It is reported, that several of these persons, because their protector judged it not safe for him, at that time, to accept of their unworthy offer, being either really, or seemingly, dissatisfied, went away, and would not give their vote for this new government, now pretended to be settled, called the 'humble petition and advice.' Which, as is commonly spoken, was carried but by three voices, fifty-three against fifty; and is also against the desire and approbation of the good people of the nation. The names of which fifty-three persons should also have followed in the next place, could a true catalogue thereof have been obtained.

Nor are they hereby excused, who gave not their vote for one or the other, but seem to be dissatisfied with the present proceedings; because, by their sitting in the house, they pretend, as representers of the people (for whom they serve) to preserve their rights and freedom free from the violence, tyranny, and oppression of all arbitrary powers whatsoever. Yet notwithstanding, as by suffering their fellow-members to be kept from them, and judged without doors; sitting and adjourning at the protector's pleasure, as if they were his servants; with many. other unworthy things, which already have been, and further might be mentioned. So when they were endeavoured to be violated by the kinglings; and being now really trampled upon, and given away, by the abovementioned fifty-three persons (who, like so many slaves or vassals, with ropes about their necks, came bowing, and beseeching him to take the sole government of the three nations upon him, and to chuse his successors) they do not cry out, protest, declare against, and withdraw from them, (which either is, or ought to be their liberty) in the doing whereof, these unparalleled wickednesses (the fruit of this late apostasy) must of necessity fall to the ground; but, through love to their self-interest, unbelief, and not trusting the Lord with their outward concernments, in bearing a thorough testimony against them, and in standing for the good of the people, they go on with them, stifling their own consciences, and simply endeavouring to quiet and satisfy their oppressed brethren, by saying, he hath not the title of King; as if all the evil, oppression, and arbitrariness lay in that, when, as he hath the same, and no less power, than if he had the title, and were called King. Yea, a far greater power

(as was said before) than what cost so much blood and treasure to oppose in the late King. Surely these slight pretences will not sufficiently excuse them in the day of their account, for thus doing.

Thus far the description and narrative; a few general queries are further proposed for a close to the whole. And it is humbly offered to the consideration of all ingenious people, and queried, whether the aforementioned persons, who seem to dissent from the present proceedings, and their brethren the kinglings, together with the fifty-three new government-men, who also, in time, may be more publiek, fall not under some of these following characters? Such as know them may judge. First, Whether they are not those who worship the rising sun-? Or, such as have advanced great estates by the publick, and may be in fear of being called to an account- -Or, such as are under hopes and expectations to raise themselves by the present interest--Or, as are lovers of popularity and to be in high places- Or, as are of a low and timerous spirit, not approving their hearts to God, or redeemed from men, and so are fearful to give offence by their dissenting-Ur, such as had some design to drive either for themselves, relations, or the * clergy——Or, at best, were such as thought, by their continuance there, they might so balance proceedings, as to prevent the running of things into that extremity, as otherwise they would? Not considering they did much more hurt in countenancing them with their presence, than they could do good by their opposition, which was but laughed at.

2. How the people of this nation should come to be concluded by, take notice of, or be subject to this new government, framed and made by these men; seeing they never chose them to any such purpose, nor + petitioned them about any such thing? If they could assume a liberty to alter the government from what they found it. Why might it not have become them to have attempted rather the reducing of it to such a form, as might have answered the just ends and expectations of those that sent them, than such a heightening as this of an interest, formerly so much complained of? That an attempt to change the government should be cause sufficient to dissolve his last parliament; and not be an offence in this? Is there not cause to say, that having served the end for which they at first were chosen, viz. the advance of their protector's interest, and his providing for his designs (which neither the old parliament, little parliament, nor his former parliament would do) they are still continued, and kept as a reserve against the next opportunity to bring further slavery and oppression upon the nation.

Whether the government by the keepers of the liberties of England, the people's (who have not forfeited their liberties) representers, and a council of state was not, or may not be more successful for the good of the nation, and a great deal less burthensome and chargeable to the people than the instrument of protectoral government, or the present government, of the humble petition and advice? Though the former of these was so highly boasted of, as if it came from heaven, and as if one

* A gentleman of this juncto swore he would go help to settle the church, that, in matters of reli gion, scarce knows the right hand from the left.

Not one petition from any county or town in England, or dominions thereunto belonging.

iota of it might not be parted with; and that* other foundations could no man lay; yet, in three years time, it is found utterly useless, destroying itself, so as that, by the humble petition and advice, the idea and desire of Mr. Thurloe, and his master, rather than the invention and free proposal of his mercenary juncto, it must, by their pretended authority, be changed for something that is likely to prove as useless as that was, if not more.

4. Whether those gentlemen, sitting in the house, who were chosen by the instrument of protectoral government, which they have now cast out, and introduced their new government of the humble petition and advice, in the room thereof, were not in all reason to have ceased, and gone out, with the government that chose them, rather than, without the good people's consent, and a new choice (by this new device of adjournment) continued themselves as lords over the nation, in this their new erected government?

5. Whether the good old cause, formerly contended and bled for, and which cost so much treasure in the hands of other instruments, in the long and little parliament, be not, in a very great degree and measure (if not altogether) changed, and put into the hands of such, as sometimes were accounted either neuters, or malignants, or not so fit for so great a trust?

6. Whether the lawyers, or gentlemen of the long robe, having gained their protector over to their interest and party (as was learnedly and wittingly intimated by the speaker, at the late inauguration, when he had divested him of his sword, and put on the king's robe, that now he might speak without offence, that his highness was become a gownman) are not in a fairer and more likely way, and capacity, to hang up the soldiers belts and swords in Westminster-hall, by the Scottish colours, than the soldiers are, to hang up the lawyers gowns there? As they have oftentimes threatened they would: Alas! poor England, is not the law, and the administering of it, as corrupt, dilatory, burthensome, and vexatious as ever? Doth the striving of these two great interests produce any good to thee? (Which the soldiers once so highly pretended to) or rather, is there not hereby an increase of thy pressures and burthens ?

7. Whether the proceedings in the late convention particularly the votes for another house, a standing army, a perpetual tax for customs to be let to farm, the hot attempts to build again the cursed ruins of kingship: Also resolutions to bring in publick profession of faith, and tie up the publick maintenance to conformity thereunto, with the endeavours that were used to have imposed a catechism upon us, do not clearly shew what a spirit is raised up again? And whether does not the tendency of these transactions (according to human probability) threaten a rendivation of civil and ecclesiastical tyranny; against which a most solemn and signal testimony hath been borne amongst us

* See the Protector's (so called) speech to his parliament, after the old and little parliament were dissolved.

See

+ See Provision for tender consciences in the Humble petition and advice, article 11. their act for catechising, and that for the Lord's day. See Bacon and Tate's Ordinance against Blasphemy, now seemed to be revived by them,

by the spirit of God in his people, the blood of the saints, and the dreadful effects of Providence?

8. Whether the great and high concernments, formerly the travel, the hopes and aims of many amongst us, were at all upon the hearts of those in power, or their late assembly; to wit, a farther reformation of things, in the regulation of law; the desolation of oppressive courts, and committees; the abrogation of tythes, and supernumerary offices; the removal of all unnecessary burthens and publick grievances, with all such laws, customs, and proceedings, as were calculated for the interest of mere will and power of antichristian and arbitrary greatness? But, on the contrary, hath not the result of late proceedings been such, as hath already, in part, healed the wound that these had received, and holds out a clear intendment to restore them again to their former power, splendor, and exaltation, to the making void, as much as in them lies, the dear effect of all the blood, prayers, appeals, and glorious deliverances, which have been laid out upon that account?

9. Whether the hard proceedings against James Nailer, in his usage and punishment (although his principle be not hereby owned) doth not, in a great measure, very nearly concern many godly, sober, and peaceable people in the three nations ? Have they any good assurance, they may

not hereafter be dealt withal after the like manner? And whether the several professions amongst us, that, by the national faith, shall be concluded unorthodox, may not, from these beginnings, and other foundations already laid, expect to receive the like entertainment at the hands of this generation; as the godly and faithful followers of Christ have at the hand of the worldly powers, and national church, in times past?

10. Whether the oath ex officio, used by the bishops, in their court of high commission, judging the opinions, and racking the consciences of good people formerly, be not like to come in use again; seeing swearing begins to grow so much into request, and to be so common, not only at court amongst great men, but also in their parliaments, appointing commissioners (together with the excise and customs) to let it to farm; for do they not give, power (as appears in their act for new buildings) to cause men to swear, who, sometimes, it is to be feared, forswear themselves? Whether the land hath not formerly mourned, because of oaths? And is it not by this means likely to do so again?

11. Whether the spirit of the star-chamber and council-board did not also rise up, and act vigorously in the house, putting them upon the project of punishing persons for building new houses, for new fainilies, which the Lord hath been pleased to multiply? As if his blessing, of increasing the people in and near London, were a judgment or curse; and the increasing of dwellings for them, a crime to be punished by a mulct or fine; And, if the Lord shall be pleased to with-hold the sword and pestilence, for seven years to come, as he hath done the

All houses without the walls of the City, for ten miles distance round, that, from thirtyseven years past, to the 29th of September, 1657, have been built upon new foundations, are, by the late act, to pay a full year's rent to the Protector, as they may be let at a rack rent; in ex ecution whereof so much oppression hath been exercised already, as would take up too much room to declare it.