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frequent in the law of your Lord God. Despys not that precept whilk Moses (who, be his awn experience had learnit what comfort lyeth hid within the Word of God) gave to the Isralitis in theis wordis: "Theis Wordis whilk I command the this day sal be in thi hart, and thou sal exercis thi children in thame, thou sal talk of thame when thou art at home in thi hous, and as thou walkest be the way, and when thou lyis doun, and when thou rysis up, and thou sall bind thame for, a signe upon thi hand, and they salbe paperis of rememberance betwene thi eis, and thou sall wryt thame upon the postis of thi hous and upon thi gatis." And Moses in another place commandis thame to "remember the law of the Lord God, to do it, that it may be weill unto thame, and with thair children in the land whilk the Lord sall gif thame;" meanyng that, lyke as frequent memorie and repetitioun of Godis preceptis is the middis whairby the feir of God, whilk is the begynning of all wisdome and filicitie, is keipit recent in mynd, sa is negligence and oblivioun of Godis benefitis ressavit the first grie of defectioun fra God. Now yf the Law, whilk be reasone of our weaknes can wirk nathing but wraith and anger, was sa effectuall that, rememberit and rehersit of purpois to do, it brought to the pepill a corporall benedictioun, what sall we say that the glorious Gospell of Chryst Jesus doith wirk, so that it be with reverence intreatit? St. Paule calleth [it] the sueit odour of lyfe unto thois that suld resaif lyfe, borrowing his similitude fra odoriferous herbis or precious unguementis, whais nature is, the mair thay be touchit or moveit, to send furth thair odour mair pleasing and delectabill. Even sic, deir brethren, is the blissit evangell of oure Lorde Jesus; for the mair that it be intreatit, the mair comfortable and mair plissant is it to sic as do heir, read, and exercis the sam. I am not ignorant that, as the Isralitis lothit manna becaus that everie day they saw and eat but ane thing, sa sum thair be now a dayis (wha will not be haldin of the worst sort) that efter anis reiding sum parcellis of the Scriptures do convert thame selves altogether to prophane autors and humane letteris, becaus that the varietie of matteris thairin conteaynit doith bring with it a daylie delectatioun, whair contrairwys within the simpill Scriptures of God the perpetuall repititioun of a thing is fascheous and werisome. This temptatioun I confes may enter in Godis verie elect for a tyme, and impossibill is it that thairin they continew to the end: for Godis electioun, besydis othir evident signis, hath this ever joynit with it that Godis elect ar callit from ignorance (I speik of thois that ar cumin to the yeiris of knawledge) to sum taist and feilling of Godis mercie; of whilk thay ar never satisfeit in this lyfe, but fray tyme to tyme thay hunger and thay thrist to eat the breid that descendit fra the heavin, and to drink the watter that springeth into lyfe everlasting-whilk thay can not do but be the meanis of faith, and faith luketh ever to the will of God revealit be His Word, sa that faith hath baith her begynning and continewance be the Word of God: and sa I say that impossibill it is that Godis chosin children can despys or reiect the word of their salvatioun be any lang continewance, nether yit loth of it to the end. Often it is that Godis elect ar haldin in sic bondage and thraldome that they can not have the breid of lyfe brokin unto thame, neither yit libertie to exercis thame selves in Godis halie Word: but then doith not Godis deir children loth, but maist gredilie do thay covet the fude of thair saulis; then do thay accuse thair former negligence; then lament and bewaill thay the miserable afflictioun of thair brethren; and than cry and call thay in thair hartis (and opinlie whair thay dar) for frie passage to

1 Oblivion of God's benefits received the first step of defection from God.

the Gospell. This hungir and thrist doith argue and prufe the lyfe of thair saullis. But gif sic men as having libertie to reid and exercis thame selves in Godis Halie Scripture, and yet do begin to wearie becaus fra tyme to tyme they reid but a2 thing, I ask why wearie thay not also everie day to drink wyne, to eat bread, everie day to behald the bryghtnes of the sone, and sa to use the rest of Godis creatures whilk everie day do keip thair awn substance, cours, and nature? thay sall. anser, I trust, becaus sic creatures have a strenth, as oft as thay ar usit, to expell hunger, and quenche thrist, to restoir strenth, and to preserve the lyfe. O miserabill wreachis, wha dar attribut mair power and strenth to the corruptible creatures in nurisching and preserving the mortall karcas, than to the eternall Word of God in nurissment of the saule whilk is immortall! To reasone with thair abominable unthankfulnes at this present it is not my purpois. But to yow, deir brethrene, I wryt my knawledge and do speik my conscience, that sa necessarie as meit and drink is to the preservatioun of lyfe corporall, and so necessarie as the heit and bryghtnes of the sone is to the quicknyng of the herbis and to expell darknes, sa necessaric is also to lyfe everlasting, and to the illuminatioun and lyght of the saule, the perpetuall meditatioun, exercis, and use of Godis Halie Word.

And thairfoir, deir brethrene, yf that ye luke for a lyfe to cum, of necessitie it is that ye exercise yourselves in the Buke of the Lord your God. Lat na day slip over without sum comfort ressavit fra the mouth of God. Opin your earis, and Hie will speik evin pleasing thingis to your hart. Clois not your eis, but diligentlie lat thame behald what portioun of substance is left to yow within your Fatheris testament. Let your toungis learne to prais the gracious gudness of him wha of his meir mercie hath callit you fra darknes to lyght and fra deth to lyfe. Nether yit may ye do this sa quyetlie that ye will admit na witnessis; nay, brethren, ye are ordeynit of God to reule and governe your awn houssis in his trew feir and according to his halie word. Within your awn houssis, I say. In sum cassis ye ar bishopis and kingis, your wyffis, children and familie ar your bishoprik and charge; of you it sal be requyrit how cairfullie and diligentlie ye have instructit thame in Godis trew knawledge, how that ye have studeit in thame to plant vertew and to repress vyce. And thairfoir, I say, ye must mak thame partakeris in reading, exhortation, and in making commoun prayeris, whilk I wald in everie hous wer usit anis a day at leist. But above all thingis, deir brethren, studie to practis in lyfe that whilk the Lord commandis, and than be ye assurit that ye sall never heir nor reid the same without frute: and this mekill for the exercises within your housis.

Considdering that St. Paul callis the Congregatioun the bodie of Chryst, whairof everie ane of us is a member, teaching ws thairby that na member is of sufficience to susteane and feide the self without the help and support of any uther, I think it necessarie that for the conferrence of Scriptures, assemblies of brether be had. The order thairin to be observit is expressit be sanct Paule, and thairfoir I neid not to use many wordis in that behalf: onlie willing that when ye convene (whilk I wald wer anis a weik), that your begynning suld be fra confessing of your offences, and invocatioun of the spreit of the Lord Jesus to assist yow in all your godlie interprysis; and than lat sum place of Scripture be planelie and distinctlie red, sa mekill as sal be thocht sufficient for a day or tyme, whilk endit, gif any brother have exhortatioun, interpretatioun, or dout, lat him not feir to speik and move the same, sa that he do it with moderatioun, either to edifie or be edifeit. And heirof I dout not but great

2 A, one.

profit sall schortlie ensew: for first be heiring, reiding, and conferring the Scriptures in the assemblie, the haill bodie of the Scriptures of God sal becum familiar, the judgement and spreitis of men sal be tryit, thair pacence and modestie salbe knawin, and finallie thair giftis and utterance sall appeir. Multiplicatioun of wordis, perplext interpretatioun, and wilfulnes in reasonyng is to be avoydit at all tymes and in all places, but chieflie in the Congregatioun, whair nathing aucht to be respectit except the glorie of God, and comfort or edificatioun of our brethrene. Yf any thing occur within the text, or yit arys in reasonyng, whilk your judgementis can not resolve, or capacities aprehend, let the same be notit and put in wryt befoir ye depart the congregatioun, that when God sall offir unto yow any interpreter your doutis being notit and knawin may have the mair expedit resolutioun, or els that when ye sall have occasion to wryt to sic as with whome ye wald communicat your judgementis, your letteris may signifie and declair your unfeaned desyre that ye haue of God and of his trew knawledge, and thay, I dout not, according to thair talentis, will indeuour and bestow thair faithfull labors, [to] satisfie your godlie petitionis. Of myself I will speak as I think, I will moir gladlie spend xv houris in communicatting my judgment with yow, in explanyng as God pleassis to oppin to me any place of Scripture, then half ane hour in any other matter besyd.

Farther, in reading the Scripture I wald ye suld joyne sum bukis of the ald, and sum of the new Testament together, as Genesis and ane of the evangelistis, Exodus with another, and sa furth, euer ending sic bukis as ye begyn, (as the tyme will suffer) for it sall greitly comfort yow to heir that harmony, and weiltunit sang of the halie Spreit speiking in oure fatheris frome the begyning. It sal confirme yow in theis dangerous and perrellous dayis, to behald the face of Christ Jesus his loving spous and kirk, from Abell to him self, and frome him self to this day, in all ageis to be ane. Be frequent in the prophetis and in the epistillis of St. Paul, for the multitude of matteris maist comfortable thairin conteanit requyreth exercis and gud memorie. Lyke as your assemblis aucht to begyn with confessioun and invocatioun of Godis halie Spreit, sa wald I that thay wer never finissit without thanksgiving and commoun prayeris for princes, ruleris, and maiestratis, for the libertie and frie passage of Chrystis evangell, for the comfort and delyverance of our afflictit brethrene in all places now persecutit, but maist cruellie now within the realme of France and Ingland, and for sic uther thingis, as the Spreit of the Lord Jesus sal teache unto yow to be profitable ether to your selues, or yit to your brethren whairsoeuer thay be. If this, or better, deir brethrene, I sall heir that ye exercis your selues, than will I prais God for your great obedience, as for thame that not onlie haue ressavit the Word of Grace with gladnes, but that also with cair and diligence do keip the same as a treasure and jewell maist precious. And becaus that I can not expect that ye will do the contrarie, at this present I will vse na threatenyngis, for my gud hoip is, that ye sall walk as the sonis of lyght in the middis of this wickit generatioun, that ye salbe as starris in the nyght ceassone, wha yit ar not changeit into darknes, that ye salbe as wheit amangis the kokill, and yit that ye sall not change your nature whilk ye haue ressavit be grace, through the fellowschip and participatioun whilk we haue with the Lord Jesus in his bodie and blud. And finallie, that ye salbe of the novmber of the prvdent virginis, daylie renewing your lampis with oyle, as ye that pacientlie abyd the glorious aparitioun and cuming of the Lord Jesus, whais omnipotent Spreit rule and instruct, illuminat and comfort your hartis and myndis in all assaltis, now cuer. Amen. The grace of

the Lord Jesus rest with yow. Remember my weaknes in your daylie prayeris, the 7 of July, 1557.

come.

Your brother vnfeaned, JOHNE Knox.

During the next two years Knox was quietly at home in Geneva, with Calvin for a friend. Calvin's spiritual rule in Geneva made John Knox speak of the place as "the most perfect school of Christ that ever was in the earth since the days of the Apostles. In other places," he said, "I confess Christ to be truly preached; but manners and religion to be so sincerely reformed, I have not yet seen in any other place beside." In April, 1557, two friends from Edinburgh brought to John Knox at Geneva letters from the Earl of Glencairn, and from Lords Lorne, Erskine, and James Stewart, inviting him, in the name of the brethren, to return to Scotland and aid them in maintaining and advancing the Reformation there. Calvin advised him that he could not refuse the call. He obeyed it; resigned his pastoral care at Geneva; and in October was at Dieppe upon his way to Scotland, when he was met by letters, telling him that the greater number of the Scottish reformers were become faint-hearted, and seemed to have repented of their invitation. He then sent off the most earnest exhortations that his letters could convey, and awaited in France the answers to them, preaching at Dieppe for a time as colleague to the pastor of the newly-formed Protestant congregation there. The expected answers from Scotland did not He himself felt that his appearance there would at that time stir up tumult and lead to bloodshed, and he asked himself, "What comfort canst thou have to see the one half of the people rise up against the other, yea, to jeopard the one to murder and destroy the other?" Knox wrote from Dieppe on the 1st of December, 1557, a letter to the Scottish Protestants in general, and on the 17th, another to the Scottish Protestant nobility, and in the beginning of the year 1558 he returned to Geneva. There he was among the persons engaged in preparing that English version of the Bible produced in Geneva at the expense of John Bodley, and known afterwards as the Geneva Bible, and he published his "First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstrous Regiment of Women." He meant, he said, that the trumpet should be blown three times, and at the third time he would declare his name, which was not upon the title-page of the "First Blast," though manifest in every page. There was no doubt as to the authorship. Knox saw the part of Christendom he cared for subject to three Marys, who maintained the cause of Rome in their religion-Mary of Guise, Regent of Scotland; Mary Queen of Scots; and Mary Queen of England. This led him to argue that "to promote a woman to bear rule, superiority, dominion, or empire above any realm, nation, or city, is repugnant to nature, contumely to God, a thing most contrarious to His revealed will and approved ordinance, and finally it is the subversion of good order, of all equity and justice." Then Mary of England died, Elizabeth came to the throne, and she

too was a woman.

1 Regiment, rule, government.

MARY TUDOR. (When Princess. From the Portrait by Holbein.)

CHAPTER VI.

THE REIGN OF ELIZABETH.-JOHN KNOX, JOHN Fox, JOHN JEWEL, MATTHEW PARKER, EDMUND GRINDAL, JOHN AYLMER, AND OTHERS.-A.D. 1558 TO A.D. 1579.

N April, 1558, Mary Queen of Scots, aged sixteen, was married to Francis, the French Dauphin. On the 17th of November, Elizabeth, aged twenty-five, became Queen of England, and the Estates of Scotland, meeting in that month, gave to the French Dauphin the title of King Consort. The Dauphin in 1559 became King of France as Francis II., and the young queen's uncles, the two brothers, Charles, Cardinal of Lorraine, and Francis, Duke of Guise, became rulers in France-one of financial and civil affairs, the other of the army. Their principles of civil and religious liberty were, as set forth by the Duke of Guise, that "all Truth must proceed from Tradition, all Justice and all Authority from the Crown." Francis and Mary styled themselves King and Queen of England, and Scotland, and Ireland; and it was determined to join Scotland to France if Mary died PREACHER'S HOUR-GLASS childless in her husband's lifetime. In August of the same year, 1559, Philip II. of Spain ordered the enforce

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1 The hour-glass, once familiar neighbour to the pulpit, measured

ment in the Netherlands of a severe edict for the extirpation of all sects and heresies. Elizabeth had dangerous neighbours, and a people divided against itself. She meant to uphold the Reformation. She desired to establish harmony within the English Church by taking a middle way between extreme opinions, and forcing all within the Church to follow that course. In the first year of her reign appeared an Act for the Uniformity of Common Prayer, which restored, with some slight modification, the forms of church service established in the fifth and sixth years of the reign of Edward VI., required the use of them in all churches, and made it punishable to "preach, declare, or speak anything in the derogation or depraving" of the Book of Common Prayer. For one such offence a minister was to forfeit his clerical income for a year, and be imprisoned for six months without bail; for the second offence he was to be deprived of his church offices and imprisoned for a year, or for life upon a third conviction. offender not beneficed was to suffer a year's imprisonment for the first offence, and for the second offence imprisonment for life. Of 9,400 clergy there were not quite two hundred who refused to hold their livings upon these conditions.

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Meanwhile John Knox-whose Trumpet Blast against the Government of Women closed England against him, when he would gladly have sought the goodwill of Elizabeth-landed at Leith and preached in Perth against idolatry. A fervent zeal opposed the force of the Queen Regent. The Reforming Lords, who had been withdrawing from the churches to form congregations of their own, and were called Lords of the Congregation, entered into a second covenant for mutual support and defence. Queen Regent was defied. Monasteries were destroyed, the Abbey of Scone was burnt, Edinburgh came into the keeping of the Reformers, and at Stirling the Lords of the Congregation signed a third covenant binding themselves not to treat with the Queen Regent separately. When the Dauphin became Francis II. of France, French soldiers landed at Leith, with a legate from the Pope and doctors from the Sorbonne. Elizabeth aided the Scots quietly with English money. In October, 1559, the Queen Regent in Scotland, Mary of Guise, was deprived of her authority by "us the Nobility and Commons of the Protestants of the Church of Scotland." Elizabeth, for security against a French conquest of Scotland, gave more active aid, and in April, 1560, the English were besieging Leith. The Lords of the Congregation then signed a fourth covenant, binding themselves to pursue their object to the last extremity. Then the Queen Regent died. Peace was made between England and France in the affairs of Scotland, and proclaimed at the Edinburgh marketcross in July, 1560. The Estates of Scotland met on the 1st of August, and embodied on the 17th the opinions of John Knox in a Confession of Faith for

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the due length of the sermon by the running of its sand. An overfervent preacher might sometimes turn it when the sand was run, and invite his hearers to "take another glass." The hour-glass above figured was in the church of St. Alban's, Wood Street, London, and the sketch of it is taken from Allen's "History of Lambeth."

the Scottish Church. On the 24th they annulled former acts for the maintenance of the Roman Church, abolished the Pope's jurisdiction, and made it criminal to say a mass or hear a mass. And so the Scottish Reformation was accomplished.

The short reign of Francis II. of France, husband of young Mary Queen of Scots, was ended by his death in December, 1560, and he was succeeded by a boy of eleven, Charles IX. The queen-mother, Catherine of Medicis, made friendly advances to Elizabeth, who said to the young king's ambassador, "Tell your master that war is only fit for poor devils of princes who have their fortunes to make, and not for the sovereigns of two great countries like France and England."

The change of rule in England brought home from Switzerland and Germany many Reformers who had been in exile under Mary. John Fox did not return immediately. His age was forty-one in the year of Elizabeth's accession, and he was then living with a wife and two children at Basle, earning his bread as a corrector of the press. He was born at Boston, in Lincolnshire, educated at Oxford, and expelled in 1545 on accusation of heresy. then tutor, first to the children of Sir Thomas Lucy, at Charlcote, near Stratford-on-Avon, and next to the children of the Earl of Surrey after their father's execution. Their grandfather, the Duke of Norfolk,

He was

self to the printer Oporinus by showing him the first sketch of his "History of the Church." This, written in Latin, was published in 1554. After the death of Mary, his friends, Edmund Grindal and others, returned to England, whence they supplied Fox with ample material from the records of the bishops' courts. An enlarged version of his History, still in Latin, came from the press of Oporinus in August, 1559. Then Fox came home, and lived at first near Aldgate, at the manor place of the Duke of Norfolk, constantly busied over the production of the first English edition of his famous book, which appeared in folio in 1563 as "Acts and Monuments of these latter and perilous Days touching matters of the Church, wherein are comprehended and described the great Persecutions and horrible Troubles that have been wrought and practised by the Romis! Prelates, especially in this realm of England and Scotland, from the Year of Our Lord a Thousani unto the Time now Present. Gathered and collected according to the true copies and writings certificatory, as well, of the parties themselves that suffered, as also out of the Bishops' Registers which were the doers thereof." It is the book of a devout and zealous partisan, adorned with pictures designed to impress more vividly on readers' minds the reasons for repudiation of the Church of Rome. demned the Roman Church for persecution to the death, and honestly endeavoured to prevent, as fr as he could, infliction of the penalty of death by t Reformed Church upon those whom he accounte heretics. He busied himself much to save the lives of two Anabaptists, and sought without success" do away with punishment by death in matters of religion. But in the conflict of opinion he was I eager combatant, not an impartial judge, deeply evinced of the truth of his own cause, and show what is to be found also sometimes in a writer of more genius, the inability to know how men" honest and as earnest as himself could hold t opposite opinion.

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A few records of the suffering of English in Spain were added by Fox to his narrative English persecutions, the chief of them being thes account of the burning of an English merchant, r an auto da fé, at Seville, on the 20th of Dez ber, 1560.

JOHN FOX. (From his "Acts and Monuments," ed. 1641.) who had shared his son's peril, and narrowly escaped sharing his fate, became John Fox's friend, and protected him at the beginning of the reign of Mary. But soon Fox escaped to Basle, and introduced him

1 Mass. The name that had come to be used in the Church of Rome for the Communion Service was not rejected in the First Prayer Book of Edward VI., where that service is headed "The Supper of the Lord, and the Holy Communion, commonly called the Mass." But the name was soon restricted to the communion service of the Church of Rome. The Latin "Missa" first referred only to the close of service and the dismissal of the congregation; then it was applied to the church service generally, then to a special part of it.

THE CRUELL HANDLYNG AND BURNYNG OF NICHOLS BURTON, ENGLISHMAN AND MERCHANT IN SPAYNE Forasmuch as in our former booke of Actes and M:: mentes mention was made of the martyrdome of Ni.. Burton, I thought here also not to omit y same, the beyng such as is not unworthy to be known, as the profitable example of his singular constancie, as a the notyng of the extreme bearing and cruell r.. of those Catholicke Inquisitours of Spayne, who tr pretensed visour of religion, do nothing but owne private gayne and commoditie, with crafty d and spoylyng of other men's goodes, as by the t this story may appeare.

The fift day of the moneth of Nouember. about of our Lord God 1560, this Nicholas Burton, et tyme of London, and marchaunt, dwelling in the part

little Saint Bartlemewe, peaceably and quietly following his traffike in the trade of marchaundise, and beyng in the citie of Cadiz, in the partes of Andolazia in Spayne, there came into his lodgyng a Judas (or, as they terme them) a Familiar of the Fathers of the Inquisition, who, in askyng for the sayd Nicholas Burton, fayned that hee had a letter to deliuer to his owne handes: by whiche meanes he spake with him immediatly. And hauing no letter to deliuer to him, then the sayd Promoter or Familiar, at the motion of the Deuill his master, whose messenger he was, inuented another lye, and sayd that he would take ladyng for London in such shyppes as the sayd Nicholas Burton had frayted to lade, if he would let any whiche was partly to knowe where hee laded his goodes, that they might attache them, and chiefly to detract the tyme untill the Alguisiel, or Sergeant of the sayd Inqui

Triana, where the sayd fathers of the Inquisition proceeded agaynst him secretly accordyng to their accustomable cruell tyranny, that neuer after he could be suffered to write or speake to any of his nation: so that to this day it is unknowen who was his accuser.

Afterward the xx. day of December, in the foresayd yeare, they brought the sayd Nicholas Burton, with a great number of other prisoners, for professyng the true Christian religion, into the citie of Siuill, to a place where the sayd Inquisition sat in judgement, which they call the Awto,2 with a canuas coate, whereon in diuers partes was paynted the figure of an houge deuill tormentyng a soule in a flame of fire, and on his head a coppyng tanke of the same worke.

His toung was forced out of his mouth, with a clouen sticke fastened vppon it, that hee shoulde not vtter his conscience

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sition, might come and apprehend the body of the sayd Nicholas Burton: whiche they did incontinently.

Who then well perceauyng that they were not able to burden nor charge him that he had written, spoken, or done any thyng there in that countrey agaynst the ecclesiasticall or temporall lawes of the same realme, boldly asked them what they had to lay to his charge, that they did so arrest hym, and bad them to declare the cause, and hee would aunswere them. Notwithstanding, they aunswered nothyng, but commaunded him with cruell and threatnyng woordes to hold his peace, and not to speake one word to them.

And so they caryed him to the cruell and filthy common prison of the same towne of Cadiz, where he remained in yrons xuij. dayes amongest theeues.

All whiche tyme he so instructed the poore prisoners in the Worde of God, accordyng to the good talent whiche God had geuen him in that behalfe, and also in the Spanish toung to vtter the same, that in short space he had well reclaymed sundry of these superstitious and ignorant Spanyardes to embrace the Woorde of God, and to reiect their popish traditions.

Whiche beyng knowen vnto the officers of the Inquisition, they conueyed him, laden with yrons, from thence to a citie called Siuill, into a more cruell and straighter prison called

and fayth to the people, and so hee was set with an other Englishe man of Southampton, and diuers others condemned men for religion, as well Frenchmen, as Spanyardes, vppon a scaffold ouer agaynst the sayd Inquisition, where their sentences and judgementes were read and pronounced against them.

And immediatly after the sayd sentences geuen, they were all caryed from thence to the place of execution without the

1 In the low suburb of Seville called Triana, on the opposite bank of the Guadalquiver.

2 Judgement which they call the Auto. Auto (Latin "actus") was originally a Spanish forensic term, and meant a decree or judgment of a court. The Auto da Fé (Act of Faith) was a public gaol delivery by the Court of the Inquisition, when acquittals and convictions of those accused of crimes against religion were read, and those adjudged to death were delivered to the secular power by which sentence was immediately executed. The "Auto" ended with the delivery of the judgments; but as, in days of extreme persecution. burning of heretics immediately followed, and they were carried to the place of execution with much public ceremony, in yellow dresses painted over with suggestions of the pains of hell, to arrest attention and strike doubters dumb with fear, the term Auto da Fé wes commonly associated with these public executions. Besides the general Auto da Fé, there was the private Auto, the Autillo, or little Act, and the delivery of judgment in a single case, the Auto singular.

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