H. OF R.] Duties on Imports. [JAN. 12, 1832. rem duties are laid on various articles of import, but the As to the proposal to send this resolution to the Comper centum duty required is not laid on the cost or value mittee on Manufactures, from the very organization of that at the place of production, but on that cost with all charges committee, it was not supposed, or supposable, that they (except insurance) added, and with ten or twenty per possessed the knowledge requisite to furnish an answer to cent. added to that aggregate: the inquiries contained in the resolution. It was the ComAnd whereas, also, various minimum values or prices mittee on Commerce who might be expected to be most are affixed by law, (by which to ascertain the amount of competent to say by what sum the first cost of the foreign duties chargeable on the same goods,) differing widely article was to be augmented, before the rate of duty was from the cost thereof; so that from the law itself the applied. If the charges, for example, amounted to twenty rate of duty to be paid on the importation of any given per cent. on coarse woollens, the duty, instead of forty-five article, subject to ad valorem duties, cannot be ascer-dollars in a hundred, would actually be fifty-nine dollars tained: and forty cents. The proposed inquiry was one immedi Mr. STEWART, of Pennsylvania, moved to amend the resolution by striking therefrom the word commerce, and inserting the word manufactures, so as to direct the inquiry to the Committee on Manufactures. The resolution, he observed, was of an argumentative kind, and had respect to a subject which most appropriately belonged to the Committee on Manufactures. Resolved, therefore, that the Committee on Commerce ately connected with a course of trade, &c.-matters with be instructed to inquire into the practical effect of these which the Committee on Manufactures, as such, were not laws, and report to the House the actual per centum on supposed to be conversant. If the name of a committee the prime cost, which is imposed by them. That they afforded any indication as to what species of knowledge also inquire how far these duties are, in effect, prohibit- more particularly belonged to such committee, the Comory, setting forth, as distinctly as they can, the various mittee on Manufactures were not prepared to answer any descriptions of imports that are thus interdicted our shores, one of the inquiries contained in the resolution. The com and, so far as may be practicable, to state the costs and mittee was to inquire whether any, and, if any, what goods charges at which such interdicted goods might be im- were interdicted by duties, amounting, in effect, to a proported. hibition. What did the Committee on Manufactures, as such, (he spoke of them only in their official capacity, and meant not to derogate from the individual intelligence of any of the gentlemen who composed it,) know on that question? How did they know whether the duty did or did not prevent the importation of a particular article which he had some time since wished to purchase, and of which he still stood in great need-he meant the article Mr. BOULDIN, in reply, said he thought it must be called common plains, (an article used in the clothing of clear to every man who read the resolution, that it con- negroes.) Could the Committee on Manufactures be extained no argument. The preamble stated two or three pected to tell why that article was not now imported? facts, which he was confident no man in that House was Or could the question so properly belong to them as to the prepared to deny. He referred to the tariff laws as they Committee on Commerce? The resolution required that now existed. Those laws, for example, laid an ad valo- the House and the nation should be informed what the rem duty of forty-five per cent. on certain woollen goods, goods were that were thus prohibited, and at what prices. but by further provisions that valuation was to be founded, These were inquiries which could be readily answered by not upon the prime cost of the article, but upon that cost the Committee on Commerce, and by no other committee. increased by all the charges excepting insurance, and ten If any political preferences could be expected so far to per cent. more upon the whole. This was a statement of operate as to prevent a committee of that House from giv facts, not an argument. It referred to what appeared upon ing a plain and candid answer to a question of this kind, the statute book. The resolution also affirmed the exist- (a thing which he would not believe,) still it must be reence of various minimums, by which goods were to be membered that a majority even of the Committee on Com estimated in a manner widely different from their actual merce were as fast bound to the far-famed American value, and it affirmed that the duties were laid on these system as any other gentleman in that House. Whatever minimum values. This, too, was no argument. It was a might be their political opinions, he reposed the highest statement of fact, and it stated facts; in consequence of confidence in their integrity and intelligence, and he exthe existence of which, the resolution itself had been offer-pected from them a deliberate inquiry into the fact, and ed. It was a fact that from reading the statute book it candid answers to the inquiries submitted to them. He was not possible to learn what rate per cent. of duty was concluded by expressing his hope that the resolution actually payable on a bale of cotton imported. It was ne- would be permitted to take the course he had indicated cessary to know, not the prime cost of the article only, for it. but what were the charges upon it, and under what range Mr. SPEIGHT supported the reference of the resolu of minimums it would fall. Mr. B. said he could not see tion to the Committee on Commerce, to whom he insisted why it was, while we were continually boasting that that it properly belonged; unless, indeed, as going to inevery thing done under this Government had to be laid quire into what might be considered a departure from plainly open to public view, that in this particular subject the true intent and meaning of the tariff laws, it did not gentlemen seemed to be so fearful to have set down in the more properly pertain to the Committee of Ways and report from a committee in whom the House and the na- Means. tion might have confidence, what was the actual amount of Mr. HOFFMAN took the same side, which he supportduties paid under the tariff laws, and that in terms which ed by some remarks which were too imperfectly heard might be understood by every one. For himself, he de- to be correctly given. He was understood, however, to clared that he did not know what rate per cent. of duty remark that the Secretary of the Treasury proposed in was laid by law on the articles referred to in the preamble his annual report to lay before the people the real Govern and the resolutions which he had offered. He did not him- ment value of every article imported into the United States. self know this, and he had not been so fortunate as to The resolution would be useful, as tending to elicit that have a conversation with any one who could inform him; information which could not be obtained from the British but he was persuaded that when the resolution went to the official returns, inasmuch as the "office value" differed Committee on Commerce, where care had been taken to so much from the real value of the articles exported, that combine so much varied information on all matters relat-the one could never be ascertained from the other. ing to the commerce of the country, the House would obtain a plain, succinct, and simple statement of the facts of the case. could see nothing in the preamble to be dreaded by the gentleman at the head of the Committee on Manufactures, and he hoped the amendment would not be permitted to JAN. 12, 1832.] Apportionment Bill. [H. OF R. succeed. No doubt every committee of that House would Committee on the Apportionment Bill, moved that the give, so far as they were able, the whole truth, and no-House do now proceed to the bills upon th Speaker's thing but the truth, in reply to an inquiry of the House; but table. he thought the Committee on Commerce could answer Mr. WICKLIFFE desired, before the question should the present inquiries much more readily than any other be taken, to know whether the friends of the present committee. number of 48,000 as the ratio for one representative, Mr. DENNY, of Pennsylvania, observed that gentlemen which was now contained in the apportionment bill, would seemed to have great apprehension lest this resolution permit him to make a motion to discharge the Committee should be sent to the Committee on Manufactures. For of the Whole from the further consideration of that bill, himself, he had as great confidence in the Committee on in order that it might be recommitted to the committee Commerce as any other gentleman; but he would inquire, which had reported it, with instructions to report it in how had the present tariff laws come into that House blank. If they would, he should vote in favor of the preHad not the bill been reported by the Committee of Manu- sent motion; if not, he should vote against it. factures? When did the system of minimums originate? Had it not been in the Committee on Manufactures? Who might be expected to be better judges of the true construction and practical operation of that law than those The House then proceeded to the orders of the day, who had framed it? Why then should the subject be And Mr. WICKLIFFE asked the unanimous consent of taken from that committee and given to another, which the House to make a motion for discharging the Committee had never yet expressed any favorable opinion in reference of the Whole from the consideration of the apportionment to American manufactures which that law had been enact-bill. No reply being given to Mr. WICKLIFFE's inquiry, the question was put on the motion of Mr. POLK, and carried by a large majority. time. On motion of Mr. POLK, the House now went into Committee of the Whole on the state of the Union, Mr. HoFFMAN in the chair, and took up THE APPORTIONMENT BILL. The question being on the amendment proposed by Mr. JENIFER, of Maryland, to the amendment proposed by Mr. CRAIG, of Virginia. (Mr. CRAIG's motion was to strike out the words forty-eight, and Mr. JENIFER's to insert in lieu thereof the words forty-five. The question was put, and Mr. JENIFER'S amendment was negatived. Mr. EVERETT, of Massachusetts, inquired of the Chair whether, when a number had been proposed and negatived, it would be in order again to propose the same number in committee. ed to protect? Mr. D. said that he differed entirely from Mr. MITCHELL, of South Carolina, objected. the gentleman from Virginia, [Mr. BOULDIN,] in point of Mr. WICKLIFFE then moved to suspend the rule fact. The gentleman had asserted that the rate of duty which prevented him from making that motion at this on ad valorem goods could not be ascertained, whereas the fact was that it had been ascertained, and had always The question being taken, the yeas were 80, the nays been known. The law had itself fixed the value, and had 72: but as it required two-thirds of the House to suspend not left it to be regulated by fraudulent foreign invoices. a rule of order, Mr. WICKLIFFE's motion was lost. Was the gentleman willing to exclude that inquiry also in his resolution? Was he willing to charge the committee with inquiring whether the law was not evaded, and the country imposed upon by false invoices from abroad? No! reference to that fact was to be found either in the gentleman's preamble or his resolution, although he professed to desire to get at the true foreign value of the art cles imported. If the gentleman wanted to find out the true cost of the article where it was produced, he sought a thing which was beyond the reach of the Committee on Commerce. Inquiring and persevering, as the gentleman [Mr. CAMBRELENG] was known to be, who was at the head of that committee, this was a matter far beyond his ken. It lay so deeply hidden in the fraud and chicane of foreign manufactures, that it could not be got at even by those who confessed and deplored the frauds and impositions by which foreigners had crippled our manufactures, and continued to this very hour to injure the industry of our country, in spite of all the vigilance and activity which could be employed to prevent it. He again inquired whether it was not fit that an inquiry respecting the tariff law should Mr. BELL said he would appeal to the honorable gengo to the committee which had reported the law. He did tleman from Kentucky, [Mr. WICKLIFFE,] whom he looked not wish at that time to enter into a discussion on mini-upon as one of the most zealous opposers of the number mum and ad valorem duties. That subject would come up 48, to assign, if he could, a single reason why the striking in due time. But he was opposed to taking an inquiry out that number would give a greater vote to any other from a committee to which it naturally and appropriately number he might propose, than he would get if 48 were belonged, to give it to one who had disappointed the suffered to remain. Suppose the bill were now in blank, friends of the protecting system. The resolution propos- and any gentleman should propose to fill it up with 45; if ed the inquiry to the actual per cent. upon the prime cost he could not get a majority, his proposition must fail. of the article at present collected under the tariff law. Would it be precisely the same on a proposition to strike The prime cost, he repeated, was what the Committee on out and insert? He thought the objection was an imaginCommerce never could report to that House. That com- ary impediment. His own individual opinion would be for mittee might indeed tell the House that such and such a much higher number; and if he thought by striking out amounts are put down as the prime cost in the invoices 48 his object might be attained, he would go with the received in foreign manufactures, and their agents in this honorable gentleman from Kentucky; but he did not think country. But the experience of our American merchants so, and he approved the conduct of the committee in not had fully satisfied the country that those statements were having reported the bill in blank. atterly unworthy of credit. The law had, therefore, fixed a price, and, to make sure against abuses, had directed ten per cent. to be added to it. Mr. D. concluded his remarks by again expressing his confident hope that the subject would not be taken out of the hands of the Com mittee on Manufactures, to which it belonged. Before any question was taken on the resolution, the hour expired, and Mr. POLK, chairman of the select The CHAIRMAN replied in the negative, but suggested that it might be done on a motion to reconsider. The question recurred on Mr. CRAIG's motion to strike out the words forty-eight. Mr. WICKLIFFE said that he had voted against striking out 48 and inserting 45, not that he preferred 48 to 45, or perhaps a dozen other numbers which might be named, but because he objected to 45 itself. He had adverted, the other day, to the difficulties which had arisen in the Committee of the Whole, from the select committee having fixed upon the number 48, and from their pertinacity in still clinging to it, and thereby interposing obstacles to H. OF R.] Apportionment Bill. [JAN. 12, 1832. the progress of the bill. Those difficulties and obstacles to arrive at a satisfactory result. Some gentleman friendhe regretted to see continued. The number 48, by stand-ly to that number had said that placing 40 in the bill gave ing in the bill, he contended, was placed in a more advan- it no advantage over any other number; but he contended tageous position than if the question was to fill a blank that it did give it an advantage, and a material one, too,. with that number. Did the gentleman from Tennessee for it made it the standard by which the compara[Mr. BELL] believe that there was a majority in that tive merits of all other numbers were to be measured. House favorable to fixing the ratio at 48? If he did so They were each to be tested relatively to 48, and not to believe, would he not at least consent to have the vote each other, and all of them. The gentleman from Tentaken on the proposition to strike it out, which would test nessee [Mr. BELL] thought this an imaginary objection, the opinion of gentlemen, and give every other member but he [Mr. E.] considered it a valid and substantial one. a fair and equal chance? But he [Mr. W.] did not be- He might perhaps like 45; or suppose any gentleman did lieve that a majority was in favor of the number 48; but if prefer that number, or any number between that and 48, there was not such majority, still did not the number gain say 46 or 47. What would be the consequence if the additional strength by being placed in the bill? There motion of the gentleman from Maryland [Mr. JENIFER] were sixty members of that House, as nearly as he could cal- had prevailed? Why, 48 would have been stricken out, culate, in favor of the ratio of 48,000, and those, of course, 45 would have been inserted, and they would have been would vote against striking out the number; there were precluded from testing the opinion of the committee on sixty others who would vote with them in favor of retain any other number whatsoever. The result would be the ing it against any number other than 48, which they did not same should any similar amendment, proposing a given prefer; so the probability was that every number would, number, be carried. No further motion could be made, in this manner, be negatived, as it might be successively and a majority of the House would have been formed of presented, whilst 48 would continue to stand in the bill. members most of whom might have preferred other numBut should the bill be in blank, all propositions would bers. How, then, did the question stand? Was it not apcome with equal fairness before them, and it would be as-parent that no one number possessed equal advantages certained most correctly which number had the greater with the number in the bill? For instance, say the quespreference there. The question of apportioning the re- tion was on 45 and 48. Those who voted for 45 would presentatives had always, he went on to say, been one of be the friends of that number only, whilst those who voted great difficulty and delicacy. He [Mr. W.] certainly was for 48 would be not only the friends of that number not, as the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. BELL] had ob- themselves, but all the friends of all other numbers but served, the only one opposed to the number 48, and, in- 45. It would thus be seen that to put the bill fairly bedeed, he might remark that the State of Tennessee itself fore the House, the number 48 ought to be struck out, happened to be the most favored State according to the and the bill be introduced to them in blank. ratio of 48. Here the CHAIR interposed. The gentleman from Tennessee, the chairman said, had not observed that the gentleman from Kentucky was "the only one," but that he was among those who were the most anxious to strike out the number 48. Mr. WICKLIFFE resumed. He certainly did not mean to say that the remark was intended to be made in an unfriendly sense; of that, he knew the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. BELL] to be incapable. But still he must observe that, by the proposed ratio of 48, Tennessee would be the most favored State, and Kentucky the most injured. For the last twenty years she had had, by the apportionments, the largest fraction of unrepresented numbers; and she would have the same by this, should 48 be adopted. This body, Mr. W. said, should not be too large, and he thought the increase of 24, at present proposed, too much. Too large an increase would convert the House from a deliberative body into a mob. If he could not increase the ratio, he would go to a ratio which would leave every State her present number of representatives on this floor; but, at all events, he would not, by his vote, consent to deprive a single State of the Union of one of her representatives in that House. Mr. BELL would say one word more. The gentleman from Maine [Mr. EVANS] had attempted to demonstrate the advantages possessed by the number 48 being retained in the bill. Now, suppose, on his argument, 48 struck out, would not the circumstance of many or most of the members having favorite numbers, apply the same as if those numbers were proposed against 48? All those having such favorite numbers would unite against 45, or 46, or 47, or any number but their own, and the result would be precisely the same. The blank would never be filled up till there was a majority in favor of some one number; and how was this to be obtained but by having some number upon which a majority would unite, after trying in vain the numbers they preferred? And this was the advantage, not of number 48, but of having a determinate number. He might go on to say that he believed the number 48 had been inserted by the select committee, in conformity to what appeared to be the general sentiment; at least, judg ing from the principal portion of what had been said and written on the subject. Some of the State Legislatures, indeed, had so far expressed their opinions in favor of the number 48, that they had begun to lay off congressional districts in advance, assuming that this would be the ratio finally determined on by Congress. He was justified in maintaining, then, that the number 48 corresponded with the general will, so far as it could at present be ascertained. Mr. STEWART said the committee had no choice but to report some ratio. The terms of their instruction were imperative. The same course was pursued in 1821. The Mr. EVANS, of Maine, replied: He was quite aware of House then struck out the number, and they were six or the difficulties which the gentleman from Tennessee [Mr. eight weeks debating on the subject. Though he him- BELL] adverted to, of uniting upon 45 or 46 in blank, as self preferred the number 48, yet, to see if there was any well as upon 48, or any other number. But 48, whilst in there, which the House preferred before it, he should the bill, would have this advantage. It would constantly move various numbers against it. He concluded by mov- remain for the decision of the committee upon it, whilst ing, as an amendment to the motion of the gentleman the friends of all the other numbers were endeavoring to from Virginia, [Mr. CRAIG,] to strike out 48, and insert 46. conciliate each other, and come to some compromise as Mr. EVANS, of Maine, said he had voted on all occa- to a number upon which they could unite. sions when called on against the number 48, and should do Mr. WILDE said that this was either a question of so was the question either to strike it out or to recommit arithmetic or one of principle; if of principle, then we the bill with instruction. This was, not because he was op- had to consider what would be an adequate representation posed in particular to the number 48, for, perhaps, he might of the community; if of arithmetic, gentlemen had but to ultimately vote for it, but because he did not think the cast their eyes on the population of their respective States, present mode of voting on the subject the best adapted to vote for the number that would be most advantageous JAN. 13, 1832.] Duties on Imports. [H. OF R. which had induced the committee to choose the number 48, Mr. P. concluded, by observing that the same objection as to fractions would always exist, unless some accidental and very improbable state of the numbers of population should occur, which would enable them to fix on a ratio which would be nearly equal in all the States. Mr. BURGES was in favor of a numerous House of Reanxious to bring the representation as near as he could to the people. If there were four hundred members in the House, he had no fear of their being less deliberation or more lingering legislation than at present. Mr. CLAY conceived that number 48, from standing in the bill, possessed undue advantages over other numbers. The State which he had in part the honor to represent, (Alabama,) would not be affected by whatever ratio was fixed. within either of the extremes of increase or diminution to which the House would be likely to go. For his own part, he saw no reason for a great enlargement of their number, which he thought already sufficient for the purposes of legislation. He was in favor, however, of the bill being reported in blank, so as to give to every section of the country the chance, through its representatives, of having the ratio which they might respectively prefer, brought fairly before the House for consideration. for them. He thought 46 a better number than 48; he thought it would give a more equitable apportionment. Mr. DANIEL thought it very plain that 48 standing in the bill had a very unfair advantage. It would obtain all the splits upon other numbers. The only fair way would be to take the bill in blank, and, beginning with the lowest numbers, proceed to the highest, till it was ascertained which was the favorite number to the majority of presentatives. Federalist, as he had been called, he was that House. He did not, however, blame the committee. Mr. PATTON was of opinion that the number 48, if permitted to remain in the bill, possessed decided and unequal advantage over every other number. Those who were in favor of that number would continue to vote for it, whilst those who had favorite numbers would oppose 48 only as the question which occurred between that number and the one which they preferred. On all the questions, they would support it by voting against the numbers differing from 48 and their own. In order to present this view of the subject in a plainer manner, he would simplify it, so that he who runs may read. Suppose, instead of two hundred and thirteen members of that House, there were only five, and suppose, in the decision of the question of representation, only five different ratios were submitted, and that each member prepared one of them. Suppose, then, that number one was reported by the committee, and that it was proposed to strike out one, and insert two: what would be the consequence? There would be one vote for the proposition, and four against it, as only one man prefers that one number. The same experiment with regard to the other three would be attended with the same result, till at length no number would be left but the one standing in the bill, which would be then, as it must be seen, evidently placed on the vantage ground. After some further remarks, he observed that the inevitable consequence of retaining 48 in the bill would be that it would stand its ground to the last, although it might have no more supporters of itself than many other numbers. Let us then, said he, fight the battle fairly, and give 48 the same chance as the rest, but no greater one. He called upon the friends of that number to test it once by coming to a vote upon the question of striking it from the bill, which would fairly try its strength. Each number might then have a chance of being decided upon by its own merits, and by that alone. Mr. BATES, of Maine, moved that the committee rise. Mr. McDUFFIE trusted they would arrive at some decision on the question before rising. Mr. BATES'S motion was carried, and the committee rose and reported; and The House adjourned. FRIDAY, JANUARY 13. DUTIES ON IMPORTS. The House resumed the consideration of the resolution offered by Mr. BOULDIN. Mr. DAVIS, of Massachusetts, suggested the following amendment, which he wished to offer, if Mr. STEWART would withdraw his: Strike out all before and all after the word "Resolved," and insert the following: "That the Committee on Manufactures be instructed to inquire into, and report to this House, (if they possess the information,) the practical Mr. ELLSWORTH thought it would be better to let effect of the revenue laws upon the commerce, agricul 48 remain in the bill. It was in the power of any gentle- ture, and manufactures of this country; also, whether man to propose any other number, and, if he obtained a frauds are not perpetrated in the importation of goods, majority, it would supersede it. Any member might, and the revenue thereby reduced, and how such frauds after all, move to strike it out, and, if sustained, the bill may be suppressed; also, whether the statute value of the would be returned to the House without any number. pound sterling ought not to be so modified as to conform Mr. CRAIG said that much had been said in the course to the actual value in the United States; and to accompany of the discussion of the race of the different numbers. their report, if they shall make one, by the evidence upon The gentleman from South Carolina, [Mr. McDUFFIE,] on a which it shall be predicated.' preceding day, had said that though he would not back nag 48 against the field, he would yet back him against any given number nag. Now we all know that if at a race a dozen nags are to start for the prize, fair play requires that they should start even. But, in this case, nag 48 was on the course, bridled and saddled, and its rider mounted, and was to start before the others were ready. This was the state of the race if 48 were to be retained. He went on to contend in favor of his motion to strike out 48, and place all the numbers on an equal footing. The amendment being read, Mr. STEWART, of Pennsylvania, (who had moved to amend Mr. BOULDIN'S amendment, by striking out, the preamble, and also striking out "commerce" and inserting "manufactures,") expressed his willingness to adopt the amendment of Mr. DAVIS as a modification of his own. But the CHAIR decided this not to be in order, as there was nothing in his amendment, to which this could adhere; but if his were withdrawn, it might be consi Mr. CRAWFORD said that he saw no reason for strik-dered. ing out 48. If there was a majority in favor of that number, it would be placed in the bill, even if reported in blank. Mr. STEWART consented to withdraw so much of his amendment as went to strike out the preamble of Mr. BOULDIN's resolution, but not the residue. The question thereupon recurred on Mr. STEWART'S amendment to strike out "commerce" and insert “manufactures;" when Mr. POLK said the committee had been censured for reporting any number: he could only answer that they conceived the terms of their instructions were imperative that they should do so. With this impression they had Mr. CAMBRELENG observed that he was very sure, delayed their report to obtain data which were furnished to whichever of the committees the resolution should be by that House. After the further exposition of the reasons referred, the committee would do its duty. But he beg H. oF R.] Duties on Imports. [JAN. 13, 1832. ged to state, for the benefit of the two gentlemen from so far from being exorbitant, were far beneath what the Pennsylvania, [Mr. STEWART and Mr. DENNY,] and to law intended. All the friends of the protecting system allay their very lively sensibility, that a majority of the were well acquainted with the fact, that, by the intervenCommittee on Commerce were, unfortunately, of the same tion of fraudulent invoices, goods were brought down views with themselves on the general subject to which under minimums to which they did not belong, and thus this resolution referred. The nature of the inquiries in made to pay a duty far less than that provided by the law. the resolution was strictly and properly commercial. But All who were concerned in manufactures were perfectly the gentlemen were very much afraid (and there lay the willing, nay, they expected, that the ridiculous system of point of anxiety about the matter) lest the people of the minimums should be abolished. It gave little or no proUnited States should discover how far they had been de- tection to the manufacturer: its operation was onerous and ceived by the substitution of the system of minimums for oppressive. He was surprised that the gentleman from ad valorem duties. Mr. C. said he was not at all surprised New York should venture the declaration that on certain that gentlemen should be extremely anxious to hide from descriptions of woollen goods 100 and 150 per cent. duty the people the fact that, instead of 45 per cent. ad valo- was paid. This might in theory appear to be true; but, in rem on certain descriptions of woollen goods, as laid by practice and in fact, it was far from being so. For himthe law, they were, in fact, paying from 75 to 100, and self, he was very indifferent to which committee the reso 150 per cent. Nor was he surprised that they should be lution was sent. The information might be obtained in equally anxious to conceal another fact, viz. that persons various ways; from the Committee on Commerce, the purchasing articles whose original cost was one dollar and Committee on Manufactures, or the Secretary of the one cent, were obliged to pay the same duties as upon Treasury. He had no doubt that the information was all, those whose cost was two dollars and fifty cents. The at that moment, within the city of Washington; and he effect of the system went to reverse every rule of taxa- cared not how it was reached. He thought, indeed, that tion; it was adverse to every principle of republicanism, the Committee on Manufactures was the most appropriate and every rule of justice. For himself, he was indiffer- source from which to seek it; but he felt very indifferent ent to which of the committees the resolution should go; as to the direction of the reference. he had all confidence in the justice, candor, and fidelity Mr.DAVIS, of Massachusetts, observed that no great benof the gentleman [Mr. ADAMS] at the head of the Com-efit could accrue either to the House or the country from mittee on Manufactures, and he was sure the facts would the inquiry proposed by the resolution. The Committee on be brought out. But he could tell the gentlemen, that Commerce were to inquire and report to the House, as to whatever disposition should be made of the resolution, what? the rate per cent. actually paid on certain descripthe inquiries contained in it should be answered, in spite tions of goods designated in it, and whether certain other of all they could do to smother the information. He goods were not, in effect, prohibited our shores. Now, should, himself, lay on the table statements containing all if the information sought was in the department, if it the facts the gentleman wished to elicit, and then he was in the possession of the proper organs of the Govern should see, by taking the yeas and nays, who would vote ment, the proper course was to apply there. Had the to refuse the printing of them, and withhold the informa- Committee on Commerce any official statements to make tion from the American people. to this House, which were not in the department? Had The fact ought to be perpetuated by an official record, that committee any mode of obtaining statements sanc that duties varying from 25 to 150 per cent. ad valorem, tioned by official authority, which was not in the depart were paid where the law intended 40 and 45; and none ment? No; they had none: none at all. The appliknew the fact better than the gentleman who wished to cation to them was, therefore, of little utility. But it had stifle the inquiry. All he asked, at this great and import-been said by his worthy friend from New York [Mr. CAMant crisis, when those who had had the benefit of this BRELENG] that it was very indifferent to him where the system of duties for forty years were not content, but sought to impose it for forty years more upon the people, was, that the American people should know how far they had been deceived. The gen At this point of the debate, Mr. WHITTLESEY moved that the House proceed to the orders of the day. resolution was sent; the information was at hand, and it could and should be brought into this House. It was a proverbial remark, that it was the hit bird that fluttered: and when he saw that gentleman spring from his seat the Mr. DEARBORN rose in reply, and said that the gen- moment it was proposed to transfer the reference of this tleman from New York had made an averment to the resolution to another committee, he could not but think of House which was variant from the fact. The gentleman that saying. Why was the gentleman so uneasy? What had said that those who opposed the reference of the re-inspired him with such a heat of zeal? He would state solution to the Committee on Commerce, did not desire the reason to the House. the information it sought should be obtained. tleman was much mistaken if he supposed that those who were favorable to the protecting system desired the continuance of the minimum duties. When that mode of laying duties was at first proposed, it had indeed been predicted that the practical effect would be such as the gentleman from New York had asserted it now to be; but, in practice, so far from this proving to be the result, the very reverse took place, so that, instead of paying 100 or Mr. WICKLIFFE said he wished to understand from 150 per cent. as the gentleman said, the importer more the friends of the number 48,000 in the apportionment frequently paid no more than 15 or 20 per cent. The bill, if they would allow a motion to be made for discharg importers, Mr. D. observed, knew perfectly well how ing the Committee of the Whole from that bill. to quadrate their prices in the invoice to the minimum Mr. ADAMS said he hoped the gentleman from Kenduties; and he asserted that no goods, since the minimum tucky would have permission to make the motion he system had been enacted, had been invoiced more than desired. The House had spent two days in very unpro from one to two pence sterling below each of the points fitable debate upon that bill, and he wished to see it of minimum value fixed by the law. They took very brought to an end, and the bill reported in blank. good care not to be caught importing goods charged midway between those points. If the investigations which had been made were entitled to the least degree of credit, the duties actually paid, The motion was carried--yeas 85, nays 54. Mr. POLK now moved to suspend the rule of the House which appropriates this day to the consideration of private bills, in order to move to take up the apportionment bill. The question being taken. it was lost, less than two- |