principled, in a remorseless war upon all the guards and defences of society." [H. OF R. | ical, for military life. The system disregards one of those great principles which, carried inI introduce it here merely to show what are, to practice, contributed, perhaps, more than in certain quarters, considered the guards and any other, to render the arms of Napoleon invindefences of society. After various compliments, cible for so many years. Who does not persimilar to that just cited, the article proceeds: ceive that it destroys the very life and spring "All this is dangerous as novel, and the ulti- of military ardor and enthusiasm, by utterly mate results cannot be contemplated without foreclosing all hope of promotion to the soldier anxiety. If this spirit extends, who can check and non-commissioned officer? However merit? 'Down with the Bank;' down with the itorious may be his services, however pre-emiMilitary Academy; down with the Judici- nent may become his qualifications for comary; down with the Senate;' will be follow-mand, all is unavailing. The portcullis is droped by watchwords of a worse character." ped between him and preferment; the wisdom Here, Mr. Chairman, you have the United of your laws having provided another criterion States Bank first, and then the Military Academy, as the guards and defences of your country. If it be so, you are indeed feebly protected. One of these guards and defences is already tottering. And who are the architects of ruin" that have resolved its downfall? Are they the base, the ignorant, and the unprincipled? No, sir. The most pure and patriotic portion of your community; the staid, industrious, intelligent farmers and mechanics, through a public servant, who has met responsibilities, and seconded their wishes, with equal intrepidity and success, in the camp and in the cabinet, have accomplished this great work. Mr. Chairman, there is no real danger to be apprehended from this much-dreaded levelling principle. 66 From the middling interest you have derived your most able and efficient support in the most gloomy and trying periods of your history. And what have they asked in return? Nothing but the common advantages and blessings of a free Government, administered under equal and impartial laws. They are responsible for no portion of your legislation, which, through its partial and unjust operation, has shaken this Union to its centre. That has had its origin in a different quarter, sustained by wealth, the wealth of monopolies, and the power and influence which wealth, thus accumulated and disposed, never fails to control. Indeed, sir, while far from demanding at your hands special favors for themselves, they have not, in my judgment, been sufficiently jealous of all legislation conferring exclusive and gratuitous privileges. That the law creating the institution of which I am now speaking, and the practice under it, is strongly marked by both these characteristics, is apparent at a single glance. It is gratuitous, because those who are so fortunate as to obtain admission there receive their education without any obligation, except such as a sense of honor may impose, to return, either by service or otherwise, the slightest equivalent. It is exclusive, inasmuch as only one youth out of a population of more than 47,000 can participate in its advantages at the same time; and those who are successful are admitted at an age, when their characters cannot have become developed, and with very little knowledge of their adaptation, mental or phys than that of admitted courage and conduct, by which to determine who are worthy of command. They have made an Academy, where a certain number of young gentlemen are educated annually at the public expense, and to which there is, of consequence, a general rush, not so much from sentiments of patriotism and a taste for military life, as from motives less worthy-the avenue, and the only avenue, to rank in your army. These are truths, Mr. Chairman, which no man will pretend to deny ; and I leave it for this House and the nation to determine whether they do not exhibit a spirit of exclusiveness, alike at variance with the genius of your Government and the efficiency and chivalrous character of your military force. Sir, no man can feel more deeply interested in the army, or entertain a higher regard for it, than myself. My earliest recollections connect themselves fondly and gratefully with the names of the brave men who, relinquishing the quiet and security of civil life, were staking their all upon the defence of their country's rights and honor. One of the most distinguished among that noble band now occupies and honors a seat upon this floor. It is not fit that I should indulge in expressions of personal respect and admiration, which I am sure would find a hearty response in the bosom of every member of this committee. I allude to him merely to express the hope that, on some occasion, we may have, upon this subject, the benefit of his experience and observation. And if his opinions shall differ from my own, I promise carefully to review every step by which I have been led to my present conclusions. You cannot mistake me, sir; I refer to the hero of Erie. I have declared myself the friend of the army. Satisfy me, then, what measures are best calculated to render it effective, and what all desire it to be, and I go for the proposition with my whole heart. But I cannot believe that the Military Academy, as at present organized, is calculated to accomplish this desirable end. It may, and undoubtedly does, send forth into the country much military knowledge; but the advantage which your army, or that which will constitute your army in time of need, derives from it, is by no means commensurate with the expense you incur. Here, Mr. Chairman, permit me to say that I deny, utterly, the expediency, and H. OF R.] West Point Academy. the right to educate, at the public expense, any number of young men who, on the completion of their education, are not to form a portion of your military force, but to return to the walks of private life. Such was never the operation of the Military Academy until after the law of 1812; and the doctrine, so far as I have been able to ascertain, was first formally announced by a distinguished individual, at this time sufficiently jealous of the exercise of executive patronage, and greatly alarmed by what he conceives to be the tendencies of this Government to centralism and consolidation. It may be found in the report of the Secretary of War, communicated to Congress in 1819. [JUNE, 1836lished to the world with the approbation of a committee of a former Congress. It is this: that the institution has received at different times the sanction of such names as Washington, Adams, and Jefferson; and this has been claimed with such boldness, and in a form so imposing, as almost to forbid any question of its accuracy. If this were correct, in point of fact, it would be entitled to the most profound respect and consideration, and no change should be urged against the weight of such authority, without mature deliberation, and thorough conviction of expediency. Unfortunately for the advocates of the institution, and fortunately for the interests of the country, this claim cannot be sustained by reference to executive documents, from the first report of General Knox, in 1790, to the close of Mr. Jefferson's admin The error has undoubtedly innocently occurred, by confounding the Military Academy at West Point as it was, with the Military Academy at West Point as it is. The report of Secretary Knox, just referred to, is characterized by this distinctive feature-that the corps proposed to be organized were "to serve as an actual defence to the community," and to constitute a part of the active military force of the country," to serve in the field, or on the frontier, or in the fortifications of the sea-coast, as the commander-in-chief may direct." At a later period, the report of the Secretary of War, (Mr. McHenry,) communicated to Congress in 1800, although it proposed a plan for military schools, differing in many essential particulars from those which had preceded it, still retained the distinctive feature just named as characterizing the report of General Knox. If it shall, upon due consideration, receive the sanction of Congress and the country, I can see no limit to the exercise of power and Government patronage. Follow out the prin-istration. ciple, and where will it lead you? You confer upon the National Government the absolute guardianship of literature and science, military and civil; you need not stop at military science; any one, in the wide range of sciences, becomes at once a legitimate and constitutional object of your patronage; you are confined by no limit but your discretion; you have no check but your own good pleasure. If you may afford instruction, at the public expense, in the languages, in philosophy, in chemistry, and in the exact sciences, to young gentlemen who are under no obligation to enter the service of their country, but are, in fact, destined for civil life, why may you not, by parity of reasoning, provide the means of a legal, or theological, or medical education, on the ground that the recipients of your bounty will carry forth a fund of useful knowledge, that may, at some time, under some circumstances, produce a beneficial influence, and promote "the general welfare?" Sir, I fear that even some of us may live to see the day when this "general welfare" of your constitution will leave us little ground to boast of a Government of limited powers. But I did not propose at this time to discuss the abstract question of constitutional right. I will regard the expediency alone; and whether the power exist or not, its exercise, in an institution like this, is subversive of the only principle upon which a school, conducted at the public expense, can be made profitable to the public service-that of making an admission into your school, and an education there, secondary to an appointment in the army. Sir, this distinctive feature characterized all your legislation, and all executive recommendations, down to 1810. I may as well notice here, as at any time, an answer which has always been ready when objections have been raised to this institutionan answer which, if it has not proved quite satisfactory to minds that yield their assent more readily to strong reasons than to the authority of great names, has yet, unquestionably, exer"The expenses of servants and certain incidental cised a powerful influence upon the public expenses relative to the police and administration, mind. It has not gone forth upon the author- may be defrayed by those who shall be admitted, ity of an individual merely, but has been pub-out of their pay and emoluments." With regard to educating young men gratuitously, which, whatever may have been the design, I am prepared to show is the practical operation of the Academy, as at present organized, I cannot, perhaps, exhibit more clearly the sentiments of the Executive at that early day, urgent as was the occasion, and strong as must have been the desire, to give strength and efficiency to the military force, than by reading one or two paragraphs from a supplementary report of Secretary McHenry, addressed to the chairman of the Committee of Defence, on the 31st January, 1800. The Secretary says: "Agreeably to the plan of the Military Academy, the directors thereof are to be officers taken from the army; consequently, no expense will be incurred by such appointments. The plan also contemplates that officers of the army, cadets, and non-commissioned officers, shall receive instruction in the Academy. As the rations and fuel which they are Academy, no additional expense will be required entitled to in the army will suffice for them in the for objects of maintenance while there. You will observe, Mr. Chairman, from the phraseology of the report, that all were to constitute a part of your actual military force; and that whatever additional charges should be incurred, were to be defrayed by those who might receive the advantages of instruction. These were provisions, just as they are important. Let me call your attention for a moment to a report of Colonel Williams, which was made the subject of a special message, communicated to Congress by Mr. Jefferson, on the 18th of March, 1808. The extract I propose to read, as sustaining fully the views of Mr. McHenry upon this point, is in the following words: "It might be well to make the plan upon such a scale as not only to take in the minor officers of the navy, but also any youths from any of the States who might wish for such an education, whether designed for the army or navy, or neither, and let them be assessed to the value of their education, which might form a fund for extra or contingent expenses." Sir, these are the true doctrines upon this subject: doctrines worthy of the administration under which they were promulgated, and in accordance with the views of statesmen in the earlier and purer days of the republic. Give to the officers of your army the highest advantages for perfection in all the branches of military science, and let those advantages be open to all, in rotation, and under such terms and regulations as shall be at once impartial toward the officers, and advantageous to the service; but let all young gentlemen who have a taste for military life, and desire to adopt arms as a profession, prepare themselves for subordinate situations at their own expense, or at the expense of their parents or guardians, in the same manner that the youth of the country are qualified for the professions of civil life. Sir, while upon this subject of gratuitous education, I will read an extract from "Dupin's Military Force of Great Britain," to show what favor it finds in another country, from the practice and experience of which we may derive some advantages, however far from approving of its institutions generally. The extract is from the 2d vol., 71st page, and relates to the terms on which young gentlemen are admitted to the junior departments of the Royal Military College at Sandhurst. "First. The sons of officers of all ranks, whether of the land or sea forces, who have died in the service, leaving their families in pecuniary distress; this class are instructed, boarded, and habited, gratuitously by the State; being required only to provide their equipments on admission, and to maintain themselves in linen. "Secondly. The sons of all officers of the army above the rank of subalterns actually in the service, and who pay a sum proportioned to their ranks, according to a scale per annum regulated by the supreme board. The sons of living naval officers of rank not below that of master and commander, are also admitted on payment of annual stipends, similar to those of corresponding ranks in the army. The orphan sons [H. OF R. Sir, let it be remembered that these are the regulations of a Government which, with all its wealth and power, is, from its structure and practice, groaning under the accumulated weight of pensions, sinecures, and gratuities, and yet you observe that only one class, "the sons of officers of all ranks, whether of the land or sea forces, who have died in the service, leaving their families in pecuniary distress," are educated gratuitously. I do not approve even of this, but I hold it up in contrast with your own principles and prac tice. If the patience of the committee would warrant me, Mr. Chairman, I could show, by reference to executive communications, and the concurrent legislation of Congress in 1794, 1796, 1802, and 1808, that, prior to the last-mentioned date, such an institution as we now have was neither recommended nor contemplated. Upon this point I will not detain you longer; but when hereafter confronted by the authority of great names, I trust we shall be told where the expressions of approbation are to be found. We may then judge of their applicability to the Military Academy as at present organized. I am far from desiring to see this country destitute of a Military Academy; but I would have it a school of practice, and instruction, for officers actually in the service of the United States: not an institution for educating, gratuitously, young gentlemen, who, on the completion of their term, or after a few months' leave of absence, resign their commissions and return to the pursuits of civil life. operation of your present system, I refer him If any one doubts that this is the practical to the annual list of resignations, to be found in the adjutant general's office. of a reorganization, I would take no step to Firmly as I am convinced of the necessity create an unjust prejudice against the institution. All that I ask, and, so far as I know, all that any of the opponents of the institution ask, is, that after a full and impartial investigation, it shall stand or fall upon its merits. I know there are graduates of the institution who are ornaments to the army, and an honor to their country; but they, and not the seminary, are entitled to the credit. Here I would remark, once for all, that I do not reflect upon the officers or pupils of the Academy; it is to the principles of the institution itself, as at present organized, that I object. It is often said that the graduates leave the institution with sentiments that but ill accord with the feelings and opinions of the great mass of the people of that West Point Academy. [JUNE, 1836. of persons instructed beyond the wants of the public service. Well, the report of the Secretary shows that, for five years prior to 1831, the Academy had furnished eighteen supernumeraries annually. sanction in the recommendation of Mr. Madison. The report demonstrates, further, the fruitfulness and utility of this institution, by showing the fact, that but two-fifths of those who enter the Academy graduate, and that but a fraction more than one-fifth enter the public service. This is not the fault of the administration of the Academy; it is not the fault of young gentlemen who are sent there; on your present peace establishment there can be but little to stimulate them, particularly in the acquisition of military science. There can hardly be but one object in the mind of the student, and that would be to obtain an education for the purposes of civil life. The difficulty is, that the institution has outlived both the occasion that called it into existence and its original design. H. OF R.] Government from which they derive the means of education, and that many who take commissions possess few qualifications for the command of men, either in war or in peace. Most of the members of this House have had more or less intercourse with these young gentlemen, and IA practical operation of this character has no leave it for each individual to form his own opinion of the correctness of the charges. Thus much I will say for myself, that I believe that these and greater evils, are the natural, if not inevitable, result of the principles in which this institution is founded; and any system of education, established upon similar principles, on Government patronage alone, will produce like results, now and forever. Sir, what are some of these results? By the report of the Secretary of War, dated January, 1831, we are informed that, "by an estimate of the last five years, (preceding that date,) it appears that the supply of the army from the corps of graduated cadets has averaged about twenty-two annually, while those who graduated are about forty, making in each year an excess of eighteen. The number received annually into the Academy averages one hundred, of which only the number stated, to wit: forty, pass through the prescribed course of education at schools, and become supernumerary lieutenants in the army." By the report of the Secretary of War, December, 1830, we are informed that "the number of promotions to the army from this corps for the last five years, has averaged about twenty-two annually, while the number of graduates has been at an average of forty. This excess, which is annually increasing, has placed eighty-seven in waiting until vacancies shall take place; and shows that, in the next year, probably, and in the succeeding one, certainly, there will be an excess beyond what the existing law authorizes to be commissioned. There will then be one hundred and six supernumerary brevet second lieutenants appurtenant to the army, at an average annual expense of $80,000." Sir, that results here disclosed were not anticipated by Mr. Madison, is apparent from a recurrence to his messages of 1810 and 1811. I have before remarked that the Academy was manifestly enlarged to correspond with the army and militia actually to be called into service. Look, then, for a moment, at facts, and observe with how much wisdom, justice, and sound policy, you retain the provisions of the law of 1812. The total authorized force of 1813, after the declaration of war, was 58,254; and in October, 1814, the military establishment amounted to 62,428. By the act of March, 1815, the peace establishment was limited to 10,000, and now hardly exceeds that number. Thus you make a reduction of more than 50,000 in your actual military force, to accommodate the expenses of the Government to its wants. And why do you refuse to do the same with your grand system of public education? Why does that remain unchanged? Why not reduce it at once, at least to the actual wants of the service, and dispense with your corps of supernumerary lieutenants? Sir, there is, there can be, but one answer to the question, and that may be found in the war report of 1819, to which I have before had occasion to allude. The Secretary says, "the cadet who cannot be provided for in the army will return to private life; but in the event of a war their knowledge will not be lost to the country." In passing the law of 1812,both Congress and the President acted for the occasion, and they expected those who should succeed them to act in a similar manner. Their feelings of patriotism and resentment were aroused, by beholding the privileges of freemen wantonly invaded, our glorious stars and stripes disregarded, and national and individual rights trampled in the dust. The war was pending. The necessity for increasing the military force of the country was obvious and pressing, and the urgent occasion for increased facilities for military instruc-mand in the face of an enemy! tion equally apparent. Sir, it was under circumstances like these, when we had not only enemies abroad, but I blush to say, enemies at home, that the institution, as at present organized, had its origin. It will hardly be pretended that it was the original design of the law to augment the number Indeed, sir, these young gentlemen, if they could be induced to take the field, would, after a lapse of ten or fifteen years, come up from the bar, or it may be the pulpit, fresh in military science, and admirably qualified for com The magazine of facts, to prove at the same glance the extravagance and unfruitfulness of this institution, is not easily exhausted; but I am admonished by the lateness of the hour to omit many considerations which I regard as both interesting and important. I will only detain the committee to make a single state MONDAY, July 4. Texas Independence. [H. OF R. Mr. MASON, of Virginie, from the Committee on Foreign Affairs, made a report in relation to the affairs of Texas, accompanied by the fol ment, placing side by side some aggregate re- realized. I leave them to be balanced by the people. But, for myself, believing as I do that the Academy stands forth as an anomaly among the institutions of this country; that it is at variance with the spirit, if not the letter, of the constitution under which we live; so long as this House shall deny investigation into its principles and practical operation, I, as an individual member, will refuse to appropriate the first dollar for its support. Mr. CAMBRELENG moved that the committee rise, and report the "bill for the suppression of Indian hostilities," and lay the one under consideration aside. Mr. BRIGGS objected to the motion. The motion was disagreed to without a division, and Mr. PIERCE concluded his remarks. The committee then rose and reported both the above bills to the House, when the amendments to both were severally concurred in, and they were ordered to a third reading, and read a third time and passed. Death of Ex-President Madison. Mr. PATTON, from the select committee, made the following report: "The President of the United States having communicated to the two Houses of Congress the melancholy intelligence of the death of their illustrious and beloved fellow-citizen, JAMES MADISON, of Virginia, late President of the United States, and the two Houses sharing in the general grief which this distressing event must produce: "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the chairs of the President of the Senate, and of the Speaker of the House of Representatives be shrouded in black during the present session; and that the President of the Senate, the Speaker of the House of Representatives, and the members and officers of both Houses, wear the usual badge of mourning for thirty days. "Resolved, That it be recommended to the people of the United States to wear crape on the left arm, as mourning, for thirty days. "Resolved, That the President of the United States be requested to transmit a copy of these resolutions to Mrs. Madison, and to assure her of the profound respect of the two Houses of Congress for her person and character, and of thoir sincere condolence on the late afflicting dispensation of Providence." "1. Resolved, That the independence of Texas ought to be acknowledged by the United States, whenever satisfactory information has been received ment, capable of performing the duties and fulfilling that it has in successful operation a civil Governthe obligations of an independent power. "2. Resolved, That the House of Representatives perceive with satisfaction that the President of the United States has adopted measures to ascertain the political, military, and civil condition of Texas." Mr. ADAMS moved to lay the report and resolutions on the table. Negatived-yeas 40, nays 108. Mr. PEYTON demanded the previous question upon the adoption of the resolutions. Mr. WILLIAMS, of North Carolina, thought it not necessary, and he therefore begged the gentleman from Tennessee to withdraw it. Mr. PEYTON refused, on the ground that there was no time to discuss the subject. The previous question was seconded-ayes 80, noes not counted. Mr. HARDIN called for the yeas and nays on the main question; which were ordered. Mr. ADAMS called for a division of the question. The question was taken on the first resolution, and was-yeas 128, nays 20, as follows: YEAS.-Messrs. Ash, Bell, Bockee, Bond, Bouldin, Boyd, Bunch, Bynum, J. Calhoon, W. B. Calhoun, Cambreleng, Carr, Carter, Casey, G. Chambers, Chaney, Chapman, Chapin, N. H. Claiborne, Cleveland, Coffee, Coles, Connor, Cushing, Cushman, Darlington, Denny, Dickerson, Doubleday, Dunlap, Forester, French, W. K. Fuller, Galbraith, J. Garland, R. Garland, Gillet, Granger, Griffin, Haley, J. Hall, Hamer, Hardin, Harlan, A. G. Harrison, Haynes, Henderson, Heister, Hopkins, Howard, Hubley, Hunt, Huntington, Huntsman, Ingersoll, Ingham, J. Jackson, R. M. Johnson, C. Johnson, H. Johnson, J. W. Jones, Kinnard, Lane, Lawler, Lay, G. Lee, T. Lee, L. Lea, Lewis, Loyall, Lucas, Lyon, J. Mann, Martin, J. Y. Mason, W. Mason, Maury, May, McCarty, McKay, McKennan, McKim, McLene, Mercer, Miller, Milligan, Montgomery, Morgan, Morris, Muhlenberg, Owens, Page, Parker, Patterson, Patton, F. Pierce, Pettigrew, Peyton, Phelps, Pinckney, Rencher, John Reynolds, Ripley, Robertson, Rogers, Seymour, A. H. Shepperd, Shields, Shinn, Sickles, Sloane, Smith, Spangler, Standefer, Storer, Sutherland, Taliaferro, Thomas, J. Thomson, Toucey, Towns, Underwood, Ward, Washington, E. Whittlesey, T. T. Whittlesey, L. Williams, S. Williams-128. NAYS.-Messrs. Adams, H. Allen, Bailey, Beale, Clark, Crane, Grennell, H. Hall, Hazeltine, Jarvis, The report and resolutions were concurred Lawrence, Lincoln, Love, D. J. Pearce, Phillips, in unanimously. On motion of Mr. BRIGGS, The House then adjourned. Potts, Reed, Russell, Slade, Vinton-20. So the first resolution was adopted. |