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thinks them to be of any weight, who refuses to adopt the means of having them reduced into practice. It is the business of the speculative philosopher to mark the proper ends of government. It is the business of the politician, who is the philosopher in action, to find out proper means towards those ends, and to employ them with effect. Therefore every honourable connexion will avow it is their first purpose, to pursue every just method to put the men who hold their opinions into such a condition as may enable them to carry their common plans into execution, with all the power and authority of the state. As this power is attached to certain situations, it is their duty to contend for these situations. Without a proscription of others, they are bound to give to their own party the preference in all things; and by no means, for private considerations, to accept any offers of power in which the whole body is not included ; nor to suffer themselves to be led, or to be controlled, or to be over-balanced, in office or in council, by those who contradict the very fundamental principles on which their party is formed, and even those upon which every fair connexion must stand. Such a generous contention for power, on such manly and honourable maxims, will easily be distinguished from the mean and interested struggle for place and emolument. The very style of such persons will serve to discriminate them from those numberless impostors, who have deluded the ignorant with professions incompatible with human practice, and have afterwards in. censed them by practices below the level of vulgar rectitude.'
Of the imputations cast upon party men for deserting their followers or their principles when they take office, it is the less necessary to speak at large; because, as soon as they have the government in their hands, they ought to be closely watched, and are pretty sure to be so, by those whom they have disa placed. Nor would there fail, in these times, to arise a third party for the interests of the people, if their present defenders were to forget themselves when in office, and to league with the advocates of unconstitutional measures. The risk would be considerable of the new opposition rather encouraging than checking such a dereliction of duty: They followed this course during the year 1806, when the country had not the benefit of a constitutional opposition. But the immediate formation of a third party, out of doors, would, in this case, be irresistible, and it would speedily find itself represented in Parliament, or would push its representatives into that assembly. The more imminent hazard is of an opposite description. Too much, and in too short a time, is expected to be performed by the new and popular ministers. Sufficient time is not allowed them to redeem their pledges. If they do not at once attempt all they promised, they are apt to be deserted by many well-meaning, but weak adherents; and they are thus disarmed of the power to do much of the good service they might render the public, by its impatience for objects unattainable, or only to be achieved in the course of time. Nothing is so true as Adam Smith's remark, that one of the worst consequences of the Mercantile System in political economy is, its creating an unnatural state of things, which makes it impossible to correct the errors committed, without, for a while, occasioning greater evil than that which you seek to remedy. The same observation is equally applicable to every other species of maladministration; and it points out the unreasonableness of those who will give no time to a new government to retrace the false steps of their predecessors; but, mistaking a prudent and necessary caution for reluctance, launch at them the charge of deserting their principles, and accuse them of intending to do nothing, because they cannot perform miracles, and wish not to work mischief.
The short administration of 1806, was most unjustly treated in this respect. They were about a year in office, with the King, and the whole Court strongly against them; sometimes openly opposing their measures; always secretly undermining them in the very unequal warfare of 'stratagem and intrigue. From the motley composition of that cabinet, several errors were committed, and some opportunities of doing good may have been thrown away. But where is the ministry that ever did so much for the country in so short a space of time? They introduced, upon sound and enlightened principles, a new military system; they raised the revenue to meet the extravagant demands occasioned by the improvident schemes of their predecessors, until they could retrace their steps, and relieve the people by economy and by peace; they began those inquiries into public expenditure, which have since, in spite of their successors, produced a material saving to the country, and which, had they continued in power, would, ere now, have effectually relieved its burthens; they laid the foundations of peace with America, and of tranquillity in (reland; finally, they abolished the Slave Trade, which had grown up to a horrible maturity under the force of all Mr Pitt's eloquent invectives, and which he, in the plenitude of his authority, had never ventured even 'to abridge. Can any thing be more unjust than to account all this as nothing, when we reflect that it was crowded into the short space of one year, and that the first year of a change, when the blunders of the former ministry were still producing their most noxious effects in new wars abroad, and failures at home, and when the men recently advanced to power had to contend with a hostile Court, a suspicious and unfriendly Parliament, and a jealous, discontented and burthened people? The history of that short period, while it may prove in many particulars useful as a lesson of errors to be in future avoided, ought also to console the country by the evidence it affords of how much real service might be rendered to its best interests by honest and able ministers enjoying the confidence of the people,
There is one ground of invective against party, to which we have not yet adverted, because we believe it to be the least solid of any. Some timid persons are wont to apprehend violence and turbulence from what they term fạctious proceedings.There seems to be a great mistake in this view of the matter. -The fuel of popular discontent exists independent of all party, in the ignorance of the multitude, the distresses of the times, and the misconduct of the Government. The formation of a regular and respectable party to maintain the cause of the people, instead of blowing up the flame, and causing an explosion, is rather likely to moderate its violence, and give it a safe vent. Besides, there exists, at all events, a regular party for the Government; and if it is not opposed by a similar force, it will either destroy publick liberty, or go on encroaching on the people's rights, until a popular commotion, under no regulation or control, disturbs the publick peace, and perhaps subverts the Government.
These remarks upon the uses of party union, have prepared the way for the few observations which we are to offer upon the present aspect of politicks in this country; and they have anticipated not a few of the strictures which we had to make on the conduct and views of the present Opposition : For the greater part of the attacks to which that party has been exposed, are those to which it is liable as a party, in common with every
other body of this description,
It is certain, that at no period of the English History was there ever embodied so formidable an association in behalf of the principles of civil and religious liberty, and, in general, of liberal, enlightened and patriotic policy, as the great body of the Whigs now are. Whether we regard the high rank and ample possessions of many members, the commanding talents and acquirements of others, or the inere amount of heir numerical force, such a party union never was before witnessed. Last Session saw an event completed, which had been expect«d to diminish their forces, the separation of the Grenvilles.But, although the loss of Lord Grenville, and one or two other eminent individuals as regular coadjuters, is deeply to be regret
ted, the defalcation either of weight or of numbers, that has arisen from this secession, is too trifling to be felt; and this change needs be dwelt upon no longer.
The ministers, on the other hand, are, beyond all comparison, the most contemptible in pretensions of any that have ever governed a great nation. With one or two exceptions, they are men of whom their own steadiest supporters are daily ashamed; and the same men who give them their votes, for fear of disturbing the peace of the community, by destroying one government before they know who shall succeed, leave their places in Parliament, to express in private, openly and strongly, their sense of the humiliation to which they are constantly reduced. How does it happen, that such a Ministry can stand against such an Opposition? We think nearly the whole difficulty will be resolved, by attending to the delusions which have been practised upon the publick by a third class of persons, insignificant in numbers, and still more contemptible in weight, either by talent or station, who have stood forward as the champions of the people, and set themselves regularly to defame the regular Opposition, until they had well nigh succeeded in undermining their credit with the country. We allude to the faction of the Cobbets and Hunts, whom the Opposition too long allowed to triumph, by treating them with an ill-judged contempt. These men, whatever were their designs, whether to gratify a preposterous love of distinction, or for merely mercenary purposes, or from worse love of mischief, have long been persuading the people, that no publick man is to be trusted that all political leaders are engaged in a scramble for place—and that they alone are their friends. Of late years, they have only succeeded with the lowest and most ignorant parts of the community, But, by constant misrepresentation, weekly repeated by some, and daily and industricusly echoed by the hirelings of the Government, they at one time were too successful in making many, who had no trust in them as political guides, believe ali they said against the Whigs. The force of undaunted, never-ceasing falsehood, in damaging the fairest reputations, is well known, especially if no pains are taken to expose it. To give any specimen of the arts thun used against the Whigs, would be quite endless. But the last which strikes us, is Mr.Cobbet's hardy assertion, that they urged the ministers to suspend the Habeas Corpus act; and, with a few exceptions, voted for the measure! We think that the Whiqs acted unwisely in not taking more decisive steps to defend their characters, thus wantonly and unremittingly invaded;--we think that their supporters in the department of the daily press, showed a most culpable slowness to expose the vile
falsehoods propagated concerning them, probably from an unworthy dread of being personally attacked by those who spared neither high nor low, the illustrious nor the obscure. But, at all events, time has come surely, if tardily, to their aid; and has, among other calumnies, completely refuted the often urged charge of a fondness for office. Never, certainly, was there a set of men whose whole conduct bears so little the marks of any such propensity
Although the permanent influence of the men we have been describing has been confined to the lowest rabble, another class, far more respectable, very numerous, and, generally speaking, of honest principles, having suffered themselves to be led away by false theories of government, in which the Whig party never could concur, were disposed to view that body with suspicion, and to incline towards the tales propagated against its members. Major Cartwright, at one time, had great influence with this part of the community; and his unwearied zeal, and unabating perseverance in the cause of Reform, merited much consideration, however erroneous his views might be. This sect laid it down as an incontestable principle, that only one measure was of any value-Parliamentary Reform; —and that only one reform deserved the name--the introduction of Universal Suffrage and Annual Parliaments, to which, at Mr Bentham's suggestion, they have lately added, voting by ballot. This being their creed, they held every one who differed with them, even by the smallest shade, as utterly ignorant of the true nature of the constitution; and they generally questioned his honesty also. With regard to their own since rity, we have nothing to say; but their great apostle has recently given us some reason to doubt the extent of their learning, by citing the title of Mr Prynne's book on Parliamentary Writs, Brevia Parliamentaria Rediviva, as signifying- Short Parliaments Restored ;'-an indication, too, that this pure class of politicians sometimes brag of an acquaintance with works which it is morally impossible they could ever have seen.
• The worthy Major has since defended himself by saying, that he has been too much engaged in studying English liberty, to pay attention to Roman language. The fact, however, is, that the bar. barous Latin in question is only worth learning, because it assists the study of English liberty. And the Major assumes to himself an almost exclusive knowledge of our constitutional history, which no man, so ignorant as he now admits himself to be, can have well stu. died. The error was committed in a letter addressed to Lord Holland, in consequence of his accusing the Major of claborate blun