March.

Quarrel

between

Glencairn and Monro.

who had hitherto held that post, raised no objection, but it was otherwise when he learnt that Sir George Monro, whose services in Scotland and Ireland had not been such as to inspire confidence, was to be second in command. An excuse for a quarrel was not likely to be long absent. At a dinner given by Glencairn to Middleton and his officers, Glencairn boasted of his gallant army which, as he averred, he had raised out of nothing. "By God," cried Monro, starting from his seat with the jealousy of a professional soldier, "the men you speak of are no other than a pack of thieves and robbers. In a short time, I will show you other sort of men." Glencairn replied that his interrupter was 'a base liar,' after which Middleton did his best to reconcile the angry pair, and Glencairn, submissive in outward show, drank Monro's health, and accompanied Middleton a mile on his return home. The inevitable duel was introduced with all the stately politeness of a court. As the Earl was going to supper Sir George's brother appeared at the gate, when Glencairn asked him in and placed him at the head of the table next the daughter of the laird in whose house he had taken up his quarters. "Immediately after supper he told Monro that he would give him a spring if he could dance, which accordingly he did, the laird's daughter playing." Then, seizing a moment after the rest of the company had joined the dance, the two stepped aside, and in a dozen words arranged the time and place of meeting. When the disputants met the next morning, the Earl slashed Monro over the left hand and forehead, and but for the intervention of his own servant would have thrust his sword through his adversary's body. A fortnight afterwards Glencairn left the camp in dudgeon with Middleton himself.

Further disputes.

Such were the materials with which Middleton was expected to reconquer Scotland. The fiery spirits were loyal enough to their king, but they could not discipline themselves to forbear from personal attacks on one another. Not long before it had been Lorne and Glengarry, 'Peter Mews's Narrative, June 4, Firth's Scotland and the Protectorate; Gwynn's Military Memoirs.

1654

ROYALISTS AND PRESBYTERIANS

ΙΟΙ

then it was Kenmure and Lorne,1 now it was Glencairn and Not long afterwards Sutherland was complaining of Middleton himself, whilst Athol and Glengarry all but came to blows. 2 It had been part of Middleton's message to the chiefs that, if matters went well, Charles would follow to place himself at the head of the insurrection, but unless discipline could be restored, it was hardly likely that he would venture his person again in Scotland. Unluckily for the Royalist cause Middleton had none of that personal glamour which bowed all turbulent hearts in submission to Montrose.

Middleton and the clergy.

Great as were the difficulties arising from the impossibility of taming the wild spirits of his nominal subordinates, there was looming in the future another scarcely less formidable. No Royalist movement would really be crowned with success unless it could win the Lowlands, and Montrose's failure had shown how hard it was to control the Lowlands without standing well with the clergy. Neither Middleton nor the noblemen who surrounded him were prepared to do more than flatter them. "It is strange," wrote an Englishman who accompanied the expedition, "to see how the rebels, by their favouring the people, had crept into their affections, they not being able to see to the bottom of the design. But I labour in all discourses to make them sensible of it, and press the ministers to instil the reasons of that smoothness from the pulpit, from whence it makes the greater impression; and doubt not but I shall prevail with some of them to set it on with all possible vehemency, which if they can once fancy they will need no spurs, for they are naturally good at that kind of oratory. . . . But, for your comfort, Mr. Presbyter is never like to put his oar in our boat; at least, not to sit at the helm as formerly he hath done; yet you must not expect that we should absolutely cashier him at the first dash." 4

1 See p. 93.

3

2 Lilburne to the Protector, April 11, 20, Firth's Scotland and the Protectorate.

3 I' is omitted in the MS.

+ Peter Mews's Narrative, Firth's Scotland and the Protectorate.

The eyes of Mr. Presbyter' were too widely open to be cajoled in such a fashion.

April 22. Monk at Dalkeith.

At last the weary Dutch war was ended, and on April 22 Monk arrived at Dalkeith to take in hand the military and civil government of Scotland. He at one recognised, as Lilburne had already recognised, that he had no mere insurrection of Highlanders to face, but an uprising extending sporadically over the Lowlands as well, wherever the English troops were not present to repress an actual outbreak. When he reached Dalkeith there was no more than 500l. in the treasury, and the soldiers' pay was sadly in arrear. By June 25, as he wrote, 33,000%. would be needed to make up this deficiency alone. If he was to answer for the consequences, money, men, and ships must be hastened up from England.1 If Monk succeeded where Lilburne had failed, it was in part, at least, because his authoritative demands were attended to at Whitehall -slowly, indeed, as financial straits compelled, but still with something approaching regularity—whilst Lilburne's complaints had been ignored.

Demand for money, men, and ships.

April 1. Lilburne's gloomy

account

of the situation.

Yet, with all these advantages, Monk had no light work before him. "Hardly a younger brother," Lilburne had written in one of his last despatches, "but he's gone, and even from under the noses of our garrisons and quarters, do what we can to prevent them unless we should take all prisoners and then not know what to do with such a multitude. I hear they still break into Northumberland and steal horses, but some tell me the people there are confederates. I am doubtful the flame here may be far beyond what may be yet imagined by your Highness, or, indeed, by many that are here: the works of darkness are hard to be discerned. . . . Therefore, that it may not be at my door that a timely provision is not made even for the worst of evils that may arise here, I do in conscience and faithfulness declare my thoughts, and earnestly beg that though those in

1 Monk to the Protector, April 22, 25; Monk to Lambert, April 22, Firth's Scotland and the Protectorate.

1654

THE UNION PROCLAIMED

103

rebellion or that may join at this time may not prove so numerous or so dangerous as my apprehensions speak, yet considering the bloodiness, rebelliousness, and wretchedness of the spirits of the generality of this monstrous people who have not been sparing to shed the blood of many of their kings and rulers, and upon private quarrels and feuds to murder one another, and who have, by the help of the hills to draw together in, become formidable, and then massacred and expelled the English armies several times, the memory of which is no little encouragement to these rebels." [There is every reason to fear the worst.]2

Monk's

edness.

If Monk was secure of better financial support than had been given to Lilburne, he had also resources of his own in his keener sense of the practical means needed to subclear-sight- due resistance. It was useless indeed, as he well knew, to appeal to that spirit of patriotism which was heavily enlisted against him; but he could at least show that civil order and individual well-being would find better security under his government than under any that was likely to be set up by the gay gallants of the north. On May 4, when he entered Edinburgh, after a great banquet given him by the town, he caused two proclamations to be read at the Market Cross in his own presence: the first announcing the establishment of the ProtectorUnion. ate; the second, that according to an ordinance of the new ruler Scotland was now to form an integral part of the Commonwealth of England, Scotland, and Ireland, and that the authority of her ancient kings and her ancient parliaments having been abolished she was henceforth to send thirty members to sit in the Parliament at Westminster. Then followed a list of the boons which the larger and wealthier

May 4. Proclamation of the Protectorate and of the

It cannot have entered into the mind of the writer of this phrase addressed to Cromwell that Charles I. had been put to death otherwise than after a fair trial.

2 Lilburne to the Protector, April 1, Firth's Scotland and the Protectorate. The final clause having no principal verb it has been supplied by conjecture.

offered to the smaller and poorer nation. There was to be absolute freedom of trade on the borders; no taxes were to be raised in Scotland which were not proportionable to those on the English side; all tenures implying vassalage and servitude were to be swept away; fines and other payments by tenants to be moderated and controlled by the State. Military services and heritable jurisdictions with all fees and casualties appertaining to the lords were abolished, whilst popular courts baron were set up in each locality, to be composed of the suitors of the manor court, with power to determine by the verdict of a jury all pleas arising out of contracts, debts, promises, and trespasses, where the amount sued for did not exceed the value of forty shillings. To celebrate the munificence of the concession there was a great display of fireworks from the Market Cross.

May 5. Proclamation of

pardon and grace.

of

1

The next day was reserved for the display of the sword which in the ordinance then proclaimed was suspended over the heads of the recalcitrant nobility. Pardon and grace in respect of all acts of hostility in time of war were indeed granted in general to the whole people of Scotland, but afterwards the names of twenty-four persons followed-all with three exceptions lords of Parliament or their heirs-whose estates, saving a provision to their wives and children, were wholly forfeited to the Commonwealth. On seventy-three persons fines varying from 14,000l. to 500l. were imposed. All persons who had taken arms against the Commonwealth since May 1, 1652, were excepted from the benefits of the ordinances, whilst those who had connived at the rebellion of their brothers or wards and did not secure their surrender within twenty days were to be thrown into prison, and a fine imposed on every presbytery from which rebels had gone forth, as well as upon every parent whose son had taken part with the insurgents. A price of 200% was set on the heads of Middleton, Seaforth, Kenmure and Dalziel.3

1 Scobell, ii. 293, 295.

2 Ib. ii. 288; Nicoll's Diary, 125. 3 Thurloe, ii. 261.