citie, where they most cruelly burned him, for whose constant fayth God be praysed.

This Nicholas Burton, by the way, and in the flames of fire, made so chearefull a countenaunce, embracyng death with all pacience and gladnesse, that the tormentours and enemyes which stode by sayd that the deuill had his soule before he came to the fire, and therefore they sayd his senses of feelyng were past him.

It happened that after the arrest of this Nicholas Burton aforesayd, immediatly all the goodes and marchaundise whiche hee brought with him into Spayne by way of trafficke, were, accordyng to their common vsage, seised and taken into the Sequester; among the which they also rolled by much that appertained to an other Englishe marchaunt, wherewith he was credited as factour; wherof, so soone as newes was brought to the marchaunt, as well of the imprisonment of his factour as of the arrest made vppon his goodes, he sent his atturney into Spayne, with authoritie from him to make clayme to his goodes, & to demaunde them, whose name was John Fronton, citizen of Bristow.

When his atturney was landed at Siuill, and had showed all his letters and writynges to the holy house, requyring them that such goodes might bee redeliuered into his possession, auns were was made him that he must sue by bill, and retayne an aduocate (but all was doubtlesse to delay him), and they, forsooth, of curtesie assigned hym one to frame his supplication for him, and other such billes of petition as he had to exhibite into their holy court, demandyng for eche bill viij. rials, albeit they stoode hym in no more stead than if he had put vp none at all. And for the space of three or iiij. monethes this fellow missed not twise a day, attendyng euery mornyng and afternoone at the Inquisitours Palace, prayng vnto them vppon his knees for his dispatch, but specially to the Byshop of Tarracon, who was at that very time chief in the Inquisition at Siuill, that he of his absolute authoritie would commaunde restitution to be made thereof; but the booty was so good and so great that it was very hard to come by it agayne.

At the length, after he had spent whole iiij. monethes in sutes and requestes, and also to no purpose, he receaued this auns were from them, that he must shew better euidence and bryng more sufficient certificates out of England for proofe of his matter then those whiche he had already presented to the Court; whereupon the partie forthwith posted to London, and with all speede returned to Siuill agayne with more ample and large letters, testimonials, and certificates, accordyng to their request, and exhibited them to the Court. Notwithstandyng, the Inquisitours still shifted him off, excusing themselues by lacke of leasure, and for that they were occupyed in greater and more weighty affaires, and with such aunsweres delayed him other foure monethes after.

At the last, when the partie had wellnygh spent all his money, and therefore sued the more earnestly for his dispatch, they referred the matter wholy to the Byshoppe; of whom, when he repayred unto him, he had this aunswere: that for him selfe hee knew what hee had to do; howbeit hee was but one man, and the determination of the matter appertained vnto the other Commissioners as well as vnto him: and thus, by postyng and passyng it from one to an other, the partie could obtaine no ende of his sute. Yet for his importunitie sake, they were resolued to dispatche him, but it was on this sorte: one of the Inquisitours called Gasco, a man very well experienced in these practices, willed the partie to resorte vnto him after dinner.

The fellow being glad to heare these newes, and supposing that his goodes should be restored vnto him, and that he was called in for that purpose, to talke with the other that was in

prison, to conferre with him about their accomptes;-the rather thorough a little misunderstandyng, hearyng the Inquisitor cast out a word, that it should be needefull for hym to talke with the prisoner;-and beyng therevpon more then halfe persuaded that at the length they ment good fayth, did so, and repayred thether about the euening. Immediatly vpon his commyng, the jayler was foorthwith charged with hym, to shut hym vp close in such a certain prison, where they appointed him.

The partie hopyng at the first that hee had bene called for about some other matter, and seyng him selfe, contrary to his expectation, cast into a darke dungeon, perceaued at the length that the world went with him farre otherwise then he supposed it would haue done.

But within two or three dayes after, he was brought forth into the Court, where he began to demaunde his goodes; and because it was a deuise that well serued their turne, without any more circumstaunce they had hym say his Aue Maria. The partie began & sayd it after this maner: Aue Maria gratia plena Dominus tecum, benedicta tu in mulieribus, et benedictus fructus ventris tui Iesus. Amen.

The same was written worde by worde as he spake it; and without any more talke of claymyng his goodes because it was booteles, they commaunde hym to prison agayne, and enter an action agaynst hym as an hereticke, forasmuch as he did not say his Aue Maria after the Romish fashion, but ended it very suspiciously, for he should haue added, moreouer, Sancta Maria, mater Dei, ora pro nobis peccatoribus, by abbreuiatyng whereof it was euident enough (sayd they, that he did not allow the mediation of saintes.

Thus they picked a quarell to detaine him in prison a longer season, and afterwardes brought hym forth into their stage, disguised after their maner, where sentence was geuen that he should lose all the goodes whiche he sued for. though they were not his owne, and besides this, suffer a yeares imprisonment.

In August, 1561, Mary Queen of Scots, aged nineteen, widow of Francis II. of France, returned to Scotland, and heard mass on the first Sunday after her arrival. In the same year John Bodley obtained in England a seven years' patent for the version of the Bible which had been prepared and printed at his cost in Geneva, and was known as the Geneva Bible. Few men of any creed were at that time free from faith in the use of force and violence for the advancement of the highest truth they knew. In its preface and short annotations the Geneva Bible was not without trace of desire to hew Agag in pieces before the Lord in Gilgal. Some shadow of this form of zeal was even upon that society estab lished by the influence of Calvin at Geneva, which Knox held to be more truly Christian than anything that had been seen elsewhere since the days of the Apostles.

Jean Cauvin, or John Calvin, was born at Noyon in 1509. At the age of twenty-three, after a liberal education at Paris, Orleans, and Bourges, he had completely adopted such reformed opinions as prevented him from entering the ministry within the Church of Rome, for which he was to have been trained. He found a friend in Margaret of Navarre, and while still young produced in Latin, at Basle. a first outline, developed afterwards more fully. of the principles of his faith, and of the faith

of

many whom his genius made afterwards his followers, the Institutes of the Christian Religion. It was in 1536, when twenty-seven years old, that Calvin first settled at Geneva, but all his reforms had not acceptance then, and in 1538 he was compelled to leave. In 1541 he was recalled, and then established at Geneva that " yoke of Christ" by which he sought to enforce Christian life, as well as Christian doctrine. A girl was whipped for singing a song to a psalm-tune; three children were punished for waiting outside the church to eat cakes in sermon-time; a child was beheaded for having struck her parents; and a lad of sixteen was condemned to death for only threatening to strike his mother. The unreformed Church had its ecclesiastical courts, which took cognisance of offences against minor morals, and their summoners made them occasion of much petty oppression and cruelty. Calvin also was following traditional customs when he sought unity of faith by burning the learned Spaniard, Michael Servetus, in October, 1553, for blasphemy and heresy, because he was a Christian who could not accept the doctrine of the Trinity. Calvin died in 1564, leaving his mind strongly impressed on the Reformed Church of England, and yet more strongly, through John Knox, on the Reformed Church of Scotland. In Elizabeth's reign, Calvin's interpretation of the doctrines of the Christian Faith was that commonly accepted by the English clergy. In 1561, while Calvin was still living, his body of Church Doctrine, the "Institutio Christianæ Religionis," was published in a translation by Thomas Norton, who was about the same time joint author with Thomas Sackville of "Gorboduc," the first English tragedy. "The Institution of Christian Religion, written in Latine by M. John Calvine, translated into English according to the author's last edition," by Thomas Norton, appeared as a solid folio in 1561; a new edition of it was required in 1562, and other editions in 1572, 1574, 1580, and 1582. Calvin's "Institutes," in its first edition, was a short book, but it grew with his life. Every point of doctrine newly treated by him, in sermons or otherwise, had its treatment presently incorporated with the "Institutes," so that the whole body of Calvin's religious opinions had come at last to be therein contained.

In 1562, under the regency in France of Catherine of Medicis, the Huguenots rose in civil war after the nassacre of Vassy. In March, 1563, there was peace between Catherine and the Huguenots by the edict of Amboise. In that year Queen Elizabeth authorised the issue of a second "Book of Homilies,” to secure uniformity of teaching in the English Church. She had already adopted, in 1559, the "Book of Homilies" first issued in 1547. year 1564-year of the birth of Shakespeare-the queen's Archbishop of Canterbury, Matthew Parker, began the preparation of a Bible which was to secure the utmost accuracy of text by direct reference to the Hebrew and Greek. So many bishops were among the scholars engaged in producing it, that it was called the Bishops' Bible. This was published

In the

in 1568, the year in which the seven years' patent for the printing of the Geneva Bible expired, and it became from that date the authorised version for use of the Church of England, until 1611, the date of the first edition of the version authorised by James I.

Matthew Parker, born at Norwich in 1504, was educated at Corpus Christi College, Cambridge, of which he became master in 1544. He was chaplain to Anne Boleyn, to Henry VIII. and to Edward VI., and took such part in the early education of Elizabeth as won her heartiest goodwill, and gave him great influence over her in after life. Mary deprived him of his preferments, but Elizabeth made him, somewhat against his will, her first Archbishop of Canterbury, called him for his lightness of body, "her little archbishop," and gladly took counsel with him for his weight of mind. Matthew Parker was very learned, and partly out of reverence for the past, partly out of desire to take a middle way of peace, he was unwilling to make those great changes in the outward form of worship which were sought by the most uncompromising of those who had put away the Church of Rome. In country places the great majority of the people were still Roman Catholic, and everywhere the less educated would associate familiar forms of worship with their religious life. Archbishop Parker and the Queen desired to change only what they accounted evil in itself, because associated with false doctrines or practices that had crept into the Church; and the Archbishop sought to show that the Reformed Church of England was not, as to essentials, a new Church, but the old restored. He encouraged research into Church Antiquities; himself published in 1572 a Latin book on the Antiquities of the British Church and Privileges of the Church of Canterbury; and desired to promote a study of First English, that in Ælfric's sermons Englishmen might find record of opinions held by the first Church of England, which were not those of the Church of Rome, but those to which the Church of England in Elizabeth's day had reverted.

Bishop Jewel worked with Parker in the same direction. John Jewel, born in Devonshire in 1522, was educated at Merton and Corpus Christi Colleges, Oxford. While a student he was lamed for life by an illness. When he had taken his B.A. degree he lived by teaching, and was for seven years reader of Latin and Rhetoric in his college. In 1544 he commenced M.A. In 1548 Peter Martyr was called from Germany to teach divinity at Oxford, and Jewel became one of his foremost friends and followers. In 1551 John Jewel became Bachelor of Divinity, and took a poor living at Sunningwell, near Oxford, to which, lame as he was, he walked to preach once a fortnight. At Mary's accession Jewel was expelled from his college as a follower of Peter Martyr, and a Lutheran. The last words of his last lecture, given in Latin, to his college were these:

In my last Lectures I have (said he) imitated the custom of famished men, who when they see their meat likely to be suddenly and unexpectedly snatched from them, devour it with the greater haste and greediness. For whereas I intended thus to put an end to my Lectures, and perceived

that I was like forthwith to be silenced, I made no scruple to entertain you (contrary to my former usage) with much unpleasant and ill dressed discourse, because I see I have incurred the displeasure and hatred of some; but whether deservedly or no, I shall leave to their consideration, for I am persuaded that those who have driven me hence would not suffer me to live anywhere if it were in their power. But as for me, I willingly yield to the times, and if they can derive to themselves any satisfaction from my calamity, I would not hinder them from it. But as Aristides, when he went into exile and forsook his country, prayed that they might never more think of him; so I beseech God to grant the same to my fellow-collegians, and what can they wish for more? Pardon me, my hearers, if grief has seized me, being to be torn against my will from that place where I have passed the first part of my life, where I have lived pleasantly, and been in some honour and employment. But why do I thus delay to put an end to my misery by one word? Woe is that (as with my extreme sorrow and deep feeling I at last speak it) I must say farewell my studies, farewell to these beloved houses, farewell thou pleasant seat of learning, farewell to the most delightful intercourse with you, farewell young men, farewell lads, farewell fellows, farewell brethren, farewell ye beloved as my eyes, farewell all, farewell."

me,

But he did not yet leave Oxford. Another college sheltered Jewel, and the University, making him public orator, required him to write its congratulations to the queen upon her proposed change of the established religion. He was driven also, by threat of death, to sign doctrines in which he did not believe, whereby he lost his friends and did not satisfy his enemies. Then he fled on foot, and was

JOHN JEWEL. (From the Portrait before Strype's "Life of Jewel.")

found lying exhausted on the road by a friend, who took him to London; and thence, in 1554, he crossed to Frankfort. There he from the pulpit, with extreme emotion, publicly repudiated his subscription to the doctrines he denied. "It was my abject and cowardly mind," he said, "and faint heart that made my weak hand to commit this wickedness." His old friend Peter Martyr presently drew Jewel from

Frankfort to Strasburg, where he took him into his house as constant companion and helper. Jewel transcribed for the printer his friend's Commentary on the Book of Judges, and read the Fathers with him, especially St. Augustine. Edmund Grindal was among the English refugees with whom Jewel formed closer friendship at Strasburg. In 1556 Peter Martyr was called to the professorship of Hebrew at Zurich, and went thither, taking Jewel with him as a part of his own household. After the death of Mary, John Jewel returned to England, where Elizabeth soon made him Bishop of Salisbury. In 1562 Bishop Jewel published in Latin, for readers throughout Europe, his "Apology of the Church of England." It was issued by the queen's authority as a Confession of the Faith of the Reformed Church of England, showing where and why it had parted from those Roman doctrines which it accounted to be heresies, and how they had arisen in the early Church. Thus Bishop Jewel wrote in his "Apology" upon

THE CHARGE OF HERESY.

Though St. Jerome will allow no man to be patient under the suspicion of heresy, yet we will not behave ourselves neither sourly nor irreverently, nor angerly, though he ought not to be esteemed either sharp or abusive who speaks nothing but the truth; no, we will leave that sort of oratory to our adversaries, who think whatsoever they speak, although it be never so sharp and reproachful, modest and apposite when it is applied to us, and they are as little concerned whether it be true or false; but we, who defend nothing but the truth, have no need of such base arts.

Now if we make it appear, and that not obscurely and craftily, but bona fide, before God, truly, ingeniously, clearly and perspicuously, that we teach the most holy Gospel of God, and that the ancient Fathers and the whole primitive Church are on our side, and that we have not without just cause left them, and returned to the Apostles and the ancient Catholic Fathers; and if they, who so much detest our doctrine, and pride themselves in the name of Catholics, shall apparently see, that all those pretences of antiquity, of which they so immoderately glory, belong not to them, and that there is more strength in our cause than they thought there was; then we hope that none of them will be so careless of his salvation, but he will at some time or other bethink himself which side he ought to join with. Certainly, if a man be not of a hard and obdurate heart, and resolved not to hear, he can never repent the having once considered our defence, and the attending what is said by us, and whether it be agreeable or no to the Christian Religion.

For whereas they call us heretics, that is so dreadful a crime, that except it be apparently seen, except it be palpable, and as it were to be felt with our hands and fingers, it ought not to be easily believed that a Christian is or can be guilty of it; for heresy is a renunciation of our salvation, a rejection of the grace of God, and a departure from the body and spirit of Christ. But this was ever the custom and usage of them and of their forefathers, that if any presumed to complain of their errors, and desired the reformation of religion, they condemned them forthwith for heretics, as innovators and factious men.

Christ himself was called a Samaritan, for no other cause, but for that they thought He had made a defection to a new religion or heresy. And St. Paul the Apostle being called in question, was accused of heresy, to which he replied: After the way which they call heresy, so worship I the

God of my fathers, believing all things which are written in the Law, and in the Prophets.

In short, all that religion which we Christians now profess, in the beginning of Christianity, was by the pagans called a sect or heresy; with these words they filled the ears of princes, that when out of prejudice they had once possessed their minds with an aversion for us, and that they were persuaded that whatever we said was factious and heretical, they might be diverted from reflecting upon the thing itself, or ever hearing or considering the cause. But by how much the greater and more grievous this crime is, so much the rather ought it to be proved by clear and strong arguments, especially at this time, because men begin now-a-days a little to distrust the fidelity of their oracles, and to inquire into their doctrine with much greater industry than has heretofore been employed; for the people of God in this age are quite of another disposition than they were heretofore, when all the responses and dictates of the Popes of Rome were taken for Gospel, and all religion depended upon their authority; the Holy Scriptures and the writings of the Apostles and Prophets are everywhere now to be had, out of which all the true and catholic doctrine may be proved, and all heresies may be refuted.

But seeing they can produce nothing out of the Scriptures against us, it is very injurious and cruel to call us heretics, who have not revolted from Christ, nor from the Apostles, nor from the Prophets. By the sword of Scripture Christ overcame the devil when He was tempted by him; with these weapons everything that exalteth itself against God is to be brought down and dispersed, for all Scripture (saith St. Paul) is given by inspiration of God, and is profitable for doctrine, for reproof, for correction, for instruction, that the man of God may be perfect and throughly furnished unto all good works; and accordingly, the holy fathers have never fought against heretics with any other arms than what the Scriptures have afforded them. St. Augustine, when he disputed against Petilianus, a Donatist heretic, useth these words, Let not (saith he) these words be heard," I say," or "Thou sayest," but rather let us say, Thus saith the Lord." Let us seek the church there, let us judge of our cause by that. And St. Jerome saith, Let whatever is pretended to be delivered by the Apostles, and cannot be proved by the testimony of the written Word, be struck with the sword of God. And St. Ambrose to the Emperor Gratian, Let the Scriptures (saith he), let the Apostles, let the Prophets, let Christ be interrogated. The Catholic Fathers and bishops of those times did not doubt but our religion might be sufficiently proved by Scripture; nor durst they esteem any man an heretic, whose error they could not perspicuously and clearly prove such by Scripture. And as to us, we may truly reply with St. Paul, After the way which they call Heresy, so worship I the God of my fathers, believing all things which are written in the Law and the Prophets, or the writings of the Apostles.

John Aylmer, who was born in 1521, and educated at Cambridge, was that tutor to Lady Jane Grey who is named in a passage often quoted from Roger Ascham's "Schoolmaster:"

One example, whether love or feare doth worke more in a child, for vertue and learning, I will gladlie report: which maie be hard with some pleasure, and folowed with more profit. Before I went into Germanie, I came to Brodegate in Lecetershire, to take my leave of that noble Ladie Jane Grey, to whom I was exceding moch beholdinge. Hir parentes, the Duke and the Duches, with all the houshould, Gentlemen and Gentlewomen, were huntinge in the Parke: I founde her, in her Chamber, readinge Phædon Platonis in

Greeke, and that with as moch delite, as som jentleman wold read a merie tale in Bocase. After salutation, and dewtie done, with som other taulke, I asked hir, whie she wold leese soch pastime in the Parke? smiling she answered me: I wisse, all their sporte in the Parke is but a shadoe to that pleasure, that I find in Plato: Alas, good folke, they never felt, what trewe pleasure ment. And howe came you, Madame, quoth I, to this deepe knowledge of pleasure, and what did chieflie allure you unto it: seinge, not many women, but verie fewe men have atteined thereunto? I will tell you, quoth she, and tell you a troth, which perchance ye will mervell at. One of the greatest benefites, that ever God gave me, is, that he sent me so sharpe and severe Parentes, and so jentle a scholemaster. For when I am in presence either of father or mother, whether I speake, kepe silence, sit, stand, or go, eate, drinke, be merie, or sad, be sowyng, plaiyng, dauncing, or doing anie thing els, I must do it, as it were, in soch weight, mesure, and number, even so perfitelie, as God made the world, or else I am so sharplie taunted, so cruellie threatened, yea presentlie some tymes, with pinches, nippes, and bobbes, and other waies, which I will not name, for the honor I beare them, so without measure misordered, that I thinke my selfe in hell, till tyme cum, that I must go to M. Elmer, who teacheth me so jentlie, so pleasantlie, with soch faire allurementes to learning, that I thinke all the tyme nothing, whiles I am with him. And when I am called from him, I fall on weeping, because, what soever I do els, but learning, is ful of grief, trouble, feare, and whole misliking unto me: And thus my booke, hath bene so moch my pleasure, and bringeth dayly to me more pleasure and more, that in respect of it, all other pleasures, in very deede, be but trifles and troubles unto me. I remember this talke gladly, both bicause it is so worthy of memorie, and bicause also, it was the last talke that ever I had, and the last tyme, that ever I saw that noble and worthie Ladie.

In 1553 Aylmer was Archdeacon of Stowe, and he was one of the Protestant exiles at Zurich in the reign of Mary. It was he who after the accession of Elizabeth published at Strasburg a loyal reply to John Knox's "First Blast of the Trumpet against the Monstrous Regiment of Women." His age then was thirty-eight.

The title of Aylmer's book is "An Harborowe for Faithfull and Trewe Subiectes, agaynst the late blowne Blaste, concerninge the Gouerment of Wemen, wherin be confuted all such reasons as a straunger of late made in that behalfe, with a breife Exhortation to obedience. Anno M.D.lix. Proverbes 32. Many daughters there be, that gather riches together: but thou goest above them all. As for favour it is deceitfull, and bewtie is a vaine thing but a woman that feareth the Lord: she is worthie to be praysed. Geve her of the fruit of her handes, and let her owne workes prayse her in the gate. At Strasborowe the 26 of April."

Aylmer begins with reasoning upon the power of God, who by weak instruments has declared his glory; who had enabled one poor friar, Luther, without armies at his back, to cast out of the temple of God Antichrist, armed and guarded with the power of Emperors, Kings, Princes, and Laws.

And as we began with the matter of women, so to return thither again with the example of a woman. Was not Queen Anne, the mother of this blessed woman, the chief, first, and

only cause of banishing this beast of Rome, with all his beggarly baggage? Was there ever in England a greater feat wrought by any man than this was by a woman? I take not from King Henry the due praise of broaching it, nor from that lamb of God, King Edward, the finishing and perfecting of that was begun, though I give her her due emmen lation. I know that that blessed martyr of God, Thomas Cranmer, Bishop of Canterbury, did much travail in it, and furthered it: but if God had not given Queen Anne favour in the sight of the king, as he gave to Esther in the sight of Nebuchadnezzar, Haman and his company, the Cardinal, Winchester, More, Rochester3 and others, would soon have triced up Mordecai, with all the rest that leaned to that side. Wherefore, though many deserved much praise for the helping forward of it, yet the crop and root was the queen, which God had endued with wisdom that she could, and given her the mind that she would, do it. Seeing then that in all ages God hath wrought his most wonderful works by most base means, and showed his strength by weakness, his wisdom by foolishness, and his exceeding greatness by man's exceeding feebleness, what doubt we of this power when we lack policy, or mistrust his help which hath wrought such wonders? Who is placed above Him, saith Job, to teach Him what He should do? Or who can say to Him, Thou hast not done justly? He sendeth a woman by birth; we may not refuse her by violence. He stablisheth her by law; we may not remove her by wrong.

Of the arguments of the First Blast" Aylmer says presently

The arguments, as I remember, be these, not many in number, but handsomely amplified.

First, that whatsoever is against nature, the same in a Commonwealth is not tolerable. But the government of a woman is against nature. Ergo, it is not tolerable.

The second, Whatsoever is forbidden by Scripture is not lawful. But a woman to rule is forbidden by Scripture. Ergo, it is not lawful.

The third, If a woman may not speak in the Congregation, much less may she rule. But she may not speak in the Congregation. Ergo, she may not rule.

The fourth, What the Civil Law forbiddeth, that is not lawful. But the rule of a woman the Civil Law forbiddeth. Ergo, it is not lawful.

The fifth, Seeing there followeth more inconvenience of the rule of women than of men's government, therefore it is not to be borne in a Commonwealth.

The last, The Doctors and Canonists forbid it. Ergo, it cannot be good.

These (as I remember) be the props that hold up this matter, or rather the pickaxes to undermine the State.

John Aylmer takes each of these syllogisms in turn, and shows logically where it fails. Then having knocked down all the props, and blunted all the pickaxes, he calls upon each loyal Englishman to support and establish their queen, and cheerfully to pay their taxes.

If thou mistrust the misspending of that thou givest and she taketh, thou art too foolish. For could she that in all her life hath lived upon her own so humbly without pride, so moderately without prodigality, so maidenly without pomp, now find in her heart in unnecessary charges to lash out

thine? Wilt thou have a taste, how prodigal or pompous she is? I pray thee, then, mark these two points which I know to be true, although in that sex they be strange. Seven years after her father's death she had so proud a stomach, and so much delighted in glistening gases of the world, in gay apparel, rich attire, and precious jewels, that in all that time she never looked upon those that her father left her but once, and that against her will. And after so gloried in them, that there came never gold nor stone upon her head till her sister enforced her to lay off her former soberness and bear her company in her glistening gains. Yea, and then she so ware it as every man might see, that her body carried that which her heart misliked. I am sure that her maidenly apparel which she used in King Edward's time made the noblemen's daughters and wives to be ashamed to be drest and painted like peacocks, being more moved with her most virtuous example than with all that ever Paul and Peter wrote touching that matter. Yea, this I know, that a great man's daughter, receiving from Lady Mary before she was Queen, goodly apparel of tinsel, cloth of gold and velvet, laid on with parchment lace of gold, when she saw it said, "What shall I do with it?" "Marry," said a gentlewoman, "wear it." "Nay," quoth she, “that were a shame, to follow my lady Mary against God's Word, and leave my lady Elizabeth which followeth God's Word." See that good example is oft times much better than a great deal of preaching. And this all men know, that when all the ladies bent up the attire of the Scottish skits at the coming in of the Scottish Queen, to go unbridled, and with their hair frounced, curled, and double curled, she altered nothing, but to the shame of them all kept her old maidenly shamefastness. Another thing to declare how little she setteth by this worldly pomp, is this, that in all her time she never meddled with money but against her will, but seemed to set so little by it, that she thought to touch it was to defile her pure hands consecrated to turn over good books, to lift unto God in prayer, and to deal alms to the poor. Are not these arguments sufficient to make thee think of her that she will neither call to thee before she hath need, nor misspend it vainly after she hath it?*

This passage recalls the account given of Elizabeth as a young princess by her tutor, Roger Ascham, in a private letter, written in April, 1550, to his German friend, John Sturm, which certainly expressed the writer's private mind :—

"There are many honourable ladies now who surpass Thomas More's daughters in all kinds of learning; but among all of them the brightest star is my illustrious Lady Elizabeth, the king's sister; so that I have no difficulty in finding subject for writing in her praise, but only in setting bounds to what I write. I will write nothing however which I have not myself witnessed. She had me for her tutor in Greek and Latin two years; but now I am released from the Court and restored to my old literary leisure here, where by her beneficence I hold an honest place in this University. It is difficult to say whether the gifts of nature or of fortune are most to be admired in that illustrious lady. The praise which Aristotle gives wholly centres in her-beauty, stature, prudence, and industry. She has just passed her sixteenth birthday, and shows such dignity and gentleness as are wonderful at her age and in her rank. Her study of true religion and learning is most energetic. Her mind has no womanly weakness, her perseverance is equal to that of a man, and her memory long keeps what it quickly picks up. She talks French and Italian as well as English: she has often talked to me readily and well in Latin, and moderately so in Greek. When she writes Greek and Latin, nothing is more beautiful than her hand-writing. She is as much delighted with music as she is skilful in the art. In adornment she is elegant rather than showy, and by her contempt of gold and head-dresses, shi reminds one of Hippolyte rather than of Phædra. She read with me almost all Cicero, and great part of Titus Livius; for she drew all bei knowledge of Latin from those two authors. She used to give the morning of the day to the Greek Testament, and afterwards real select orations of Isocrates and the tragedies of Sophocles. For thought that from those sources she might gain purity of style, and her mind derive instruction that would be of value to her to mee