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ment, seeing there also is an old musty act to prohibit them so to do? But, it seems, their envy at the free dispensing of the gospel, on the one hand, and their gain by the law, on the other, hinder them, that they cannot see, or take notice of it.
7. The like may be queried concerning the swordsmen's capacity to sit, whilst in pay; especially to decree and vote in levying of money, for three years together, and of other unheard-of oppressive ways, devised and practised for no other use, than to pay themselves their wages and salaries, now they do no work, unless it be to undo what they did before, and to reduce the well-affected people of this nation unto their first condition of slavery, to be ruled by mere will and pleasure.
Here follows a catalogue of the kinglings, or the names of those persons, who voted for* a King; the truest that as yet can be gotten, with the names of the several countiesfor which they serve.
Devonshire, o Dorsetshire. Attor. Gen. Prideaux Dennis Bond
Colonel Bingham Colonel Fitz James
'Or that the crown and title of King should be offered to Oliver Cromwell.
Wiltshire. Mr. Gabriel Martin
Lancashire. Colonel Ireland
Not known to what counties
they belong. Sir Thomas Wrath Colonel Bret Major Beak, life-guard Mr. Lawrence, the president's
Englishmen for Scotland.
In all 120. Whereof, of the council with the secretary 5 Of his kindred 12
Officers belonging to the army and navy in pay 20
Others receiving salaries, and lying under other engagements 33 In all 70
The other fifty are Scots and Englishmen of slight, low, and inconsiderable principles, and will turn any way their master will have them.
It is reported, that several of these persons, because their protector judged it not safe for him, at that time, to accept of their unworthy offer, being either really, or seemingly, dissatisfied, went away, and would not give their vote for this new government, now pretended to be settled, called the'humble petition and advice.' Which, as is commonly spoken, was carried but by three voices, fifty-three against fifty; and is also against the desire and approbation of the good people of the nation. The names of which fifty-three persons should also have followed in the next place, could a true catalogue thereof have been obtained.
Nor are they hereby excused, who gave not their vote for one or the other, but seem lobe dissatisfied with the present proceedings; because, by their sitting in the house, they pretend, as representers of the people (for whom they serve) to preserve their rights and freedom free from the violence, tyranny, and oppression of all arbitrary powers whatsoever. Yet notwithstanding, as by suffering their fellow-members to be kept from them, and judged without doors; sitting and adjourning at the protector's pleasure, as if they were his servants; with many other unworthy things, which already have been, and further might be mentioned. So when they were endeavoured to be violated by the kinglings; and being now really trampled upon, and given away, by the abovementioned fifty-three persons (who, like so many slaves or vassals, with ropes about their necks, came bowing, and beseeching him to take the sole governmentof the three nations upon him, and to chuse his successors) they do not cry out, protest, declare against, and withdraw from them, (which either is, or ought to be their liberty) in the doing whereof, these unparalleled wickednesses (the fruit of this late apostasy) must of necessity fall to the ground; but, through love to their self-interest, unbelief, and not trusting the Lord with their outward concernments, in bearing a thorough testimony against them, and in standing for the good of the people, they go on with them, stifling their own consciences, and simply endeavouring to quiet and satisfy their oppressed brethren, by saying, he hath not the title of King; as if all the evil, oppression, and arbitrariness lay in that, when, as he hath the same, and no less power, than if he had the title, and were called King. Yea, a far greater power (as was said before) than what cost so much blood and treasure to oppose in the late King. Surely these slight pretences will not sufficiently excuse them in the day of their account, f>ir tliu-> doing.'
Thus far the description and narrative; a few general queries are further proposed for a close to the whole. And it is humbly offered to ihe consideration of all ingenious people, and queried, whether the aforementioned persons, who seem to dissent from the present proceedings, and their brethren the kinglings, together with the filty-three new «overnment-men, who also, in time, may be more publ>ck, tall not under some of these following characters? Such as know thi m may jud^e.
First, Whether they are not those who worship the rising sun—? Or, such as have advanced great estates by the publick, and may be in fear of being called to an account Or, such asare undei hopes and expectations to raise themselves by the present interest Or, as are lovers of
popularity and tobein high places——Or. as areola low and tiincrous spirit, not approving their hearts to God, or redeemed from men, and so arefeariul to give offence by their dissenting Or, such as had some
design to drive either for themselves, relations, or the • clergy Or,
at best, were such as thought, by their continuance there, they might so balance proceedings, as to prevent the runnmg ot thmgs into that extremity, as otherwise they would? Not considering they did much more hurt in countenancing them with their presence, than they could do good by their opposition, which was but laughed at.
2. How the people of this nation should come to be concluded by, take notice of, or be subject to this new government, framed and made by these men; seeing they never chose them to any such purpose, nor t petitioned them about any such thing? If they could assume a liberty to alter the government from what they found it. Why might it not have become them to have attempted rather the reducing of it to such a form, as might have answered the just ends and expectations ot those that sent them, than such a heightening as this of an interest, formerly so much complained of? That an attempt to change the government should be cause sufficient to dissolve his last parliament; and not bean offence in this? Is there not cause to say, that having served the end for which they at first were chosen, viz. the advance of their protector's interest, and his providing for his designs (which neither the old parliament, little parliament, nor his former parliament would do) they are still continued, and kept as a reserve against lhe nextopportunity to bring further slavery and oppression upon the nation.
Whether the government by the keepers of the liberties of England, the people's (who have not forfeited their liberties) representors, and a council of state was not, or may not be more successful for the good of the nation, and a great deal less burthensome and chargeable to the people than the instrument of protectoral government, or the present government, of the humble petition and advice? Though the former of these was so highly boasted of, as if it came from heaven, and as if one iota of it might not be parted with; and that * other foundations could no man lay; yet, in three years time, it is found utterly useless, destroying itself, so as that, by the humble petition and advice, the idea and desire of Mr. Thurloe, and his master, rather than the invention and free proposal of his mercenary juncto, it must, by their pretended authority, be changed for something that is likely to prove as useless as that was, if not more.
• A gentleman of this jmicto swore he would gohelpto settle the church, that, in matters ofreli*gion, scarce knows the right haud from the left.
if ot one petition from any county or town in England, or dominions tbereumo belonging.
4. Whether those gentlemen, sitting in the house, who were chosen by the instrument of protectoral government, which they have now cast out, and introduced their new government of the humble petition and advice, in the room thereof, were not in all reason to have ceased, and gone out, with the government that chose them, rather than, without the good people's consent, and a new choice (by this new device of adjournment) continued themselves as lords over the nation, in this their new erected government?
5. Whether the good old cause, formerly contended and bled for, and which cost so much treasure in the hands of other instruments, in the long and little parliament, be not, in a very great degree and measure (if not altogether) changed, and put into the hands of such, as sometimes were accounted either neuters, or nialignants, or not so fit for so great a trust?
6. Whether the lawyers, or gentlemen of the long robe, having gained their protector over to their interest and party (as was learnedly and wittingly intimated by the speaker, at the late inauguration, when he had divested him of his sword, and put on the king's rob-, that now he might'speak without offence, that his highness was become a gownman) are not in a fairer and more likely way, and capacity, to hang up the soldiers belts and swords in Westminster-hall, by the Scottish colours, than the soldiers are, to hang up the lawyers gowns there? As they have oftentimes threatened they would: Alas! poor England, is not the law, and the administering of it, as corrupt, dilatory, burthensome, and vexatious as ever? Doth the striving of these two great interests produce any good to thee? (Which the soldiers once so highly pretended to) or rather, is there not hereby an increase of thy pressures and burthens?
7. Whether the proceedings in the late convention particularly the votes for another house, a standing army, a perpetual tax for customs to be let to farm, the hot attempts to build again the cursed ruins of kingship: Also resolutions to bring in publick profession of faith, and tie up the publick maintenance to conformity thereunto, with the endeavours that were used to have imposed a catechism upon us, do not clearly shew what a spirit is raised up again? And whether does not the tendency of these transactions (according to human probability) threaten af rendivation of civil and ecclesiastical tyranny; against which a most solemn and signal testimony hath been borne amongst us
• See the Protector's (so called) speech to his parliament, after the old and little parliament were dissolved.
+ See Provision for tender consciences in the Humble petition and advice, article II. See their act for catechising, and that for the Lord's day. tfee Bacon and Tate's Ordinance against Blasphemy, now seemed to be revived by them.