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tioned in my Plain English, pag. 7.) Jus est belli ut hi qui vicissent his quos vicissent quemadmndum vellent imperarent. That the conquered are, by the laws of war, under the arbitrary rule and government of their conquerors; and according to the practice in the Turkish dominions, which are not more grounded on conquest than we yield ours to be; which captive and slavish quality, how unseemly it is for Englishmen to continue in, especially towards a Norman colony, and that, while they may with justice and facility come out of it, I have shewn in my Anti-Normanism: And as touching the consequent* illegality of this parliament's proceedings, until they either repeal this title, or else renounce the quality of Englishmen, if it seem not evident enough from the premisses, it may be seen in my Plain English, evinced and proved against all objections whatsoever; of which illegality, future invalidity is both the sister and daughter.

Proposition 3. That the same are also derogatory to the King's right to the crown, to his honour, and to his just interest in the people's affections.

Proof.

FOR it is confessed on all sides, particularly by Master Marshall and Master Prynne, the prolocutors of the parliamentarians, and by Dr. Hudson, the grand royalist, that the title of conquest is f unjust, as being gained by murderous rapine; so that, while we ground the King's title on a conquest, we make him apredonical usurper, and defraud him of his just right, founded on St, Edward's legacy, joined with this nation's admission, besides his heirship to the English blood, as I have shewn in my Plain English, page the last, and in Anti-Norman, page 19. And, as for his honour and just interest in the people's affections, they consist in his being pater patrice, as himself also lately intimated; but the title of the conquest holds him in the quality not only of a foreigner, but also of the capital enemy of his subjects, and so affords their minds more provocation unto hatred and revenge, than unto affection or allegiance, as I have plainly shewn in my preface to Plain English, and in Anti-Norm, pages 20, 21; and may be discerned from those suitable fruits of it, which I shall hereafter specify. Neither do the innovations (the effects and badges of the pretended conquest) want their share in the like effect, as being a just cause of the disrelishment and contempt of our laws, (so Normalised both in matter and form) by understanding men, and no doubt the ground ofthat general and inbred hatred which still dwells in our common people against both our laws and lawyers.

Proposition 4.

That the same have been the root and cause of all the civil wars (about temporal matters) that were ever in this kingdom betwixt King and people, and are likewise, for the time to come, destructive to all well-grounded, firm, and lasting unity, peace, and concord in this realm, and consequently to the strength of the same.

• The example of the extorting of Magna Charta makes nothing to the contrary, for that was done (as Daniel's history testifies) by the nobility of those times, under the notion and quality of Normans and coheirs of the conquest, which quality, I suppose, our parliament will not, if they could, assume.

+ Likewise by our own laws, obligations extorted by duress, as is fealty to conquest, are

voidable.

Proof.

THE narrative is evident from history, the rest from reason; for how can there be union in affection betwixt those that are professed strangers and enemies one to another, as this title and innovations, the ensigns of hostility, render our Kings and people? Moreover the said title, by reason of the unlimited prerogative inseparably appendent, is apt to suggest seeds of tyranny to the crown, as it hath continually done, and consequently of insurrections to the subject, to the disturbance of the publick peace; which is confirmed by the said many civil wars we have had in this kingdom since these abuses were set on foot, whereas before we never had any; and weakness must needs wait upon that body, where there is such a disunion and antipathy betwix the head and members.

Proposition 5.

That the introduction of the said title and innovations was, and the retaining of them is, contrary to the fundamental constitution of this kingdom.

Proof.

FOR the Norman * duke was admitted as legatee of St. Edward, and upon his oath to preserve our laws and liberties, and not as a conqueror, nor yet for an innovator, as the most authentick historians testify; among whom honest >Emilius Veronensis, an impartial stranger, writing of this matter, saith expressly, Non ipsi homines sed causa defuncti victa extinctaque; That it '.vas not the English nation, but the usurper Harold that was overcome, and as, in opposition to the innovations, 1 shall make more clear in the confirmation of my next proposition; insomuch that the violent introduction of the said abuses was, and the pertinacious upholding of them, is an usurpant, perjurious, and perfidious robbing us of the title and quality of a free nation.

Proposition 6.

That the retaining of the same is contrary to the coronation oath of all our Kings, and to the oaths and duties of parliament and people.

Proof. FOR it is the first and chief part of the proper and solemn oath of all our Kings at their coronation, as it was the first Norman's like oath, cither at his coronation, or at least, t before his full admission and con

• Not any history orrecord saith that he claimed the crown, before he had it, as conqueror of England, much less that he was acknowledged for such by the English, or submitted to under that title; therefore the assumption of that title atterwards was usurpatory.

See my Anti-Norm. p. 16, 10. t See Mr. Prynne's citations of testimonies to this purpose, in his S. F. p, 51,53, and my AntiNorm, p. 15.

firmation by the English state, to preserve our laws and liberties established by St. Edward; which are inconsistent with the said title and innovations: neither can any man say, that, because the oath binds also to the confirmation of other King's grants, therefore these innovations are included; for grants imply a precedent asking, and how far these innovations were from ever being asked I have before shewn; and moreover, the confirmation is especially limited to the laws of King Edward, as being both the most desired and desirable. And, for parliament and people, they are bound both by their natural and official duties, and moreover by their late solemn covenant, unto the vindication of their naturral rights and liberties, of which the said title and innovations are the greatest opposers, as I have before shewn.

Proposition 7*

That, until this title and innovations are abolished, there can be no honour, freedom, or happiness to this nation; that the inception of that enterprise is the most hopeful means for curing the present divisions; and that there is no colourable objection against the performing it.

Proaf.

FOR, nntil the cause be taken away, the effect is not like to cease. I have before shewn how destructive these abuses are to our honour, rights, and unity; while they remain, we are in the quality of captive slaves, and our kings in the semblance of foreign and usurping lords: and, as these evils were the cause of the first fracture, and consequent antipathy in this kingdom, betwixt crown and subject, so there can be no solid closure between them, until they are repealed. These being removed, the whole nation, both King and people, will be restored into the quality of one natural body, which, as *Fortescue hath aptly observed out of Aristotle, hath a set form of duty and affection constituted betwixt the head and members. And, as touching this work's expediency toward re-uniting divided Englishmen, it is evident; for, if the common honour and happiness of the nation be the scope of their designs, they have no other highway to their end, but this. Also it may be learned from the common practice of distracted states, whose usual emedy is the assaulting of a common enemy; of which sort are these abuses, being a common usurpation, that hath a more general, hostile, and mischievous malignity against our nation in it, than any other adversary we have at this day, save that it wants strength and formidableness, for that there is no man amongst us hath any colourable cause to defend it. Moreover, until this be redressed, all else, that is done, is but as building of castles in the air, that have no firm foundation, but may be blown down with the king's arbitrary breath, as I have before proved. And, if any object the troublesomeness and difficulty of rooting out the innovations, I answer: that that particular may be consummated at leisure; that we have taken more pains about things of lower

• See Mr. Prjnne's Citation of him, in his S. P. p. 38.

concernment; and that the restoration of our rights ought not to seem unto us more laborious, or difficult, than did to our enemies the introducing of the contrary.

Proposition 8.

That all Englishmen, that are active in maintaining the said title and innovations, are the most flagitious traitors, both to their King and country, that ever were.

Proof;

IT is apparent from the premisses, it being also evident, that, in comparison of such, Strafford in his worst appearance was a good patriot; and, as for the defaults of former times in this particular, they are not now pretendible for excuse; for that now Heaven holds forth power and opportunity far more liberally than ever heretofore, or, perhaps, than hereafter, for asserting of truth, and establishing of righteousness, in this kingdom.

THE BRITISH BELLMAN.

Printed in the year
Of the saints fe»r.

Anno Domini, 1648. Quarto, containing twenty-four pages.

ORDERED,

That a competent number of these books be forthwith printed, for the service of the King and kingdom, and be dispersed through all counties, cities, boroughs, and towns corporate, and all other markettowns whatsoever, within this realm of England, and dominion of Wales; and that all, who love their king and country, and hate rebellion and treason, do forthwith make all provision and speed that may be, to rise, and take by force, or otherwise, all garisons they can, in all parts of the kingdom, and summon in the country to them, for the speedier suppression of these abominable malicious rebels and traitors, this prevailing party in the parliament houses, and their army, who, by wicked craft and subtlety, have undone three flourishing kingdoms already, and yet would again engage us in another war with our brethren ofScotland. It is also desired, that our brethren of the association would keep their men in the field, and, when Cromwell is gone for Wales, fall upon the other part of the army, remaining in the country near us,, with all the power of horse and foot they can make, and we will endeavour, ir» the city, to second them to the utmost of our power; now is the time for us to free ourselves from slavery, and put an end unto taxations, we shall never have a settlement else. .

OYes, O yes, if any one can give me notice of four great ships, laden with money, lately at Gravesend, to be passed without search, by ordinance of parliament, and can help to take them, he shall be well paid for his pains, and have many thanks.

O yes, O yes, if there be any more fools or knaves, that will go soul and body to the devil, for an heretical, perfidious piece of a parliament, incendiaries, boutifeu's, Faux's of faction and sedition, with brazen faces, and seared consciences; having nothing but perjury and lyes in their mouths; falshoods, treasons, and mis-religions in their hearts; daily murders, robberies, and oppressions in their actions J let them repair to the red-nosed rebel, thieftenant Oliver, or his black general Tom. .

Who helps to dislhrone the king, to change monarchical government, to subvert the protestant religion, and laws of our land, tacry down presbytery and crown, the kinglings, the buffoons, the mountebanks of Westminster?

Who saves the lordly Lurdanes, after seven years misrule, undoing of the kingdom, imprisoning, and abusing of the King, and suffering Haman to strike him, from taking leave of their allies at Tower-hill and Tyburn?

O yes, who sacrifices the city and country another seven years to their insatiable avarice?

Who helps them to pill and poll them by their ravenous implements, the committees and their substitutes, for more money to send beyond sea?

O yes, who buys bishops, malignants lands? Who buys Paul's steeple? Who buys the King's cast shoes and boots? Who buys his guards coats? Who buys sun and moon?

O yes, Who sends them thanks for their ordinance for forcing taxations for their four last bills and declaration against the King?

Who beats the boys from cats-pellet, and stool-ball? Who fights with Poyer, with the Lord Inchequin, with Colonel Jones of Dublin, and our brethren of Scotland? Who, and they shall have new snapsacks in hand, blue bonnets, and Capon tails,- when the Scotch and Welch be conquered, promises enough for the present, and as much pay at last as those that have been turned off with nothing.

In the beginning of this hell-spewed sessions, we had as large promises of happy accruements to this church and nation as subtle treason could in sly and specious language possibly suggest. We had them ushered in with a protestation in the first place; in which our religion, our laws, our King's honour, his parliaments privileges, our own liberties and properties were the common themes. We had them waited upon with an oath after, and a covenant, which nevertheless were only to be as the passages at which Jephtha's soldiers tried the lisping Ephraimitea

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