H. OF R.] Apportionment Bill. [FEB. 7, 183 for which I am contending. What, sir, am I to be told not, that this cause will speedily prevail." And, sir, that the rules and orders of this House, and the same did speedily prevail; the blood poured out that day w vigor and energy on the part of its executive officer, accepted as a grateful sacrifice in the sight of the sam which are capable of managing two hundred and thirteen merciful Being who watched over and guided the ear members, are not equally capable of governing and re-destinies of this nation; and the same christian herois gulating, and restraining three times that number? Sir, which lives and breathes in every word which fell from I cannot bring myself to think that the talents and quali- the lips of the dying martyr, subsequently distinguished fications which entitle an honorable gentleman to the his disciples and descendants in a strange land, an very distinguished post of Speaker of this House, are to brought to a happy completion the great cause for which be rated in this manner-by this sort of numerical pro- he so cheerfully died. Of this cause, sir, are our fellow cess. Nor will I believe that, at any time hereafter, a countrymen the living monuments; our happy country majority of this House will ever elevate to that chair an the great temple; ourselves, in our representative capa individual insensible to the exalted and moral responsi- city, the guardians and depositaries. bilities of his station, or incapable of sustaining them with I will only, said Mr. W., so far allude to one ground credit to himself, with fidelity to his peers, and honor to urged with much force in this debate, that of corruption, his country. The objection falls to the ground. Nor, as to state my conviction of its tendency being much di sir, can I permit to be brought in competition with this minished in a large body. It is a subject, however, sir, vital principle of full representation, the miserable cal- so abhorrent, that I will not for a moment longer enter culation of increased expense; it is unsound in itself, and tain it. In the beautifully poetical mythology of the an unworthy of the occasion; unsound, inasmuch as the cient world, it was deemed proper to endow the terrible means to meet it are proportionably increased--unworthy, guardian of those gates which concealed from mortal because the principle in question is a pearl without price.ken the deep mysteries of the Elysian fields, with many I confess, Mr. Speaker, that I have been grieved at heads, as it was the watchman of the Hesperian garden, the air of indifference with which this debate has been with a hundred, to shut out entirely the knowledge of received, and the too great tone of calculation in which it the one, and secure completely the treasure of the other. has been treated. It was different, sir, in those days of I hope, sir, I shall be pardoned, in a formal matter of our immortal ancestors, for ancestors will I call them, as business like the present, the introduction of a poetical in truth they are, when the establishment of this great allusion; but, sir, to my mind the analogy is complete: for principle of the full representation of the people of Eng. although we are told, sir, that the mysteries were pene land was not only deemed sufficient cause of revolution, trated and the treasures stolen, yet, sir, in both cases it but of the total subversion of the opposing Government, required more than mortal means. and the entire extinction of the antagonist principle. 1 But, sir, there are other grounds of a more practical refer to that brilliant and eventful period of English his- and every day operation, which induce me to go for the tory, when, in the words of perhaps the most enlightened lowest ratio that has been assumed. I crave the patience and acute man of his age, "The spirit of liberty in that of the House while I briefly refer to them. It is imisland was at its height, and its interests were conducted portant that the practical effect of the great privilege and supported by a set of the greatest geniuses the world which every freeman possesses, should be brought home had ever seen embarked together in one common cause. to his own bosom and his fireside. That he should possess They were, indeed, great and immortal spirits. The a personal acquaintance with the representative, and that course of their lives proved it; their ardent and devoted the latter should have it in his power to visit and com attachment to the establishment of every sound princi- mune with the occupant of the humblest cottage within ple of civil and religious liberty proved it; and the wil- his district; from this will spring two good results. If lingness with which they laid down their lives, and the the constituent be poor, it will tend to sweeten his la smiles of contentment with which they repelled all the bors, to alleviate his toil, by keeping alive in him a high gloom and terrors of the most ignominious deaths, proved sense of his dignity as a freeman, and of his position in it. They permitted no ground of local expediency or reference to the great concerns of his country. Upon self-interest for a moment to be weighed in the balance the representative it has the equally beneficial effect of with the great principle for which they contended; and keeping alive a proper spirit of watchfulness, and of the although they failed for the time being in fulfilling their moral accountability to which he is at all times subject. noble purpose, yet it was under the consolatory convic- Sir, in diminishing the numbers of this House, or in not tion that their blood would prove the seal to that great keeping up those numbers in a just ratio with the views charter of political redemption which has since been re-and expectations and numerical increase of the people, corded. I must ask, sir, the indulgence of the House we produce the further effect to weaken the character of while I call their attention to the last memorable words of the House, and diminish its influence in the government one of those martyrs of liberty, as beautifully illustrative of affairs. I can consent, said Mr. W., to do nothing of my subject, and fully sustaining me in the eulogy into which I have been drawn. The great Sir Harry Vane, at the moment when an ignominious death stared him in the face--standing on the confines of eternity-the axe, sharpened by royal malice, pendant over his head-on being urged to save his life by the abandonment of his principles--with holy fervor "thanked his God, who had given him courage to meet his death without fear; as for that glorious cause in which so many righteous souls have lost their lives, and so many have been engaged by my countenance and encouragement, shall I now give it up, and so declare them all rebels and murderers? No, I will never do it: that precious blood shall never lie at my door; I would suffer ten thousand deaths rather than defile my conscience, the chastity and purity of which I value beyond all the world. I would not for ten thousand lives part with the peace and satisfaction which I have in my own heart, and the assurance I feel, although I see it here in my representative capacity which will produce those effects, or be likely to weaken the faith of the people in a form of Government so eminently conducive to their true happiness-nothing that will tend to weaken their veneration for the representative principle, make them distrustful of it, or convert that veneration into a kind of civil idolatry for any other source of power. On them depends the permanence of the Government, in them resides the substantial power, and to them are we accountable for the just exercise of our delegated authority. Let us, then, be careful how we undertake, at this early period of our existence as a nation, to set limits or prescribe terms to a principle intended to be general in its scope and all-pervading in its influence. Upon the whole, said Mr. W., I deem it incumbent upon this House to keep its numbers in a just ratio with the views and expectations and numerical increase of the people; to keep alive in them a high sense of their own FEB. 7, 1832.] Apportionment Bill. [H. OF R. Mr. W. thanked the House for the patience they had manifested towards him, inexperienced as he was in legislative debate, and embarrassed as he had found himself to be by the novelty of his position. He concluded, with expressing the hope that a low ratio of representation would prevail. dignity and privileges, of the inestimable value of the hap- That is all, said Mr. W., that I or any one else can ask by Union under which we live, and of the practical ope-in reference to this House, and this vastly growing emrition of their own sovereign powers. It is thus, sir, we pire. I consider myself, therefore, fully sustained in the shall realize the moral of the fable of the giant of old, who course I have deemed it my duty to adopt in reference to gained fresh vigor whenever he touched his mother Earth, the bill before the House; and although I have regretted and could only be overcome by being removed from the the necessity under which I find myself placed of acting source of his power. I have voted, Mr. Speaker, steadi- in opposition to the whole body of my colleagues, for ly for the lowest ratio assumed, not only because of the whose opinions I entertain the highest respect, and for general principle which I have endeavored to lay before whom personally I feel a warm regard, a conscientious the House, but because of one other advantage which sense of duty has forbid a different course. it possesses, which in itself I consider paramount to any inconvenience which has been urged against it. I allude to the fact of its not depriving a single State in the Union of its present representative weight. Sir, I will not curtail, by a vote of mine, the just rights and privileges of those ancient and venerable depositaries of the great principles for which the immortal Milton wrote, and labored, No other member rising to speak, a call of the House and suffered, and for which Vane, and Hampden, and Sid-was moved, and made; the roll of the members was called ney died. I will not repay with such ingratitude the over; the doors were then closed, and excuses received toils and trials of our pilgrim fathers. I will not undertake for the absence of all but three. The call was then susto disturb the mouldering remains of such of those great martyrs of civil liberty, as now lie slumbering in the peaceful valleys of New England; nor will I consent to any thing that will diminish the moral or political influence of their descendants, who fought and conquered at Bunker Hill, it is true, and on many other fields of glory, but whose still more pre-eminent merit consists in having peopled a vast territory, and diffused the blessings of education, and religion, and of civil liberty, among millions. I feel, said Mr. W., that I have already trespassed too far upon the patience of the House, but I crave pardon while I address to my respected colleagues a few words in reference to our native State, and the policy which forms the basis of her constitution and all her legislative enactments. Pennsylvania has ever proved herself steady, unwavering, and disinterested in her course; ardently attached to the Union, she has ever been willing to act in the fair spirit of mutual compromise; confident in her own power and resources, she has gratefully conceded all that has been asked of her by her sister States, and has steadily persevered in her course with unassuming, unpretending dignity. The time has now arrived when a change is to take place, and I think I may venture to predict that she will now urge those claims to which she thinks herself justly entitled, with a firmness and a vigor which will only find its equal in that which has heretofore actuated her. In the constitution of Pennsylvania, the great principle of universal suffrage exists in its full vigor, and in my opinion bears fully upon the question now before the House. It is true, sir, we, her representatives on this floor, are not individually instructed in reference to this question, but we have this, to me, sufficient guide. I take it for granted, sir, we shall feel ourselves bound to be governed by the vote of our Legislature which this morning's paper brings us in reference to the bank. On that point, as on all others in which her interests are involved, my principles are fixed, whether in reference to tariff, to bank, to internal improvement, the judiciary, or any other of the great principles upon which this Union and the welfare of this great people depend. For myself, sir, I need no instructions to keep me straight. Let me not, however, be told that a vote of her Legislature is a better guide to me on any point, than a great principle of her constitution. I cannot think it. Sir, I hold myself bound not to betray, even remotely, therefore, the great principle to which I have alluded. I shall take it as my guide in my votes on this subject, to which it has a particular reference and a close connexion. But I may be told that Pennsylvania has limited her own representative body to one hundred. She has done so, and has done so wisely-she has considered that number, as in truth it is, sufficient for her territory, and ample to cover all the interests it is likely ever to include. VOL. VIII.-111 1 pended. Mr. WAYNE called the attention of gentlemen who might intend to vote for any number between forty-eight and forty-four, to a fact which was founded on the knowledge of the characters and persons of those who would have to decide upon the bill elsewhere. If it should be sent out of that House with forty-eight, the probability was that it would be returned to them with a higher ratio. Mr. SLADE moved to postpone the further consideration of the bill till Thursday next, but the motion was negatived. The question was then taken on striking out forty-eight thousand, and inserting forty-four thousand, and decided in the negative, as follows: YEAS.--Messrs. Adams, Angel, Appleton, Armstrong, Babcock, N. Barber, I. C. Bates, Bergen, Bouck, Bouldin, Briggs, J. Brodhead, J. C. Brodhead, Cahoon, Cambreleng, Carson, Chandler, Choate, Clayton, Coke, Collier, L. Condict, S. Condit, E. Cooke, B. Cooke, Corwin, Crane, Creighton, J. Davis, Dayan, Dearborn, Dickson, Doddridge, Doubleday, Ellsworth, G. Evans, E. Everett, H. Everett, Gaither, Grennell, Hawes, Hodges, Hoffman, Hogan, Howard, Hubbard, Hughes, Hunt, Huntington, Ingersoll, R. M. Johnson, C. C. Johnston, Kendall, Kerr, Lecompte, Letcher, Lyon, Marshall, Mercer, Newnan, Newton, Pearce, Pitcher, Randolph, J. Reed, E. C. Reed, Slade, Soule, Southard, Spence, Stanberry, Storrs, Tompkins, Vance, Ward, Washington, Watmough, Wayne, Weeks, Wilkin, Wheeler, E. Whittlesey, C. P. White, Wickliffe, Wilde, Williams, Worthington, Young.-88. NAYS.--Messrs. Alexander, C. Allan, R. Allen, Allison, Anderson, Ashley, Banks, Barnwell, Barringer, Barstow, Beardsley, Bell, Bethune, John Blair, Boon, Branch, Bucher, Bullard, Burd, Carr, Claiborne, Clay, Conner, Cooper, Coulter, Craig, Crawford, Davenport, W. R. Davis, Denny, Dewart, Drayton, Duncan, J. Evans, Felder, Fitzgerald, Ford, Gilmore, Gordon, Griffin, T. H. Hall, W. Hall, Heister, Holland, Horn, Ihrie, Irvin, Isacks, Jewett, Cave Johnson, Kavanagh, Kennon, A. King, J. King, H. King, Lamar, Lansing, Leavitt, Lewis, Mann, Mardis, Mason, Maxwell, McCarty, W. McCoy, R. McCoy, McDuffie, McIntire, McKennan, Milligan, T. R. Mitchell, Muhlenberg, Nuckolls, Patton, Pendleton, Pierson, Plummer, Polk, Potts, Rencher, Roane, Root, Russel, W. B. Shepard, A. H. Shepperd, Smith, Speight, Standifer, Stephens, Stewart, Sutherland, Taylor, F. Thomas, P. Thomas, J. Thomson, Tracy, Verplanck, Vinton, Wardwell. F. Whittlesey, E. D. White.-102. Mr. CLAY, of Alabama, now moved to strike out fortyeight and insert forty-seven. Mr. WAYNE asked if that were the lowest number the gentleman from Alabama would vote for. H. OF R.] Report on the Tariff. [FEB. 8, 1832. Mr. JOHNSTON, of Virginia, suggested to gentlemen subversion of the manufacturing interests, the great mebetween the extremes of forty-eight and forty-four, to meet on the middle ground, and vote for a ratio of forty-six thousand, as a compromise. Mr. MERCER moved to amend Mr. CLAY's amendment, by striking out seven and inserting six. Mr. KERR suggested to Mr. MERCER to withdraw his motion, with a view of enabling him to propose forty-four thousand five hundred, which would include the States of New Hampshire and Maryland as well as Virginia, in the advantage of the ratio. Mr. MERCER agreed to it. Mr. KERR then moved to amend the amendment by striking out seven, and inserting in lieu thereof four thousand five hundred, so as to make the ratio forty-four thousand five hundred. Mr. IRVIN made an ineffectual motion for the previous question. After some remarks from Mr. WILDE and Mr. EVANS, of Maine, Mr. CLAY, of Alabama, modified his motion so as to strike out eight and insert seven, so as to make the ratio forty-seven thousand, and the question being taken, the amendment was rejected by a vote of yeas 65, nays 127. Mr. KERR then moved to strike out eight and insert five, so as to make the ratio thirty-five thousand, and asked for the yeas and nays, which were ordered; but, before the question was taken, The House adjourned. WEDNESDAY, FEBRUARY 8. REPORT ON THE TARIFF. chanical interests, and, he might add, the navigating interests too, at least so far as the fisheries are concerned, for the levelling doctrines put forth make no distinction on the rate of duties on any kind of imports, however they might bear on either of those great interests referred to: all were brought down to twelve and a half per cent., thus uprooting the earliest and wisest policy of the republic. He felt, therefore, bound, in common with his friend from Pennsylvania, [Mr. GILMORE,] to meet the report with a protest at its first introduction here, as they had done in the committee room, and should reserve to himself, and his associate who went with him, the right of presenting their objections more in detail hereafter, and in a more formal manner. Mr. VERPLANCK remarked that he, too, as a member of the Committee of Ways and Means, must ask to be indulged in the same privilege which he had just claimed for one of his colleagues on the committee, and to express his own dissent from the report just made by their chairman. It, however, was his misfortune on this occasion to occupy a singular and solitary position on the committee, differing very widely from the views of those with whom he had often before acted on similar occasions, without agreeing with the principles and objects of that minority who ably represented the manufacturing interests. The report made by the chairman, and in which the three Southern members of the committee had concurred with him, contained many principles and arguments in which, said Mr. V., I fully agree; but I must wholly protest against much of it, which represents the great burden of the existing tariff laws as falling almost exclusively in heavy taxation upon the planting or cotton exporting States, whilst the Northern and Middle States Mr. McDUFFIE, from the Committee of Ways and received from it nothing but benefits. I cannot assent to Means, reported the following bill: A bill to reduce and equalize the duties on imports. Be it enacted, &c. That, from and after the 30th day of June next, there shall be levied, collected, and paid, on all iron and steel, salt, sugar, cotton bagging, hemp, flax, and manufactures of iron, cotton, and wool, imported into the United States, duties of twenty-five per centum ad valorem, and no more, until the 30th of June, 1833; after which, the said duties shall be eighteen and three-fourths per centum ad valorem, and no more, until the 30th of June, 1834; after which, the said duties shall be twelve and a half per centum ad valorem, and no more. And be it enacted, That, from and after the 30th day of June next, there shall be levied, collected, and paid on all other merchandise imported into the United States, twelve and a half per centum ad valorem, and no more; except such articles as are now imported free of duty, or at a lower rate of ad valorem duty than twelve and a half per centum. The above bill (which was twice read and committed) was accompanied by a report of considerable length. When it was announced, any report on this subject, which denies or omits to notice the heavy weight laid by an extravagant and ill-judged tariff upon the free laborer of the North; the effect produced in diminishing the real reward and wages of free labor; to say nothing of its operation upon commercial enterprise. If I could think that my opinions on these and other points on which I differed from my colleagues on both sides of the committee, were in any sense original or peculiar, I could not have thought of indulging any pride of opinion, by thus obtruding them upon the House. But I am confident, that if alone in these views in the committee room, I am not so in this House. At any rate, I am sure that I express the conviction of a numerous and intelligent body of my own immediate constituents, and of no inconsiderable number of other valuable citizens of the State I, in part, represent. Still this report contains much higher matter-many weighty opinions and arguments lucidly and powerfully urged-arguments that, if erroneous, (as I think they partly are,) are yet entitled to the most serious consideration of the people of this Union, as expressing the deliberate and deep felt convictions of a great body of their brethren. It is for these reasons that I shall, as soon as it is in order, move for the printing of five thousand additional copies for distribution. In the mean time, I must make this personal protest as to much of its doctrines, reserving to myself the right of doing it hereafter in a more formal manner, by a counter report, or upon the floor of this House. Mr. INGERSOLL said he would avail himself of the present moment to state to the House that he differed toto colo from the majority of the committee by whom the report had been made. It was true he stood in a small minority in the Committee of Ways and Means on this question, only one gentleman, the honorable member from Pennsylvania, [Mr. GILMORE,] agreeing with him in com- In regard to the bill accompanying this report, I feel it mittee in regard to the protective policy of the country. my duty to add that I did not agree to the expediency of He had heard the report read but once, and had no oppor-introducing it in this form, whatever I might have thought tunity to examine it before its introduction; it was a long of it theoretically, and under other circumstances. From manuscript of some thirty pages, and further time would the low point of final reduction proposed, the rapidity of be necessary before the minority would be able to pre-reduction, and the sweeping extent of its operation, it pare a counter report, expressing their views, which they does not seem to me to offer any satisfactory basis for the intended to do hereafter. He considered the principles adjustment of that disturbing question which threatens to of the report and the accompanying bill as aiming at the rend this nation. For such an adjustment I had hoped at FER. 8, 1832.] Report on Steam Carriages.--Apportionment Bill. APPORTIONMENT BILL. [H. OF R. the beginning of this session. I still hope for it, though often fearing that I am hoping against hope. Yet I do The question depending at the time of adjournment still look around me, and especially to some parts of this yesterday was on striking out the ratio of 48, and insertHouse―[here Mr. V. appeared to address the chairman |ing 45,000. of the Committee on Manufactures]--with the strong hope of yet participating in a course of legislation conceived in the spirit of peace, and resulting in peace. Until then I must protest against being considered a party to any measure or any expression of opinion calculated to prevent or delay such measures. The report was then ordered to be printed. REPORT ON STEAM CARRIAGES. Mr. MERCER, from the Committee on Roads and Canals, reported the following resolution: Resolved, That the report of a select committee of the House of Commons of Great Britain, bearing date October | 12th, 1831, on the use of steam carriages on common roads, with the minutes of evidence, and appendix attached thereto, be printed. Mr. SPEIGHT was not disposed to cavil at any means by which information might be afforded to the House; but when called upon to vote away a portion of the public money for the purpose of printing a work, he thought it due to himself, and to those whom he represented, to ascertain what was the value of the work to the public, for which a disbursement of the public money was sought. He should like the work in question to be laid on the table, that members might have an opportunity of examining and judging for themselves as to the propriety of making an appropriation of the public money for the purpose of printing it. Mr. MERCER said that the information contained in the report could not be otherwise obtained, at an expense short of three thousand dollars. It was a proposition of the Committee on Internal Improvements, not one of his. Mr. HOWARD suggested to the gentleman from Virginia the propriety of amending his motion, so as to have an extra number of copies printed. Mr. MERCER said that, acting under the orders of the committee, he could not at that time offer such an amendment; when the copies ordered, however, should be supplied, a motion might be made for printing an extra number, if gentlemen thought proper. The question upon this amendment was forthwith taken without debate, and decided in the negative--yeas 68, nays 118. Mr. DODDRIDGE then moved to strike out 48,000, and insert 46,000. This motion was also negatived--yeas 71, nays 116. Mr. VANCE then moved that 44,500 be inserted in lieu of 48. Mr. WICKLIFFE, although he admitted the House was as full as usual, yet, as a last effort on behalf of those States that would be injured by the adoption of the ratio of forty-eight, he would move a call of the House; and he would appeal to the magnanimity of those members from the States who clung so pertinaciously to that number. The call was sustained, and the roll being called over, one hundred and ninety-five members answered to their names; and, after some time spent in receiving excuses, &c., further proceedings on the call were suspended. Mr. VANCE now, after some suggestions from other gentlemen, varied his motion by proposing 44,400 as a substitute for the ratio of 48,000. Mr. ADAMS, of Massachusetts, then rose, and addressed the House as follows: Mr. Speaker: As this is probably the last opportunity which will be afforded for presenting to the House considerations in behalf of those States which are aggrieved by the ratio of representation fixed in the bill reported by the committee, I feel myself impelled, by an irresistible sense of duty, to offer some remarks; in doing which, however, I promise not to trespass long upon the indulgence of the House. In the first place, I would draw the attention of the House to the hardship of the case of the States aggrieved. Some days since, after a long and full discussion of the question between the number of 48,000 reported by the committee, and of 44,000, which will leave every State without curtailment of her representation upon this floor, the House did decide, by a vote of ninety-eight to ninetysix, in favor of the latter number; a vote by which, I did flatter myself, that those who had the power of life Mr. MITCHELL was quite as anxious that the House and death in their hands would permit us all to live--for should be well informed on every subject as any gentleman | to take away from any State of the Union a part of her on that floor; but he thought they might as well publish a representation in this House, is to take from her a part of book on mathematics at the public expense, as the subject her life. before them. He thought they could only authorize the printing of such works as sprung immediately out of subjects before the House; and such was not the case with the report in question. Mr. M. concluded by asking for the yeas and nays. Mr. EVERETT said, as the yeas and nays had been asked, he would offer one or two observations. It was but a week since that the Committee on Foreign Affairs had moved for the printing of a report of a committee of the British House of Parliament on the subject of the cholera morbus; and a gentleman from New York had subsequently moved the printing of a number of extra copies. No gentleman had, on those occasions, objected to the constitutionality of appropriating public money for the printing of works on medicine or nosology. He would not be understood to place those matters which affected the health or life of the community, on a parity with those relating to internal improvements; but it must be admitted that every thing which could facilitate the latter, was of great interest and importance to the whole commonwealth. On motion of Mr. POLK, the House then proceeded to the orders of the day; and, after passing a number of engrossed bills, took up the The next day, however, a respected member from Pennsylvania, for whose vote I had felt grateful the day before, moved a reconsideration of that vote; I took the liberty to inquire what were his reasons for moving that reconsideration; he answered that it was because there were members present who had been absent the day before, and who wished for an opportunity to vote upon the question. They did vote, and the decision of the preceding day was reversed by a vote of one hundred to ninety-four. But observe, sir, that the number of voters was precisely the same. If these new members had come in to vote the second day, there was an equal number who had voted the day before, and who were then absent; so that we had not only to contend with the new comers, but lost, by absence, votes which had been given for us the day before. We also lost two votes from Pennsylvania, which had been with us the preceding day, but were, on the reconsideration, against us. The decision of the question, then, is in the will of Pennsylvania. To her were the aggrieved States indebted for the decision in their favor; to her must they attribute the reversal of that decision. In the debate of the day upon which we were so fortunate as to carry the ratio of 44,000, I had taken the H. OF R.] Apportionment Bill. [FEB. 8, 1832. occasion to remark the singular coincidence between the one, or certainly by a combination of two of the largest composition of the committee which reported the bill, States! What, for instance, could resist the combination and the number of 48,000 fixed as the ratio of the repre- of the two States of Pennsylvania and New York, even sentation in it. The chairman of the committee is a citizen now returning sixty votes in this House, to establish any of the State of Tennessee. There were on the commit- ratio of representation which should precisely suit themtee one member from the State of Pennsylvania, two from selves, and at the same time favor one portion of the smallNew York, one from Ohio, one from Maine, and one from er States, to the grievous oppression of another? If this Louisiana. These six States have now ninety-three mem- example should now be set, how much more at the mercy bers on this floor, while the six States specially injured by of those States will the rest be, with their increased prethe ratio reported in the bill, New Hampshire, Massachu- ponderance at the next apportionment ten years hence; setts, Vermont Maryland, Georgia, and Kentucky, have and how can the smaller States expect ever to obtain relief? only fifty-four members. The two States of New York Let it not be forgotten, in connexion with this view of and Pennsylvania alone have sixty members-six more the subject, that the large ratio now proposed goes upon than the aggregate number of the six injured States. Re-a principle reversing that which prevailed at the adoption curring again to the ratio reported by the committee, it of the constitution of the United States, and which has will be seen that, to the State of Louisiana, there is scarce- uniformly prevailed at every former apportionment to this ly any difference between the ratio reported, and that time. Hitherto the predominating principle has been to now proposed in its stead; nor is there any material dif- make the representative body numerous, and the constiference to the States of New York, Ohio, and Maine. But tuent numbers small. The principle now proposed and with the State of Tennessee, to which the chairman of the urged is directly the reverse--to make the representative committee belongs, and with the State of Pennsylvania, small, and the constituent body numerous. At a former of which one member of the committee is a citizen, the stage of this debate, observed that one prominent reason case is not the same. So peculiarly adapted is the report- with me, for preferring the ratio of 44,000 at this time, ed number of 48,000 to the returns of the census from was, that it was precisely the ratio fixed by the constitution those two States, that it gives to Tennessee thirteen mem- of the United States itself; that is, that it would give a bers, with a population of 625,263; and to Massachusetts House of Representatives in numbers increased in exact only twelve members, with a population of 610,407. It proportion to the increase of the population of the whole gives to Pennsylvania twenty-eight members, one for Union since that time. For a population of about three every 48,145 souls in the State, and to Vermont only five million two hundred thousand souls, the constitution members, or one for every 56,131 souls. Is this what the gave a House of Representatives of sixty-five members; constitution prescribes--a representation according to and now the ratio of forty-four thousand would give a numbers? The State of New York did not carve for herself. House of Representatives of two hundred and fiftyThere is little difference between the two numbers to her, nine members--the representation and the population and we find her members on this floor voting diversely being augmented in the same proportion of four to upon the questions which have arisen. But how is it with one. To this observation two answers were given in dePennsylvania, now the dictatress of this apportionment? bate: 1st. That this same principle of making the increase She has twenty-six members on this floor. With one or of representation to correspond with the increase of potwo exceptions, she has voted in solid phalanx against us.pulation, would not be suitable in a century, or perhaps One of her members, indeed, has uniformly voted in even half a century hence; because it would then unquesfavor of the injured States. He gave us yesterday his tionably make the representation too numerous: and, 2dly. opinions, in a manner to which the House, and I trust the That the ratio of representation established in the constination, will do justice. Whatever the effect of the vote tution was arbitrary, and that any proportion correspondnow to be given may be, his opinions were delivered in a ing with it now must be accidental and fanciful. To the manner honorable to himself, and which will reflect honor first of these objections, I reply that all wise legislation upon his constituents. There was no selfish or contracted must be adapted to the circumstances of the times for principle of exclusiveness in his system; it was founded which it is to provide; that we are not called to make an on the purest basis of republicanism--on those principles apportionment of the representation of the people of the of conciliation and of mutual concession which ought to United States fifty or a hundred years hence. The congovern all the councils of this Union, and of which we stitution of the United States has prescribed a much have more than ever need at this time. With that ex-more limited term to our labors. Our apportionment can ception, and one more, yielded for one day, and then de- last only ten years. Our successors will then be called to cisive in our favor--but, I lament to say, the next day with-go over the same work again. The ratio which we now drawn, with like but opposite effect--with one or two of adopt must be then laid aside, and another must supply its these exceptions, Pennsylvania has moved in solid column place; "sufficient unto the day is the good, and the evil to sustain the ratio which suits herself, and which is so un-thereof." But it cannot be an objection to any ratio of equally oppressive on six of the smaller States of the proportion now established, that in half a century, or a Union. I do not mean to complain of the honorable mem- whole one, the same rule of proportion will become imbers from Pennsylvania. I merely state and lament the practicable. Upon other subjects, our laws may be stafact. They have doubtless done what they consider to tutes for our posterity as well as for ourselves; in this the be their duty. As the representative of a portion of constitution itself confines us within the limit of ten years. the people of a State which at the first organization of To the second objection, I say that the ratio of representathis Government had a representation in this House of tion established by the constitution was not arbitrary—far numbers equal to hers, now reduced and divided into the otherwise. It formed one of the most important and trycondition of a small State, I observe with no invidiousing subjects of debate agitated in the convention. It was feeling that swelling tide of prosperity which has yielded debated long-seriously--at different stages of the proso large an increase to her representation here; but if the gress of that body in their work; and with as much effect of that increase is to be what we are now witness-earnestness and animation as has been exhibited in the dising, I ask gentlemen to consider what the condition of the smaller States of the Union will be. Once in every ten years to have the apportionment of their representative numbers fixed with extreme partiality and inequality by *Colonel Watmough, cussion of the bill now before us in this House. This I shall show by reference to the journals of the convention, and by circumstances which, although not appearing there, and perhaps unknown to most of the members of this House, were well and generally known at the time when the constitution was sent forth to the people. |