Mr. Hopkins, one of the commissioners of the admiralty, five-hundred pounds per annum, lately deceased. Major Beak, of Coventry, as commissioner of the admiralty, five-hundred pounds per annum. Captain Hatsell, as commissioner of the navy at Plymouth, threehundred pounds per annum. Mr. Smith, as commissioner of the navy, the like. Colonel Rouse, vice-admiral of the north and south coasts of Cornwall, a place of good value. Charles George Cock, as one of the judges of the admiralty, fivehundred pounds per annum; and as commissioner of the prerogativecourt, three-hundred pounds; in all, eight-hundred pounds per annum. Major Gudley, as an officer of the ordnance, near three-hundred pounds per annum; as captain of a county-troop, one-hundred pounds per annum; and deputy major-general to Kelsey. The names of such, who have civil employments, who serve for Scotland. LORD BROGHILL, as president of the council there, one-thousand pounds per annum, besides other advantages; as colonel of horse in Ireland, four-hundred seventy-four pounds, ten shillings; in all, onethousand, four hundred, seventy-four pounds, ten shillings; he was formerly not thought meet to be trusted with the government of a town in Ireland, because looked upon as an old protestant, and no thorough friend to the honest interest, yet, through the late defection, is received into this great trust. Colonel Whetham, as one of the council in Scotland, it is supposed five-hundred pounds per annum. Sir William Rhodes, as one of the council, the like. Mr. Desbrow, major-general Desbrow's brother, as one of the council, the same salary. Mr. Smith, a judge in Scotland, six-hundred pounds per annum. Judge Lawrence, the like. Sir James Mackdowell, one of the commissioners at Leeth, about three-hundred pounds per annum. Colonel Henry Markham, one of the commissioners, for letting lands in Ireland, three-hundred pounds per annum. Sir John Weimes, tenant to the state of the salt-pans, near Leeth, and hath a good advantage thereby. Others serving for England, sitting in the house, that have civil employments and salaries from the state. SIR WILLIAM ROBERTS, as one of the committee for preservation of excise and customs, three-hundred pounds per annum; as comptroller of the exchequer, six-hundred pounds; in all, nine-hundred pounds per annum. He is a commissioner at the Wine-office, and one of the committee of the army. Dennis Bond, as comptroller of the receipts of the exchequer, fivehundred pounds per annum. Captain Stone, as teller in the exchequer, five-hundred pounds per annum, and great fees besides; as receiver-general of the taxes, threehundred pounds; as comptroller of the excise and customs, four-hundred pounds; in all, twelve-hundred pounds per annum; he is a commissioner at the wine-office, and one of the committee of the army besides Gervis Bennet, one of the committee for preservation of excise and customs, three-hundred pounds per annum; hath also a great place in the wine-office, and is one of the committee of the army. Mr. Upton, as one of the commissioners of the customs, supposed worth near eight-hundred pounds per annum. Mr. Nowell, scrivener, partner with Thurloe in the post-office, supposed of great advantage, and is deeply engaged with the courtinterest. Colonel Blake, receiver of the revenues, three-hundred pounds per annum. Mr. Bedford, the like place and salary. Mr. Butler, the like.. Mr. Hildslie, commissioner of the prerogative-office, three-hundred pounds per annum, and one of the committee of the army. Mr. Lucy, the like places and salaries. Christopher Lister, one of the tellers of the exchequer, five-hundred pounds per annum. Colonel Thomas Gorges, one of the commissioners for the new building. His advantage thereby cannot yet be known, till he and his brethren have racked the consciences, flayed off the skins, and broken the bones of the poor people, making them swear against themselves. Sir John Thoroughgood, one of the trustees for disposing augmentations towards ministers maintenance. His salary is not well known, Colonel James Chadwicke, one of the judges of the Peverell-court, at Nottingham, an old oppressive office, lately revived. Mr. Cary, of Westminster, commissioner at Haberdasher's-hall, and deputy-steward of Westminster, lately deceased. Anthony Smith, master of an hospital and a register, supposed worth two-hundred pounds per annum Robert (or William) Fenwick, master of an hospital. Mr. Thomas Mackworth, farmer of the excise in Lancashire, by special order. Master Clud, one of the committee of the army. John St. Aubin, a salary-man; but what place he hath I cannot learn. The names of the protector (so called) his sons, kindred, servants, and others, who have received favours from him, and are thereby engaged for his interest. MR. RICHARD CROMWELL, his eldest son, chancellor of Oxford. Mr. Claypole, his son-in-law. He married his daughter, and is master of the horse; a place of great advantage. Colonel John Jones married the protector's sister, and is governor of the isle of Anglesey. Captain Nicholas married the protector's niece, and is governor of his castle at Chepstow; hath one or two companies of foot, besides other advantages; is also captain of a militia-troop, and treasurer-general of all South-Wales. Captain Blake married his niece, and is captain of his life-guard of horse; five hundred and eleven pounds per annum. Sir Francis Russel, whose daughter the protector's second son married, was chamberlain of Chester, formerly by the Earls of Derby; sup-posed to be worth five-hundred pounds per annum. Edmund Giles married his kinswoman, and is one of the masters of the chancery in ordinary; a place of great value. The names of his servants sitting in the house. MR. MAIDSTONE, steward of the house; a place of great advantage. Mr. Waterhouse, steward of his lands; a place of great profit. Sir Edward Herbert, intrusted as an overseer or bailiff of his lands in Wales. The names of the protector (so called) his kinsmen, not known to have any place as yet, that sat in the house. MR. DESBROW, major-general Desbrow's son. Mr. Henry Cromwell. Mr. Gobert Barrington. Mr. Richard Hampden. Sir John Trevor. Mr. Francis Ingoldsby. Mr. Edw. Dunch. Mr. Dunch, who and the protector's eldest son married two sisters. Sir Richard Everard, a good huntsman. Mr. Robert Williams, of Wales. Not one of these such men of principles, as was formerly pretended to be endeavoured after; neither indeed are the greatest part of the whole convention any better. For which carriage of things, I am confidently persuaded, the Lord, by one dispensation or other, will make the man in power, and his counsellors hereunto, ashamed. For, if this practice be good, the former (wherein the Lord set to his seal of approbation, by his eminent and glorious presence with them, which was contrary hereunto) was evil. The names of others, sitting in the house, having engagements from the protector upon them. ALDERMAN PACK, one of the new-made knights, for the good ervice he did the protector and his family, by his presenting the bill for kingship. It is said, he obtained from the protector, by his petition or request, a discharge from an account of sixteen-thousand pounds, which he and the rest of the then commissioners were liable to make good, for so much run out of cash, in the time of their commission for the customs. Alderman Foot, a new-made knight. Alderman Dickinson, of York, one of the new-made knights. Anthony Nichols, one of the eleven members, high-sheriff of Cornwal, and, as is reported, lately received a reward from O. P. Mr. Kiffin, who, having received former courtesies, by means of O. P. and his confederates, as to prohibited goods, and in other respects, is thereby engaged to become his vassal, and to command a company of foot in the new militia, to support his tyranny, whilst the saints and others are imprisoned for opposing it. Mr. Lawrence, the president of the council's son, who must do as his father. Mr. Waller, Sir Hardress Waller's son, and is naturally engaged to support his father's interest. Mr. Keeling, one of the masters of the Trinity-house, and his relations at court. In all, one-hundred eighty-two. If there be any mistakes (as it is very probable there are) in the computation of the forementioned offices, places, or salaries, you may please to understand, there was not in the least a desire, or design, to do any thing untruly thereby, to make the men, or things, appear worse, than in truth they are; there having been all the ways and means, that with honesty, wisdom, and safety might be used, to attain a right understanding, in every particular. But, if, through any failure herein, those, who are most concerned, do find themselves aggrieved, knowing they are not, in every punctilio, dealt right with; the only way, for their own vindication, and satisfaction of others, will be, to give a more perfect and brief account hereof themselves; which with much ease they may do in a little time; these things, thus laid down, being reported of them. Upon the foregoing premisses it is further proposed and queried, 1. Whether the self-denying ordinance, made by the long parliament, were in force, or minded by these gentlemen? A thing some of them so approved of, and were instrumental, in that day, to promote and carry on. May it not be desired they would better consider, and put it in practice, when they meet again, seeing they have revived all acts and ordinances, not contrary to their model of government, aliàs, instrument of bondage to the English nation? 2. Whether men, standing under such mercenary and self-interested obligations and dependencies upon a single person, as these men do, and who, like so many horse-leeches, have sucked and drawn into themselves the expected fruit of all the blood and treasure expended in the late war, against less tyranny and oppression in the King, than they have now settled in their protector, are fit persons to be legislators, lawmakers, framers of governments and oaths, and leviers of money on the people? And whether, in the eye of reason, any other can be expected from them, but that they will endeavour, all they can, to uphold that interest they are hired to serve, and whereby their own incomes and salaries may be continued? For, doth not the scripture say, Deut. xvi. 18. That a gift blinds the eyes of the wise, and perverts the words of the righteous. And Prov. xvii. 8. A gift is a precious stone in the eyes of him that hath it, and whithersoever it turns, it prospers. And Prov. xviii. 16. A man's gift maketh way for him, and brings him before great men. 3. Whether, for more than one-hundred years last past, it hath been heard, or known, that any number of Englishmen sitting in that house, did in any wise consent (especially in a time of peace) as these unworthy persons have lately done, to levy a tax, for three years together, upon the people; and, as if that were not enough, to order a three-months tax to be paid twice over? Together with the excise (a tax so much abhorred, and created only by the necessity of war) which, with the customs, is imposed in perpetuum upon the nation, and made an hereditary and standing revenue to the crown? 4. What equality, or justice, is there in that act of union, whereby the Scots nation comes to be incorporated with this nation, so as to have equal privileges and power, by their interested mercenary men (as their present trustees are) to become lawgivers, framers of governments and oaths, and leviers of taxes of the free people of the English nation, who were lately at so great cost and charges in reducing and bringing them under, that they might not be in a capacity to hurt or damage them? And whether these gentlemen, sent from the aforesaid nation, have not so far over-ruled, as to save themselves, by putting the burthen on the English? Having raised upon the English nation the three-years tax, from thirty thousand pounds per month, to thirty-five thousand; whereby the Scottish nation is reduced, from ten-thousand pounds per month, to six. Is the dividend equal? Is not the Scottish nation undervalued, as of little worth, which formerly bore so high? Do not the English lose and suffer by that nation? And were it not better to be without it? And all such gentlemen in parliament, that have no more sense or resentment, what burthens they lay on this nation, so they may keep their places and salaries? 5. Whether the judges and commissioners of the chancery, together with such who have great places in administering of law to the people, and very great advantages and profits thereby, be not likewise to be excepted against, as to parliamentary trust? It being most sure, that they will hardly be disposed to make such laws and governments, as may diminish the splendor or mercenariness of their profession, seeing they are known to be men who, from time to time, have always advanced their own trade, as their present height doth witness; who, to the great dishonour of the nation, while they profess themselves the ministers of justice and righteousness to the people, do, under that pretence, greaten and inrich themselves in the oppression and miseries of the people. 6. And why is it, that the dispensers of the law as well as the teachers of the gospel, should not be made uncapable to sit and act in parlia • Free preaching the gospel and knowledge of God is become a crime rendering men uncapable to sit in the Parliament. |