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WASHINGTON'S LAST MESSAGE.

ton met both Houses in the Senate Chamber and delivered his last annual address.* He spoke first of the measures instituted to insure a continuance of the friendship of the Indians, then of the progress made by the commissioners appointed under the Jay Treaty, of the appointment of commissioners to determine the boundary line between Spanish and American dominions, and of the state of negotiations with Algiers. He recommended that an adequate naval force be created to protect our external commerce, to secure respect of a neutral flag, and especially to protect American commerce in the MediterHe called the attention of Congress to the encouragement of manufactures and agriculture and to the establishment of a national university and a military academy.

ranean.

Alluding to the late conduct of the French Washington government,

said: "While in our external relations some serious inconveniences and embarrassments had been overcome and others lessened, it is with much pain and deep regret I mention that circumstances of a very unwelcome nature have lately occurred. Our trade has suffered and is suffering extensive injuries in the West Indies from the cruisers and agents of the French Republic, and com

Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. i., pp. 199-204; Annals of Congress, 4th Congress, 2d session, pp. 1592-1597; Benton, Abridgment of Debates, vol. ii., pp. 15-16.

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munications have been received from its minister here which indicate the danger of further disturbance of our commerce by its authority, and which are in many respects far from agreeable." Reserving this matter for a special message, he spoke of the flourishing state of the revenue, expressed the hope for a speedy extinguishment of the debt and his solicitude to see the militia placed in an efficient condition, concluding his message as follows:

"The situation in which I now stand for the last time, in the midst of the representatives of the people of the United States, naturally recalls the period when the administration of the present form of government commenced, and I can not omit the occasion to congratulate you and my country on the success of the experiment, nor to repeat my fervent supplications that the virtue and happiness of the people may be preserved, and that the Government which they have instituted for the protection of their liberties may be perpetual."

* *

*

The Senate returned returned a cordial answer, but in the House there was considerable debate over a number of the paragraphs. William Giles, Andrew Jackson, and several others voted to expunge such paragraphs as expressed attachment to the person and character of the President, approbation of his administration, or regret at his retirement from office.* After an animated debate,t the motion to strike out such paragraphs was lost,

* Bassett, Federalist System, pp. 147-148.

For which see Annals of Congress, 4th Congress, 2d session, pp. 1611-1668; Benton, Abridg ment of Debates, vol. ii., pp. 17-19, 21-34.

296

RESULT OF THE ELECTION.

and the answer was carried by a large majority.*

Little was done during the present session of Congress, the election absorbing all the attention of its members. There was little disposition to attend to official duties at so interesting a time. The election served to emphasize Washington's warning

against geographical parties, for it showed a very marked division in this respect. In all the States the contests had been close, and in all the States north of Pennsylvania as well as in Delaware Federalist electors had been chosen. This did not fully test sectional strength, however, for in Massachusetts a Federalist legislature had filled all district vacancies for which no popular elections had taken place, and in both New York and Connecticut the electors were chosen by the legislatures. In Pennsylvania the Federalists had secured the enactment of a law requiring that Presidential electors be chosen on a general ticket, instead of by districts. This proved their undoing, for it was just what the Republicans desired. To the chagrin of the Federalists, the Republicans carried the State, many Quakers voting the Jefferson ticket in preference to the Adams ticket, because they desired that France be pacified. On February 8, the electoral votes were opened in the presence of both Houses, showing the following result:

Richardson, Messages and Papers, vol. i., pp. 204-210; McMaster, vol. ii., p. 304.

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It will be seen that the electoral vote was so close that the change of two ballots might have reversed the results.

This was a warning not sufficiently heeded. The plan for a double Federalist chance with Adams and Pinckney had failed, as the New England electors, in obedience to the popular mandate, stood firmly by their first candidate and threw away on the second.*

Thus Adams became the second President of the United States, and Jefferson, the man most dreaded by the Federalists, became Vice-President.† "Hence," says Adams, " un

* Schouler, United States, vol. i., pp. 347-348. 533; Todd, The True Aaron Burr, p. 14; Parton, Life and Times of Aaron Burr, p. 198; Morse, John Adams, p. 261 et seq.

Stanwood, History of Presidential Elections, pp. 26-29; Annals of Congress, 4th Congress, 2d session, pp. 2096-2097. On January 1, 1797, before the result of the election was known, Jefferson wrote to Madison and others, declaring how gladly he would take the second office in preference to the first and adding: "If Mr. Adams can be induced to administer the government on

THE SPURIOUS LETTERS OF WASHINGTON.

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der the operation of the Constitution, Mr. Jefferson, though really the competitor for the presidency, yet, as standing second on the list suffrages, became the vicepresident for four years. The great opponent of the federalists was thus put in a conspicuous place for the succession, by the very act of those who entertained a dread amounting almost to mania of the bare possibility of his elevation. Neither is this the only instance furnished by the records of a popular government, of a manner in which the keenest political contrivances are apt not only to baffle all the expectations formed of them, but to precipitate the very results which they were designed most sedulously to avoid.”*

Washington usually ignored the calumnies of his enemies, but in one instance he thought it necessary to depart from the rule laid down for himself in regard to this. In 1777 the British published a volume of forged letters, supposed to have been written by Washington to John Parke Custis and Lund Washington. These letters were said to have been found in a small portmanteau left in care

its true principles, and to relinquish its bias to an English constitution, it is to be considered whether it would not be on the whole for the public good, to come to a good understanding with him as to his future elections. He is perhaps

the only sure barrier against Hamilton's getting

in."- Ford's ed. of Jefferson's Writings, vol. vii., p. 99; Parton, Life of Thomas Jefferson, p. 525. In regard to this, see also Madison's letters in Madison's Works (Congress ed.), vol. ii., pp. 106109.

John Adams, Works, vol. i., p. 493.

of a servant who had been taken prisoner at Fort Lee in 1776. These letters seemed to impeach the integrity of Washington's motives and to represent his inclinations as at variance with his profession and duty. The first editions of these letters had been forgotten, but they were unearthed toward the close of Washington's Presidency by the politicians of the opposing party, and were widely advertised. Washington, therefore, deemed it necessary to lay before the Secretary of State an exact account of the facts connected with the forgery. He stated that hitherto he had deemed it unnecessary to take formal notice of this imposition, but, said he, "As I cannot know how soon a more serious event may succeed to that which this day will take place, I have thought it a duty that I owed to myself, to my country, and to truth, now to detail the circumstances above recited, and to add my solemn declaration, that the letters herein described are a base forgery; and that I never saw or heard of them until they appeared in print. The present letter I commit to your care, and desire it may be deposited in the office of the department of state, as a testimony of the truth to the present generation and to posterity."

Shortly before the close of Washington's term, an ington's term, an event occurred

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298

WASHINGTON'S RETIREMENT.

which is thus related by Bishop White: "On the day before President Washington retired from office, a large company dined with him. Among them were the foreign ministers and their ladies, Mr. and Mrs. Adams, Mr. Jefferson and other conspicuous persons of both sexes. During the dinner much hilarity prevailed; but, on the removal of the cloth, it was put an end to by the President, certainly without design. Having filled his glass he addressed. the company with a smile, as nearly as can be recollected in the following words: Ladies and gentlemen, this is the last time I shall drink your health as a public man. I do it with sincerity, wishing you all possible happiness.' There was an end to all pleasantry. He who gives this relation accidently directed his eye to the lady of the British minister, Mrs. Liston, and tears were running down her checks."'*

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The citizens of Philadelphia gave a splendid banquet in Washington's honor, which was attended by many of the most distinguished men in the country. After performing the duties of courtesy toward the Presidentelect, Washington hastened to Mt. Vernon, being everywhere on the road greeted with great enthusiasm. His efforts to make his journey in privacy were unavailing, as in every part of the country through which he passed the people were eager to testify their high regard for the father

*Sparks, Life of Washington, p. 477.

of his country. That Washington looked forward with great pleasure to his retirement, is evident from his letters. Writing to Knox, he said:

"To the wearied traveller who sees a restingplace, and is bending his body to lean thereon, I now compare myself; but to be suffered to do this in peace is too much to be endured by some. To misrepresent my motives, to reprobate my politics, and to weaken the confidence which has been reposed in my administration, are objects which cannot be relinquished by those who will be dissatisfied with nothing short of a change in our political system. The consolation, however, which results from conscious rectitude, and the approving voice of my country, unequivocally expressed by its representatives, deprive their sting of its poison, and place in the same point of view both the weakness and malignity of their efforts. Although the prospect of retirement is most grateful to my soul, and I have not a wish to mix again in the great world, or to partake in its politics, yet I am not without my regrets at parting with (perhaps never more to meet) the few intimates whom I love. Among these, be assured, you are one."

The results of Washington's eight years in office are summed up by one historian as follows:

"In the midst of the most appalling obstacles, through the bitterest internal dissensions, and the most formidable combinations of foreign antipathies and caba's, he had subdued all opposition to the Constitution itself; had averted all dangers of European war; had redeemed the captive children of his country from Algiers; had reduced by chastisement, and conciliated by kindness, the most hostile of the Indian tribes; had restored the credit of the nation, and redeemed their reputation of fidelity to the performance of their obligations; had provided for the total extinguishment of the public debt; had settled the Union upon the immovable foundation of prin ciples, and had drawn around his head for the admiration and emulation of after times, a brighter blaze of glory than had ever encircled the brows of hero or statesman, patriot or sage.”*

* Jubilee of the Constitution, p. 113. Mr. Gibbs (vol. i., pp. 444-450) makes some eloquent remarks and interesting reflections on the subject of Washington's retirement into private life.

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