1830 to 1840. When the press, the public to deny to him the possession of great schools, the colleges, the streets resounded oratorical powers. And those powers are with the cry of "We have not only the same principles, but even the same men as the Restoration. We have changed nothing but the youngest, or the left-handed branch of the house of Bourbon, for the old and ancient branch of the Capets:" the answer invariably was, "You cannot say this of M. Thiers, and yet he, the man of the Revolution, is with us." Now this was all very well, as being ad captandum, with a description of people such as the French, but M. Thiers of 1829 and 1830 was not the same man as M. Thiers the minister. On the contrary, he had renounced his principles, abandoned his party, and mainly assisted in depopularising those very dogmas and opinions which, by his periodical and other writings, he had so greatly aided to get into vogue.

the more striking, and remarkable, inasmuch as Nature has done nothing for him. His person is diminutive, his features by no means prepossessing, his eyes concealed by spectacles, his voice frequently nasal and disagreeable, his manners plebeian and vulgar, his whole air that of a marchand of the better class, huckstering or bargaining for goods or for credit. No one would make such a mistake as to say, "That's the son of a nobleman," or, "He belongs to the class of gentlemen or of landed proprietors," or even of men of letters, except, indeed, it is to the hectoring school of French jour nalism. And yet let the veriest enemy of Thiers existing on the face of the earth, including the Emperor Nicholas and the good old ex-King William of Holland, hear him on a gala day attack the Republicans, But there was another reason why M. or defend the cause of peace and order, and Thiers was so soon called to power, and so he must spring forward to shake him by the prematurely raised to a position of eminence hands, and congratulate him on his triumph. and importance, and that was, that the Left Yes, and even when changing his tone, alwanted a powerful, intrepid, eloquent, and tering his tack, and, as the late Marquess of energetic leader; and if they had obtained Londonderry once said, "turning his back the aid of that gentleman, he would have upon himself," he has pleaded for restrainbeen found to be a very formidable, not to ing the prerogatives of Louis Philippe, has say dangerous, antagonist. The new dy- argued in behalf of a French armed internasty had too many enemies to be able to vention in Spanish affairs, and has, by half afford to add one to their number, and es- promises and many phrases, cheered on pecially one, whom it was easy to conciliate, Mehemet Ali in his opposition to his masand not difficult to purchase. Besides ter the sultan; still M. Thiers has so won which, he was an acute man, a clever man upon the imaginations of his opposers, by of business, a man of action and energy, his poetry and his persuasiveness, that they and prepared to break with his former have left the Chamber of Deputies unable party, and to expose its weakness. There to remain in hostility to one, who could so was, likewise, a still stronger reason than all the rest, and that was his unquestionable talent as a public speaker. He is petulant, waspish, tyrannical, unfair in debate, if you will; but he is coaxing, winning, emphatic, personal, and decided. He is far more than this, he is really and truly eloquent. Oh! I have heard him, in his loftiest and best moments, enforce with manly courage true constitutional principles: and carry along with him not merely the attention, but the sympathies and hearts, of an excited and The eloquence of M. Thiers is adapted delighted auditory! Bursts of long-pent-up by him to his audience. He looks at the applause would mark the homage and the Chamber of Deputies as a small but motley interest of those who listened to, and were group of timid, anxious, money-loving, held captive by, his powers. For whilst no peace-approving men. They are ex-notaries, public man of the present day, in any part or notaries still. They are ex-judges, or of the world, has exposed himself so much judges in inferior courts, still. They are to reproach and censure by his tergiversa- retired merchants, or merchants still. They tion, his selfishness, his love of money and are iron-founders, barristers, sugar-refiners, of display, and his forgetfulness of the no- ex-legal officers of the crown, receivers thingness of his origin, as has this gentle- general, local attorney - generals, wine man; yet it would be perfectly ridiculous growers, small landed proprietors, and

enchain them. And yet M. Thiers has none of the attributes of an ancient orator, except his sophistry. He belongs neither to the Ciceros nor to the Demosthenes of former ages. On the one hand, he is without method, logic, close argumentation, like Guizot; on the other hand, he is without pathos, depth of feeling, and soul-stirring fire, like Berryer. But in the world in which we live he makes more converts to his opinions. How is this? Let us see.

nearly all have some object in view in be- descent, he would perceive that whilst the coming deputies besides being members of gauche were enchanted with his touching the Chamber. This is exactly the reverse tableau of Polish distress; and whilst the (generally speaking) of what takes place in Buonapartists of the Chamber loved to hear England. Here, men strive to be something, him descant of battles, which they thus in order that they may be selected as mem- seemed to fight o'er and o'er again, he bers of parliament by some constituency. would perceive that the bulk of the house, In France, men seek to be deputies, that the two centres, the heavy battalions who they may then begin to be, or hope to be constitute the voting majority, were getsomething. Because in that country the ting weary of these concessions to popular "something" has always a reference to a feeling, and to military taste; and perceivgovernment place in the provinces, or in ing this, he would then spread wide his Paris, and to the pension which is sure to canvass to far different shores and exclaim, follow a certain number of years of active "Yes, gentlemen, those mighty marvels service. Thus the great knack of M. Thiers which our France has accomplished she is the adaptation of his voice, manner, could again effect, were it to her interest, words, style, thoughts, to the audience he her policy, her real grandeur, and solid has placed before him. In the English advantage, to undertake them!" House of Commons he would be lost, because the interests are so opposite, the classes so distinct, the parties so equally, or nearly equally poised, and the majority of minds so divergent, that he must enlist himself on one side or the other, and he might, or might not, I am not sure which, become one of the leaders of one party. But this would not suit his trimming and uncertain mind. I will illustrate my mean ing further, by an example. For instance, let us suppose the question of the "Nationality of Poland," and the necessity for preserving and defending it, to be brought by M. Mauguin or by M. Barrot, under the consideration of the Chamber. What would be the course taken by M. Thiers?-I will tell you. He would draw an afflicting and almost tearful description of the sorrows and calamities of the Poles! The members of the Opposition would cheer the "little" minister and cry, "C'est bien! c'est bien !" That done, he would turn his attention to "I know your sentiments, gentlemen, "the glories of the empire," describe in relative to Poland," continues M. Thiers, such glowing terms what France had done, still directing his eyes and his words to the and how she had been first and foremost Centres; "they are full of kindness, of defending the cause of the oppressed, and melting kindness, of compassion, of the in protecting weak and helpless people from best recollections, and of friendly sympatyranny and rapacity, that those who thy. But there is a land you love yet thought they had the history of France at dearer than Poland; there are hearts for their fingers' ends, and had yet arrived at the which yours beat higher and warmer than very opposite conclusions to the orator, even for those of the unhappy Poles-and would pride themselves in belonging to a those are for the hearts, the lives, of your nation so distinguished by its gallantry, own sons, of all Frenchmen! The charity chivalry, and benevolence! The officers of which ever stays at home, and confines its the empire, who were members of the affections within the narrow circle of doChamber of Deputies, would let their deep mestic life, is but a poor specimen of godsepulchral voices be heard crying "Ecou-like love; but the charity which extends its tez! Ecoutez!" as M. Thiers rapidly ran sympathy to other and to foreign families, over the battles of Germany, and the won-forgetting those of its own country and ders of Leipsic; and when the orator de- kind, is not of such a character as angels scended from the tribune, they would rush can delight in, or as God can approve. even to embrace him. But long before that | France!-glorious, noble, chivalrous, cou

("Silence! silence!" cry the Centres. "That's the question.")

"Yes!-it is the question!" M. Thiers would rejoin; "and I reply that such ef forts, such displays, such sacrifices, she is no longer called on to make. France desires peace with honor, and liberty with the laws; and although her big heart still palpitates with emotion whenever she hears of the wrongs and outrages with which the world is filled, yet she cannot afford to sacrifice the blood of her children for every cause, nor to lavish her treasures in every land."

(The Centres rise en masse. Cries and shrieks of rapture drown the voice of the little minister, and he has effected, or nearly so, his object. What is that?-To dispose of the motion by a side-wind, or else to qualify it, and mitigate its severity, against it shall reach the ears or the eyes of the Autocrat of all the Russias.)

rageous, enlightened France, must be su-| preme in our affections, and paramount in our considerations!"

("This is beside the question," exclaims M. Berryer. "This is to get rid of the difficulty," calls out M. Arago.)

"No, sir, it is not beside the question: it is not to get rid of any difficulty," retorts M. Thiers. "I was showing to the chamber how it was possible to cultivate the noblest sympathy, and yet to preserve the peace of the world."

("Ancona," cries Berryer; "you abandoned Ancona.")

"To be sure we did," retorts M. Thiers; "for to have remained there would have been an act of folly and madness."

("You are right-you are right," cry the Centres en masse again; and for some minutes all is confusion.)

This is just what M. Thiers has studied to bring about. "To divide" is with him "to conquer ;" and he has effected his purpose. But he has still one more trick to play, and then he may return to his minis

("Ah! ah! ah!" shout the extreme right and the extreme left members. "That's it-terial bench? What is that trick?—It is that's it-monsieur le ministre ; how to de. ceive the Poles, and to keep your place," ejaculate many voices at once.)

M. Thiers affects gravity, looks philosophical, preserves his calmness, adjusts his spectacles, and then turns to his interrupters,

this.-To fall with his heaviest artillery upon M. Berryer, as the chief of the Legiti mist party, and to destroy, if he can, the impression which he sees has been made on the minds of some, and which, through the press, may influence still more, that the Legitimists are more really patriotic and popular in their views and policy, than are the men of the Gauche, the Buonapartists, the Republicans, and the Government itself. So he begins :

has to boast? What the magnanimous act which the honorable member (alluding to M. Berryer) has to adduce on behalf of that era of glory and fame ?"

(M. Berryer exclaims, "The emancipation of Greece!")

"It was always so," continues the little man; "you are ignorant of all modes of government but one, and that is the mode of governing by force, of negotiating with the sword, of insulting allies, of advocating "But what is the most extraordinary in extreme measures at unsuitable seasons, all this charivari against the government, is and of setting up your views as those which the reproachful and curious language of the are exclusively worthy of adoption by man- friends of the fallen dynasty! What is the kind. When a question comes before you, great conquest of which the Restoration you are unacquainted with its history-it is to your extravagant and party minds something wholly novel, having no antecedents, and requiring a prompt and definitive solution.. But, gentlemen, this is not the manner in which a government of a great empire can decide questions, which relate to whole masses of humanity. It is not thus that the fate of Poland is to be determined on. France forms part of a family far greater than one you would restrict her to, for you would only have for her allies people in revolt against the old governments of the world. France belongs to the one great European family of thrones, governments, and people; and she has no more right to decide on vast questions without consulting the other members of that family, than they would have the right to decide on other questions without her."

("But they have decided without her," cries M. Berryer, and a buzz of approbation is heard in the public galleries.)

"I say, sir, they have not decided without her," exclaims M. Thiers, in a voice which fails from his excitement; "and the government of the king would know how to resent with force and with dignity any attempt to insult or to degrade France in the estimation of the world."

"I thought you would say that," retorts the little man; "but who effected that emancipation? Was it France alone, separating herself from the other members of the one great European family, and acting on her own will and her own independent responsibility ?-You know it was not. She was one of three great powers, acting in concert, and as one man.'

(Once more the Centres rise delighted en masse, and the little minister is for a long time unable to proceed.)

But I must not continue at any greater length this échantillon of the sort of tact and oratory in which M. Thiers excels. Those who know the French Chambers will corroborate its accuracy, and those who do not will, I hope, still believe in the fidelity of the description. His merit as a tactician is his knowing well his men ; and his adroitness consists, in securing a majority; or, if not, at least of being defeated without clamor, noise, or 'the absolute necessity for resignation.

Thiers's greatest aversions in public life

are Count Molé and Marshal Soult. They Thiers which are as curious as they are have, at different epochs of his short and contradictory, and demonstrate that he is notorious career, looked on him so disdain- only governed in his public career by selfish fully, spoken of him so disparagingly, and considerations. The first is, that after havtreated him so unsparingly, that he cannot ing combated with energy and success for possibly forgive them. Count Molé cannot several years under various secondary forget the measures taken by M. Thiers, in chiefs, and then as chief himself of his own conjunction with Guizot and Barrot, to cabinet, in favor of the personal influence overthrow the cabinet of which he was chief. and control of the king, notwithstanding his He cannot forget that the Chamber of De- oft repeated declaration under the restoraputies was dissolved in vain; that Louis tion, that in a constitutional monarchy "the Philippe in vain showed his confidence in, king reigns, but does not govern," he reand love for, that minister, by visiting him turned to that very maxim after having for at his château; and that the old majority years abandoned it; when to return to it against him was perpetuated in a new Cham- was necessary once more to place him in ber, so that his resignation was inevitable. power. The revolution of 1830 was made, This was all the result of the united efforts according to M. Thiers (when it suited him of Thiers, Guizot, and Barrot. On the to say so), in order to preserve to France other hand, Marshal Soult cannot forget the benefit of a real parliamentary governthat M. Thiers refused to accept his presi- ment; and yet during the years he had dency over a cabinet, laughed both in public acted as minister to Louis Philippe, cerand private at the Hero of Toulouse, and tainly no one had troubled himself less gave him the direct lie as to what had trans- about the will or the opinion of the Champired in the course of some long negotia- bers than M. Thiers himself. But when he tions for the formation of a new ministry. perceived that France had become weary of Thiers called the Molé administration "the agitation, and had make up her mind rather Polar Bear Cabinet,-Russian in its origin, to submit to the aristocracy of such men as oppressive in its character, and cold in its Count Molé, with his long line of noble anheart."-Many other gibes and jokes he had cestry, than to be cajoled and degraded by at its expense, and many more still were the democracy of Adolphe Thiers, the latter aimed by him at the old marshal, whose raised the cry of "The Charter is in dangood-natured confidential friends were good ger: we shall have an absolute monarchy and enough "to consider it to be their duty to a favorite ;" and the cry being caught up by repeat to him the insolent inuendoes of the the populace, by the journals, and by eximpertinent M. Thiers.” The result could treme parties, it became successful. This not be doubtful. Marshal Soult looks on was not principle but diplomacy, and not the little minister as his sworn foe. diplomacy for the good of the country, but solely for himself. There is a second passage in the short public life of M. Thiers, which is also by no means creditable either to his generalship or his consistency. I allude to his conduct with regard to a French Intervention in the affairs of SPAIN. When Louis Philippe discovered that one of his own ministers with whom he was in almost daily conference was directing, by means of the telegraph, the marching of troops towards the Pyrenees, in order to prepare for an invasion of Spain under the specious title of "an armed coalition," he was not less astounded at the impertinence, than he was indignant at the secrecy, of his secretary or foreign affairs. But how lamentable is the fact, that M. Thiers was a large speculator in the Spanish funds, for his own benefit, at the very moment he was directing the movements of the telegraph! Himself, his agent H, and his stockbrokers, were alone in the secret: whilst his king, and his own coadjutors in office, were kept in a state of blessed ignorance relative

When Marshal Soult was asked by the king on one occasion to forget animosities, and, for the sake of the public service, to form a ministerial alliance with M. Thiers, the former is reported to have replied, "There was nothing that Marshal Soult would not do to prove his devotedness to his king, except to disgrace the laurels he had won on the field of battle." This was conclusive. On the other hand, M. Thiers, when charged with the task of forming a cabinet by Louis Philippe, made but one sine qua non before he undertook the task, and that was, that on no account should the marshal be expected or invited to become a member. The marshal is a blunt, honest old man, with no other than military talents, but he has a fair and deserved reputation for bravery and patriotism, and in spite of all the jealousies and bickerings of his opponents, his word is looked on as sacred, and his promise as sure of being fulfilled.

There are some passages in the life of M.

ments.

to his decisions and his military move- the liberal party in the event of the demise of his royal father. Besides which the duke had heard in his opening life so much about "liberty" and "progress" at the Palais Royal, and at Neuilly, when his father was surrounded by the Benjamin Constants, Lamarques, Lafayettes Periers, Foys, and Laffittes of those days, that when he came to be a king's son he had not forgotten what had passed when he was simply the young Duke of Chartres. When, then, the royal family of France was suddenly deprived of the heir apparent to the throne, M. Thiers, feeling that not only he had no present grandeur, but that even the future offered no brilliant hopes or expectations, he expressed himself everywhere in the strongest terms as to the measures which ought to be adopted. That the Duke de Nemours was no admirer of him, M. Thiers was quite assured. So he turned to the Duchess of Orleans as the regent for the Count of Paris, and would have raised such a clamor, such confusion, and such a violent outbreak in the nations as had not been heard of since the insurrection of 1834, but that Louis Philippe sent for him, consulted him, flattered him, and-all we know is, wholly subdued him. But how was this change effected? What new light so suddenly broke in upon his mind? He passed from south to north with an unaccountable rapidity, and that fact will undoubtedly never be forgotten.

There is a third passage in the life of this extraordinary personage which is quite as remarkable as those which I have already noticed; I mean his violence against the English government, in relation to the Syrian question, after years of apparent approval of a close alliance between France and Great Britain. When I say extraordinary, I mean inconsistent, absurd, ludicrous. For according to one meaning of the word extraordinary, his conduct was in perfect harmony with his innate selfishness, since his object in exaggerating the importance of the Eastern question was in order to sesure to himself a return to power. He hoped to overthrow a cabinet; to accede to office; to take the helm of the state vessel, by means of raising a cry against England; joining thus his voice and his authority to the rebels and rioters of all factions who loved war and anarchy, because by them they hoped personally to profit. Never were such tremendous efforts made as at that period by M. Thiers, and by his manyheaded confederates, to force the king and the government to war, by exciting public opinion, and even intimidating the constitutional Chambers. All that could be effected by the journals, the schools, the students, the demagogues, the secret societies, was set in motion to increase the agitation, and to drive even the populace to fury. Why was all this? Why did M. Thiers at that time receive at his residence political agitators from whom he had separated in 1831, and whom he had not only attacked, but even persecuted? Was France in danger from secret or avowed, from internal or from external enemies? Or had any organized conspiracy been discovered against her dignity and importance? Decidedly not! The whole secret lay in this; Lord Palmerston had at last discovered what others had found out years before, that M. Thiers was not to be trusted; and as the latter knew too well that that discovery had been made, he became the bitterest foe of the English alliance.

"Other times, other conduct," M. Thiers would reply; but even this answer will break down, and be wholly untenable, when it is remembered that between the time of his threatened opposition and of his ready assent, no adequate period had passed, no new events had taken place, nothing but an interview with royalty had occurred. And was M. Thiers the man who had coalesced against the personal government of the king, and who had defeated his sovereign's will and policy at the general elections, and in the face of the whole nation; was he a person who had so much deference for royal authority as at once to acquiesce in his monarch's views, without some weightier argument than words being used in his favor? This passage in his life will remain unexplained and unexplainable.

The last passage in the life of M. Thiers upon which I shall especially remark, was his conduct at the death of the late Duke of Orleans with respect to the REGENCY Perhaps I shall be asked, What will be his BILL. It is not, perhaps, generally known destinies? Will he settle down into the in England that the late young duke had a character of an historian? Will his now good deal of friendship for M. Thiers. His preparing History of the Empire be succeed. royal highness was much more warlike ed by one, more colossal and general, of the in his propensities than the king, and in French monarchy and nation? Or, will he M. Thiers he thought he saw a sort of stop-" abide his time," and wait in comparative gap in case of need, which would satisfy seclusion until the death of Louis Philippe