallying point for all that day pretty general. is good and virtuous in America, they have it in their power to stay the plague. Nor are we without the confident hope of hav ing, at no distant day, to record some gallant and successful effort towards that great

It will have been seen, in the course of our present remarks, that we are not without some expectation, fairly grounded, of a possible and early revolt of the educated classes of America against the odious ty-end. ranny which we have thus done our best to expose. We have noted what we are fain to believe plain symptoms of its having already begun. In that case we shall not be easily tempted to return to a subject which it is on every account most decorous to leave in the hands of those whose welfare it most nearly concerns, and which we only in the first instance approached with deep and unaffected reluctance.

But it will not do to begin the strife by undervaluing the power of the antagonist. We never knew good result from a feeling of that kind. The first element of success in every such struggle is to grapple at once with the whole extent of evil: not to look at it with the reservation of your own delicacies and doubts, and perhaps limited field of experience, but fully, unreservedly, and with that broad-if you will, that vulgar-gaze, which shall take in every pos

At any rate, when we meet the Americans next, it will be with some pleasanter things to say to them. It is our intention to examine the more general characteristics of the original works they have put forth within the last few years, as their claim to the commencement of a literature of their own. Our former remark on this subject has been greatly misunderstood, if not greatly misrepresented. When we doubted if the foundations had yet been laid of a NATIONAL literature, we could not mean to imply any thing so manifestly unjust, as that natives of America, since the establishment of their Republic, have not written many able and admirable books.

And is it thus, Louis, is it thus you use an old friend! You, whom I have counted upon as almost my idolater; you, whose wariness-whose ingenuity-whose fine "Sir, I am happy at this meeting. You sense of self-preservation made you seem may, perhaps, resolve a doubt that just now to the eyes of all men the first disciple of eats up my brain. In the first place, I have the school of Punch-do you now use your-yes-Punch has been turned out of old master as whilom Plato maltreated So- France." crates?

[I beg your pardon, but I am interrupted. "Fourthly, Did you not desecrateA man (a Dover waterman) has followed yes, desecrate-the eloquence of Monsieur me to my hotel to beg-that is, enforce-Dumas, when he turned a funeral oration "sixpence" for the accommodation of a on poor Orleans into a drama for the Porte plank from the wharf to the boat, the steam | St.-Martin ?" company, the mayor and magistrates of "I confess it." Dover smiling blandly on the extortion.]

preach up what you insolently call the mis- | REMINISCENCES OF MEN AND THINGS.

chief of glory, and question the born right of every Frenchman to carry fire and bloodshed into every country he can get intoand more, do you not laugh at and denounce, what is as dear to every Frenchman as the recollection of his mother's milk, a hatred, an undying hatred, to England and all that's English?"

"I own to every word of it." "And more-do you not. ...

....?"

"I beg your pardon, monsieur," said a stage-coachman, at this point entering the room, "if you are the gentleman as is going to Canterbury, time's up."

The Frenchman did not finish his sentence, but rising, and again lifting his hat, he with a grim smile and flashing eyes, stalked away.

And now, my quondam friend LouisPhilippe, I have put the above colloquy to paper, that I may herewith ask you, if your subject and fellow-citizen is right as to the causes which (under your orders) have shut me out of France? If they be not, you will drop me a line. If they be, I will take your silence (and smuggle accordingly) for affirmation. Yours,

"As thou usest me," PUNCH.

BY ONE WHO HAS A GOOD MEMORY.

From Fraser's Magazine.

M. THIERS.

WHEN first my eyes caught a glimpse of the shining silver spectacles of little Monsieur Thiers, he was living in a very modest manner on a rather high étage in a by no means prepossessing house in Paris. Dingy, dark, and dirty was the staircase, and the porter growled a sullen "out" when the friend whom I accompanied inquired, if Mr. Adolphe Thiers resided in the dwelling of which that illustrious keeper was the legally authorised preserver. I fear that at that time the little man was not so generous in his "etrennes" to the aforesaid porter as he was afterwards in a position to be, since at any rate it struck me forcibly, that Thiers was not a popular name in the establishment in question. This was prior to the Revolution of 1830, and at that time our hero loved and swore by that very Armand Carrel, whom afterwards he persecuted and traduced. The former was engaged in writing for the republican National, which he had assisted in establishing, and in preparing the minds of the too ardent "Jeunes Gens" for that call "to arms" which the tocsin of the capital soon after thundered in their ears. Thiers was one of JULIA CESAREA.-The following is an extract from those who conspired to bring about the a letter written from Algiers by an artillery officer, Revolution of 1830. He did this, first, beand communicated to the Academy of Belles Let- cause his principles or his doctrines, his tres. "I have just spent some days amidst the convictions or his professions, were at that ruins of Julia Cesarea. I have some right to give time of a republican character. He did so, that name to the modern Cherchell, since I have been the first to discover four inscriptions bearing second, because I think he believed that it the name of that ancient city. I have found many was the intention of the elder branch of the other less important inscriptions. Would that house of Bourbon to overthrow the consticould also place under your eyes the admirable Co-tutional character of Louis XVIII., and to rinthian capital, the granite pillars, and the ancient tombs-the fellows of the Kebor Roumie, and, like it, no doubt, of Numidian origin. The English traveller Shaw mentions the gigantic wall of three leagues circuit which formed the inclosure of Ce sarea, but he says nothing of the period of its construction. I think that the erection of this wall must be referred to the second occupation of Africa by the Romans, when ancient civilization shed its first light on these shores." Many persons, reckless of the lessons of history, begin to appreciate the ancients when they find that our engineers have nothing better to do than to fortify themselves behind walls raised by engineers who lived fourteen centuries ago. The old part of this city also bears witness to the power of the Romans.'"-Athen'm.

THE CHINESE TREASURE -Yesterday evening, at 7

o'clock, five waggons, each drawn by four horses,

and a cart drawn by two horses, all heavily laden, entered the gateway of the Royal Mint, escorted by a detachment of the 60th Regiment, with the Chinese silver, amounting to £1,000,000 sterling, being the first consignment of the indemnity to be paid by the Celestial Empire.

render it purely monarchical. He did so, third, because he saw no hope for himself, connected, of ever arriving at power and or for the extreme party with which he was office, without "the men of the past" were all driven from their posts to make room for "Young France;" and he did so, fourth, because he belonged to those who hated the Bourbons. One of his associates at that time was Mignet, of whom they tell the following curious anecdote. When asked by the Duke de Guiche what was the reason of his animosity to the Bourbon race, as a race, he replied, “ Parceque je n'aime pas les Bourbons.' "But why do you not love the Bourbons ?" demanded the duke. "It is not an answer to my inquiry why do you hate the Bourbons to say, because I do not love them." Mignet smiled, but retorted