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The next point of importance, in this enquiry, is the result of the attempts made to controul these laws, and make them bend to the purposes of government, or to those of particular classes of men, who think they have a permanent interest in the arrangement they from time to time suggest, or cause to be made.

The third and last point is that of distribution; this, on the face of it, will not seem of less importance than either of the other two, nor is it; but it must be by a due understanding of the whole, and by proper attention being paid to them, that nations can be made happy, and when made so, kept so.

Of the importance of the science of political economy, as it is here explained, no man will doubt. It may safely be asserted, that it is by far the most important of all the sciences, if not indeed of more real importance to the well-being of mankind, than all other sciences in the aggregate. It is the true and only sure foundation for all wise and just legislation. He who does not understand its principles, (including the principle of population) is but ill qualified for the office of a legislator.

He may be learned in the law of the land, and in the law of nations; he may be active, diligent, and humane; eagerly desirous to promote the well-being of his fellow-citizens, and of all mankind; still if he do not understand the principles of Political Economy, he will want the most important of all things necessary to a profound legislator; and he will be unable to do more than has hitherto been done, legislate on expedients, instead of principles. He will often find an accumulation of evil, when he least expects it, and he will be utterly unable to discover the true causes: he will neither find them in the "perversity of human nature," nor in the "dislike which men have to submit to controul;" and he will least of all be willing to ascribe them to his own laws. Being unable to account for the causes of the evils, he is compelled to witness, and to acknowledge, he will be equally at a loss for a remedy. He may make new laws to punish the crimes, which his old laws have been unable to suppress, or have produced, but he will never accomplish his purpose, and never be satisfied with the results he has assisted to produce. The greater part of his civil legislation will inevitably be injurious to the community; while his criminal jurispru dence will be employed, not to correct, as in a truly wise system it ought to do, but to punish aggressors. This has but too generally been the course pursued in most nations; and this will continue to be the course pursued, until the PRINCIPLES OF POLITICAL EcoNOMY are generally understood.

The attention of the reader is, on the present occasion, more particularly desired to so much of the subject as relates to the Corn Laws, to Rent, Profit, and Wages.

It is not intended, in the following essay, to attempt to shew every minute ramification of the principles treated of. But it is intended,

and it is hoped, too, that the intention has been accomplished, to treat of those principles in a logical and argumentative manner, which may clearly explain them to the mind of an attentive reader.

To the passage before quoted from the work of Mr. Ricardo, that gentleman adds, that the writings of the eminent men, he has named, "afford very little satisfactory information, respecting the nature of RENT, PROFIT, and WAGES."

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Mr. Ricardo then very candidly states, that "in 1815 Mr. Malthus, in his Enquiry into the Nature and Progress of Rent,' and a Fellow of University College, Cambridge, in his Essay on the Application of Capital to Land,' presented to the world, nearly at the same moment, the true doctrine of Rent; without a knowledge of which it is impossible to understand the effects of the progress of wealth on profit and wages, or to trace, satisfactorily, the influence of taxation on different classes of the community, particularly when the commodities taxed are the productions immediately derived from the surface of the earth. Adam Smith, and other able writers, to whom I have alluded, not having viewed correctly the principle of rent, have, it appears to me, overlooked many important truths, which can only be discovered, after the subject of rent is thoroughly understood."

These observations are of great importance, are clearly and correctly stated, and deserve to be borne in mind throughout the enquiry.

Mr. Ricardo, with the modesty, which belongs to his character, "trusts it will not be deemed presumptuous in him to state his opinions, after the valuable experience, which a few late years, abounding in facts, have yielded." Nobody, it may be presumed, will condemn any ardent enquirer after truth, who pursues his enquiry unostentatiously, and evidently with a view to promote the well-being of others.

In this enquiry, much room yet remains for elucidation; and more familiar modes of explanation, than those which have yet appeared, seem necessary. This has been here attempted; the attempt is made, too, at a time when the serious attention of every man in the community is likely to be forcibly drawn to a consideration of the subject. At such a time, if at any time, the writer may hope for an increase of readers, and may expect increased desire on the part of those readers to make themselves sufficiently acquainted with a subject, which comes home to the pocket of every one of them this, then, appears to be the time when the following exposition may reasonably be expected to produce the greatest effect; and these are the reasons why it is, just now, laid before the public.

CORN LAWS.

"Restrictions on exportations," says the able writer in the Supplement to the "Encyclopædia Britannica," article "Corn Laws

and Trade," "without being in the least advantageous to the consumers of raw produce, are eminently hurtful to agriculturists. While they exist, no market can be found for that excess of produce, which an agricultural country generally has to dispose of in favourable seasons. Farmers are not, therefore, stimulated to exertion, because, in a country thus situated, a luxuriant crop, by its causing a great fall of price, is nearly as prejudicial to them as a scarcity; which indeed, by lessening the quantity sown next year, it seldom fails to produce." Yet this was at times, and for long periods, the course pursued in this country. About the middle of the last century, to this unwise proceeding was added another, which has continued ever since, namely, that of prohibiting importation, until the price of corn in our own markets had attained a certain price fixed by act of parliament; and the price, at which corn has been prohibited, has been rapidly rising ever since.

By preventing exportation, the sale of any surplus produce to the foreigner was prevented, until the price had fallen so low as to do considerable mischief to the consumer, by causing the price of corn to fluctuate between two very injurious extremes, without the power of adjustment. By the present system, which has been maintained, on the ground that it had a tendency to equalize the price, the extremes of the fluctuation have been considerably enlarged; and, within a very few years, the price of wheat has been, at one time, upwards of 100s. per quarter, and at another time nearly as low as 50s. per quarter. Such are the inevitable consequences of tampering with the corn trade.

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Another consequence of the laws, prohibiting import, may mentioned here, the impossibility of exportation. At the present time, for instance, it is admitted on all sides, that the price will not remunerate the farmer, profit being entirely out of the question, and yet the price is so high that no foreign nation will purchase. By what steps this state of things has been produced, will be made apparent.

Two attempts have lately been made to raise the import price of corn, by what has been emphatically called a CORN LAW, to 978. the quarter; that is, to prohibit all importation (wheat) until the price in our markets has risen to 97s. instead of 80s., which is the present import price fixed by act of parliament.

The first of these attempts was made early in the session of 1819, but it was immediately crushed by a declaration on the part of ministers, of their determination to oppose it.

The second attempt was made during the last session. Petitions from the land-owners and farmers were presented to Parliament from various parts of the kingdom, praying for what the petitioners called relief; and a committee on the subject of these petitions was, after a debate in the House of Commons, voted. Ministers, however, found means to induce the house to postpone the appointment of the committee to the next day, when, instead of

a committee to consider the subject of the petitions, a committee to examine the mode of taking the averages in the twelve maritime districts was appointed. Thus the proposal for a new restrictive law was set aside. But the business, as might have been expected, will not be allowed to rest; meetings have again been held in many counties, and Parliament is again to be applied to for relief. The applications are, it seems, to consist of no less than four propositions, one or more of which those interested hope to carry. The first proposition is, to raise the import price to 97s. the quarter.*

The second proposition is, to allow, as they say, the free import at all times of foreign corn; only a tax is to be levied on foreign corn, so as to raise its price to the consumer, as high as is contemplated by the first proposition. Thus if, for instance, foreign wheat could be imported at 50s. the quarter, a tax of 478. would raise its price here to the consumer to 97s.

The third proposition is, to give a bounty, to enable the growers of corn to export it; and, by thus diminishing the quantity, to raise the price at home to about 90s. the quarter. The present price of wheat may be taken at 57s. the quarter, the price on the Continent is about 45s. the quarter. To enable the English corngrowers to sell in foreign countries, he must receive a bounty, equal, at the least, to the difference between the prices, and to the expenses of freight, insurance, and all other charges; and this can scarcely be less than 17s. the quarter, and it may be much higher.

The fourth proposition is from the county of Mayo, in Ireland. Here the land-owners, having assembled, declared, at once, that it would be necessary for the Legislature totally to exclude the importation of all foreign corn.

It is not intended to examine these propositions minutely, but. rather, having pointed them out, to leave them for the reader's consideration, and to go on with an exposition of the principles of RENT, PROFIT, and WAGES, which will be found to contain nearly all the general reasonings, respecting the demand for, and the supply of, subsistence. It will be seen that, in every attempt to regulate the growth, the sale, or the export of corn, the Legislature has been governed by no fixed principle, and that vague opinions have alone formed the ground of its enactments.

* At the time, when the last law, prohibiting the importation of wheat, until the price in our own markets averaged 80s. the quarter, the price of standard gold, in bank-notes, was 105s. the ounce. It is now 78s. in bank-notes. Bank-notes were at that time depreciated 34 per cent. It was in this depreciated currency that the calculation was made, by the supporters of the bill, that 80s. was a remunerating price to the farmer for a quarter of wheat. Bank-notes being now at par with gold, 60s. is about an equivalent for 80s. of the same currency in 1815. Were wheat now to be sold at sos, the quarter, the actual price estimated in the currency of 1915 would be equal to 107s, the quarter,

To expose the mischiefs, which those errors in legislation produce, is the first step towards preventing their increase. The second step is the repeal of the injurious laws; and if it should be made plain to the understanding of all men, that nothing but evil has arisen, or can arise, from them, it is not too much to hope, that the time will come, when they may be safely repealed by com

mon consent.

ON THE PREVAILING TASTE FOR ISOLATED COLUMNS

AS PUBLIC MONUMENTS.

THE prevailing, taste for isolated columns, as public monuments, is partly the effect of unmerited encomiums bestowed upon the columns of Trajan and Antonine, raised by the Romans in degenerate times, when the arts were declining, from a vain emulation to vie in height with the Egyptian obelisks, that had been previously transported to Rome, and is partly an erroneous result of our admiration of the column as a member of architecture. Hence, the isolated column unfairly forestalls approbation, and at first view evades fair criticism, which would not fail to reform the public prejudice, if we reflected, that the proper office of the column being to support an incumbent weight of a proportionable magnitude and form, it does not admit of being detached from its proper entablature, or of being raised to a height exceeding the uses and purposes of architecture. For 66 as it is the entablature that gives to the several orders their respective characters, to which their several ornaments are suited with consummate taste," an isolated column, not having any entablature to support, is divested of the expression of its proper character, and is therefore an imperfect structure, and an improper design. The grandeur of buildings consists in the expression of character, and not in the quantity of material or labour employed in constructing them. Unity of design is essential to that expression, but cannot belong to an isolated column, because it is an incomplete structure. Even if the isolated column possessed unity, and were also highly decorated, it could not excite emotion, or engage a lasting interest. Its beauties are too monotonous and circumscribed. They soon satisfy the mind, and are forgotten. To-day they may be admired, and tomorrow, and for ever, passed with indifference.

An isolated column, of stupendous height, rivaling a lofty pinnacle, is an exaggerated misuse of the columnar office; for the end and purpose of a public monument is to express and record to late posterity, the glory and gratitude of a nation, or commu

* Isolated Columns have been lately erected at Shrewsbury, Norwich, Anglesca, Dublin, Paris, and several other places.

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