authority of this kingdom to be sovereign and supreme in every circumstance of government and legislation whatsoever. Taxation is no part of the governing or legislative power: the taxes are a voluntary gift and grant of the commons alone. The concurrence of the Peers and of the Crown is necessary only as a form of law. This House represents the Commons of Great Britain. When in this House we give and grant; therefore we give and grant what is our own; but can we give and grant the property of the commons of America? It is an absurdity in terms. There is an idea in some, that the colonies are virtually represented in this house? would fain know by whom? The idea of virtual representation is the most contemptible that ever entered into the head of man: it does not deserve a serious refutation. The commons in America, represented in. their several assemblies, have invariably exercised this constitutional right of giving and granting their own money they would have been slaves, if they had not enjoyed it. At the same time this kingdom has ever possessed the power of legislative and commercial control. The colonies acknowledge your authorities in all things, with the sole exception that you shall not take their money out of their pockets without their consent. Here would I draw the line, quam ultra citraque nequit confiflere rectum."

:

Mr. GEORGE GRENVILLE, the author of the obnoxious tax, entered into a vindication of the justice and policy of the measure. He asserted, that the tumults in America bordered upon open rebellion; and if the doctrine promulgated that day were confirmed, he feared they would lose this name to take that of revolution. He affirmed taxation to be a branch of the sovereign power, and that it had been frequently exercised over those who

were never represented it was exercised over the East India and other chartered companies; over the proprietors of stock; and over many great manufacturing towns. It was exercised over the Palatinate of Chester and the Bishopric of Durham, before they sent representatives to parliament. He appealed for proofs to the preambles of the act, which gave them representatives, and which, by his desire, were read to the House. He said that when he proposed to tax America, the right was by no one called in question. Protection and obedience were reciprocal: Great Britain protects America; America is therefore bound to yield obedience. “If not, tell me," said he, "when were the Americans emancipated? The seditious spirit of the colonies owes its birth to the factions in this house. We were told we trod on tender ground; we were bid to expect disobedience; what was this but telling America to stand out against the law ?-to encourage their obstinacy with the expectation of support from hence? Ungrateful people of America! The nation has run itself into an immense debt to give them protection: bounties have been extended to them in their favor the act of navigation, that palladium of the British commerce, has been relaxed; and now they are called upon to contribute a small share towards the public expence, they renounce your authority, insult your officers, and break out, I might almost say into open rebellion."

Mr. PITT, fired with disdain and resentment, immediately rose to reply, but was called to order by lord STRANGE, as having already spoken, the privilege of speaking a second time being allowed only in a committee. But the House resounding with the cry of "Go on," he proceeded with an animation and enthusiasm, which no art or study can imitate, spontaneously

flowing from the consciousness of great talents, engaged in a just and noble cause. "Sir," said he, addressing the Speaker, "a charge is brought against gentlemen sitting in this House, for giving birth to sedition in America. The freedom, with which they have spoken their sentiments against this unhappy act, is imputed to them as a crime; but the imputation shall not discourage me. It is a liberty which I hope no gentleman will be afraid to exercise: it is a liberty by which the gentleman who calumniates it might have profited. He ought to have desisted from his project. We are told America is obstinate-America is almost in open rebellion. Sir, I REJOICE that America has resisted-three millions of people so dead to all the feelings of liberty as voluntarily to submit to be slaves, would have been fit instruments to make slaves of all the rest. I came not here armed at all points with law cases and acts of parliament; with the statute book doubled down in dogs' ears to defend the cause of liberty; but for the defence of liberty upon a general constitutional principle; it is a ground on which I dare meet any man: I will not debate points of law; but what, after all, do the cases of Chester and Durham prove, but that, under the most arbitrary reigns parliament were ashamed of taxing a people without their consent, and allowed them representatives? A higher and better example might have been taken from Wales; that principality was never taxed by parliament till it was incorporated with England. We are told of many classes of persons in this kingdom not represented in parliament; but are they not all virtually represented as Englishmen resident within the realm? Have they not the option, many of them at least, of becoming themselves electors? Every inhabitant of this kingdom is necessarily included in the general system of representation. It is a misfor

tune, that more are not actually represented. The honor. able gentleman boasts of his bounties to America. Are not these bounties intended finally for the benefit of this kingdom? If they are not, he has misapplied the national treasures. I am no courtier of America. I maintain that parliament has a right to bind, to restrain America. Our legislative power over the colonies is sovereign and supreme. The honorable gentleman tells us, he understands not the difference between internal and external taxation; but surely there is a plain difference between taxes levied for the purpose of raising a revenue, and duties imposed for the regulation of commerce. When, said the honourable gentleman, were the colonies emancipated? At what time, say I in answer, were they made slaves? I speak from accurate knowledge, when I say, that the profits to Great Britain from the trade of the Colonies, through all its branches, is two millions per annum. This is the fund which carried you triumphantly through the last war; this is the price America pays you for her protection; and shall a miserable financier come with a boast that he can fetch a pepper-corn into the exchequer, at the loss of millions to the nation? I know the valour of your troops; I know the fkill of your officers; I know the force of this country; but in such a cause, your success would be hazardous. America, if she fell, would fall like the strong man: she would embrace the pillars of the state, and pull down the constitution with her. Is this your boasted peace? Not to sheathe the sword in the scabbard, but to sheathe it in the bowels of your countrymen? The Americans have been wronged; they have been driven to madness by injustice. Will you punish them for the madness you have occasioned? No; let this country be the first to resume its prudence and temper.

temper. I will pledge myself for the colonies, that, on their part, animosity and resentment will cease. Let affection be the only bond of coercion. The system of policy I would earnestly recommend Great Britain to adopt, in relation to America, is happily expressed in the words of a favorite poet :

"Upon the whole I will beg leave to tell the House in a few words, what is really my opinion. It is that the Stamp Act be repealed IMMEDIATELY."

ABSOLUTELY

TOTALLY and

In the early part of the session of 1770 lord North as one of the first acts of his Administration moved the repeal of the port duties of 1767, excepting the duty on tea, which was continued on the avowed principle of asserting the supremacy of Great Britain-When urged to repeal this also. "Has the repeal of the stamp act," said he, "taught the Americans obedience? Has our lenity inspired them with moderation? Can it be proper, while they deny our legal power to tax them, to acquiesce in the argument of illegality? and by the repeal of the whole law to give up that power? No, the properest time to exert our right of taxation is when the right it refused-To temporize is to yield. And the authority of the mother country, if it is now unsupported, will in reality be relinquished for ever. A total repeal cannot be thought of, till America is prostrate at our feet.”