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the insolencies those especially of the soldiers, but never once called to mind those very things which I should most of all have printed on my thoughts. Oh Juxonius (so I called the bishop of London) or else Laud my faithful counseller and friend, why have neither of you admonished me of these things, either by letters, or friends that did commune with me? For, being three years a prisoner before my death, I had time enough to think of all these things. 'But they had eyes, and they could not see.' Oh, how blind were all these that saw me! and well may what follows be applied to us:

'At length we Phrygians (but too late) grew wise.'

Hen. This also I would have men dnly ponder, how the parliament, the very name whereof is so idolised, especially by the fascinated English, is devolved now into a lower house, both the bishops and the lords ejected, in whose votes was once the total authority, the House of Commons being not any thing regarded. A just punishment indeed for their flattering me into a presumption of being head of the church, who themselves are now all trodden underfoot (sometimes sitting as the heads of parliament) and this by that third order, without order, unto which they are so shamefully subjected. For England, as now plainly it appcareth,from a paradise is translated into a hell,in which no order but perpetual horror inhabiteth, where ' a man strong in arms keeps our court, and holds peaceably his usurped possessions.' This third order being grown to that height, that kingly government which had its period in thy fate, unless by miracle, can never hold up its head.

', Hence learn, O ye Kings, to be wise, and take instructions, you that judge the earth.'

The soldiers, then at hand, of Cromwell, understanding this hard fate of monarchy, which should hardly ever rise from out of its ruins, took good heart, and, with great noise and laughter, ran in crouds from out the church of Windsor, each one glad that he had lent a hand, by cutting off this head of the church, to the execution of the heavenly justice. But not knowing or less, happily, ruminating, that the father, oftentimes, bums the rod with which he doth chastise his child.

In malevolos hi/jus narratiunculce obtrectatores,

ZOILE, ne laceres morsu moa scripta canino,

Neve meris dicis omnia sutadolis:
Extimus historian cortex, volo, fictus habetor;

Vera sed huic intus ligna subisse scies.
Istaquc corporeis licet auribus invia nostris,
'Mentis at internis sensibus hausta putes.
Eia, age, mendacem me, carptor inepte, poetam

Occine: narranti res dabit ipsa fidem.

R. P.

Zoilus, desist (with currish teeth) to tear,
This work of mine, nor it as (merely) jear,
Made up of frauds. The utmost bark, indeed,
Is fiction, but truth dwells in the inside.
And what th'earstruck not outwardly, that (know)
Our minds most inward sense both heard and saw,
Cease critic then, nor sing my book hath ly'd,
That story will find faith, which truth doth write.

G. T.

An extract out of the eighth century of Michael Nostradamus's prophecies, Stroph. 71- printed in the year 1603, in the beginning of King James's reign, father of King Charles late deceased, touching the government now at present in England:

A warrior, not a King, shall England awe,
One low born shall by force thy empire sway.
Loose, faithless,lawless, shall the earth begore,
Whose time's so near at hand; 1 sigh therefore.

Glory be to God.
For Speech of Richard Cromwell, see Vol. 1. Page 25.

THE

COAT OF ARMS
. or
SIR JOHN PRESBYTER,

Printed in the year 1658. Folio, containing one page.

HE bears party per pale indented, God's glory,and his own interest; over all honour, profit, pleasure counterchanged; ensigned with a helmet of ignorance, opened with confidence befitting his degree, mantled with gules and tyranny, doubled with hypocrisy over a wreath of pride and covetousness; for his crest a sinister hand, holding upa solemn league and covenant, reversed and torn; in a scroll, underneath the shield, these words for his motto, Aut hoc aut nihil.

This coat armour is dupalled with another of four pieces, signifying thereby his four matches.

The first is of the family of Amsterdam; she bears for her arms, in a field of toleration, three Jews heads proper, with as many blue caps on them.

The second is of the house of Geneva; she bears for her arms, in a field of separation, marginal notes on the bible false quoted.

The third is of the country of New England; she bears, for her arms, a prick-eared preachman, pearched upon a pulpit proper, holding forth to the people a schismatical directory.

The fourth and last is Scotland; she bears in escutcheon the field of rebellion, charged with a stool of repentance.

A BRIEF RELATION

CONTAINING AN ABBREVIATION OF

THE ARGUMENTS URGED BY THE LATE PROTECTOR,

Against the government of this nation, by a King or a single person; to convince men of the danger and inconveniency thereof. Urged by him to many of the army, at St. Albans, Windsor, and White-hall, a little before the King was beheaded, and at several other places. Published for the good and information of parliament, army, and people.

Printed, January, 16SS. Quarto, containing eight pages.

To the Reader.

Reader, OF what opinion or judgment soever you are, let not your headiness, or prejudicate opinion, hinder you from considering what is here declared, the substance and truth whereof is well known to some, in city, army, and country, for thine and thy posterity's good, welfare, and preservation. But beg of God wisdom, and he will shew thee the mystery of iniquity, when it is going to be settled by a law, and will cost thee hot service, and sorrow of heart, to redeem thyself and country, and it may be, when thou wouldst redeem it, it will be too hard for thee.

The consideration of the obstruction that probably this true relation will meet with from all fawning courtiers and deceived Englishmen, had almost prevented its prosecution. But, remembering that nought but the awaking of my dear slumbering countrymen from that drowsy state, that, for some days, they have seemed to lie in, which, if persisted in, will give too great an opportunity to the common enemy to effect his will on us all; I was encouraged to proceed, trusting in the Lord, who has, and will deliver the innocent from all the calumnious aspersions of court parasites. And, therefore, without any other apology, I shall proceed to the arguments themselves, which I shall deliver, if knot in the absolute terms, yet in the genuine sense.

I.

IMPRIMIS, because it is possible, yea, and more than ordinarily probable, that a single person, in a short time, will work over his council to his own will, though illegal; either in conferring places of honour and profit on them and their friends, or else in terrifying them by threats.

2. Because that a single person, being raised to such a state, is subject to wax wanton and so forget; or, rather, neglect the commonalty, in providing for a few that will be at his beck, ready to fulfil his pleasure. ..

3. Because that, notwithstanding for a time he may carry matters fair, and do some good things, Jehu like, until he has gotten an interest in the affections of the people; but then, forgetting, or, rather, slighting what he formerly pretended to, instead of countenancing of justice, and endeavouring reformation, it is possible he may become a favourer of iniquity; nay, said he, a settler of a court, or nursery of whores, rogues, bawds, and such like persons, as was evidently seen in former days at White-hall.

4. Because, if he cannot accomplish his design on his council, but they discover his wickednesses and abominations, and oppose him, on the behalf of their country, he will be ready and apt secretly to confederate, and make leagues with other princes, and so let in a foreign enemy, rather than be kept within the bounds of law and justice, as wc have seen in the (late) King, who has brought in Irish and Scots, and also sent letters patents, with letters of credence to three foreign princes, inviting them to come into England.

5. Because, if the chief governor, King, or single person, should become an ideot, then nought but a continual charge, upon the good people, could be expected, even robbing them of their substance, until they are made so poor, as not to be able to oppose an enemy; which, so soon as understood, will sufficiently encourage a foreign enemy, to make an invasion upon us.

6. Because the government, by one single person, is far more chargeable to the people, which, in the laying aside of, the people will soon become sensible by the lessening of their charge. For that revenue (which was to uphold one man, and spent in voluptuousness by him) being brought into the publick treasury, will help to defray much of the charge that otherwise must fall on the people. Nay, said he, whosoever shall go about to settle the government in one person, will make themselves so odious, that the people will be ready to knock them on the head; for, when once the family of the Stuarts is gone, if you establish one man in the government, in a little time he will become master ef the nation's treasure, and, at his first coming to the place, will most eagerly desire monies, to buy this bauble for one, and that toy for another; and, after a little while, when he hath tasted the sweetness and deliciousness thereof, will, to maintain the same, become a purchaser of lands with the people's monies, until they are become so poor, that they shall be necessitated to be his vassals, and, consequently, slaves for ever; for, as the first doth, so a second, and a third, will do after him, until the good people be utterly undone.

7. Because, the government being placed in one person, he will be subject to judge of himself as above law, and without the reach of any law; and, by violence, tyrannise over whom he pleases, commanding one man to prison, and monies from another, and, possibly, both money and liberty from a third, &c. the refusing of which arbitrary commands or actions will expose men to his mercy, which will be no lest than cruelty.

8. Because that the abominations and wickedness of a court have been, and, is justly feared, will be so great, that both the person himself, and his council about him, will always, for to uphold his voluptuousness, be ready to erect new monopolies, granting patents to his lords, &c. to get money from the people, for to maintain their pomp and pride, and thereby keep the people in such servitude, that, in a little time, they will be out of a capacity to gain justice on any of the courtiers. And then the citizen must wait for his money, when his commodity is sold, and scarce dare ask, and not dare arrest a courtier for what he oweth, for fear of his master. And the countryman's hedges will be broken down, his corn trampled on, and spoiled, or eaten by the game, and, to complain of which, will be accounted & crime little less than treason.

These and such are the things you must expect, said he, if you set up one single person, and who would be so mad, God having so signally witnessed against the King and house of lords? The much blood that hath been shed, and the vast treasure expended, and the contra* versy decided on our parts, witnesseth aloud against it. Further, said he, I am confident, that, whoever they be, that shall go about to settle a court in this nation, God will destroy and bring to nought, and confusion will be to them and their posterity; and, said he, if ever I should go about any such thing, I desire God would never bless me, nor mine.

He farther declared, That God had borne witness against the parliament, for that they were intending to make peace with the late King, and to settle him; telling some members of the then parliament and army, when they spoke of settling the government in one single person, That God would destroy them; some forgoing about to settle iniquity by a law, and others for not protesting against them, and for not declaring their protest to the good people of England. And thus now, gentle reader, thou hast the substance of some of the reasons urged by the late lord protector against monarchy, though suddenly he leaped into the same himself. But now it may be said, these reasons are not sufficient to prove the same. Whether they are, or not, I shall not now dispute; but, that it may appear to be probable, I present these ensuing queries.

Upon the whole, I query, Whether any mau upon rational grounds

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