cations, to meet any sudden contingency and to encounter the first shock of war. Our chief reliance must be placed on the militia. They constitute the great body of national guards, and, inspired by an ardent love of country, will be found ready at all times and at all seasons to repair with alacrity to its defence. It will be regarded by Congress, I doubt not, at a suitable time, as one of its highest duties to attend to their complete organization and discipline.

By the report of the Secretary of the Navy it will be seen that the state of the navy pension fund requires the immediate attention of Congress. By the operation of the act of the 3d of March, 1837, entitled "an act for the more equitable administration of the navy pension fund," that fund has been exhausted. It will be seen that there will be required for the payment of navy pensions, on the first of July next, $88,706 06, and on the first of January, 1842, the sum of $69,000. In addition to these sums, about $6,000 will be required to pay arrears of pensions which will probably be allowed between the first of July and the first of January, 1842, making in the whole $163,706 06. To meet these payments there is within the control of the department the sum of $28,040, leaving a deficit of $139,666 06. The public faith requires that immediate provision should be made for the payment of these sums.

In order to introduce into the navy a desirable efficiency, a new system of accountability may be found to be indispensably necessary. To mature a plan having for its object the accomplishment of an end so important, and to meet the just expectations of the country, require more time than has yet been allowed to the secretary at the head of that department. The hope is indulged that by the time of your next regular session measures of importance, in connexion with this branch of the public service, may be matured for your consideration.

Although the laws regulating the Post Office Department only require from the officer charged with its direction to report at the usual annual session of Congress, the Postmaster General has presented me with some facts connected with the financial condition of the department

which are deemed worthy the attention of Congress. By the accompanying report of that officer, it appears that the existing liabilities of that department beyond the means of payment at its command cannot be less than $500,000. As the laws organizing that branch of the public service confine the expenditure to its own revenues, deficiencies therein cannot be presented under the usual estimates for the expenses of government. It must therefore be left to Congress to determine whether the moneys now due to contractors shall be paid from the public treasury, or whether that department shall continue under its present embarrassments. It will be seen by the report of the postmaster general that the recent lettings of contracts in several of the states have been made at such reduced rates of compensation as to encourage the belief that if the department was relieved from existing difficulties, its future operations might be conducted without any further call upon the general treasury.

The power of appointing to office is one of a character the most delicate and responsible. The appointing power is evermore exposed to be led into error. With anxious solicitude to select the most trustworthy for official station, I cannot be supposed to possess a personal knowledge of the qualifications of every applicant. I deem it therefore proper, in this most public manner, to invite, on the part of the senate, a just scrutiny into the character and pretensions of every person whom I may bring to their notice in the regular form of a nomination to office. Unless persons every way trustworthy are employed in the public service, corruption and irregularity will inevitably follow. I shall, with the greatest cheerfulness, acquiesce in the decision of that body, and, regarding it as wisely constituted to aid the executive department in the performance of this delicate duty, I shall look to its "consent and advice" as given only in furtherance of the best interests of the country. I shall also, at the earliest proper occasion, invite the attention of Congress to such measures as in my judgment will be best calculated to regulate and control the executive power in reference to this vitally important subject.

I shall also, at the proper season, invite your attention

to the statutory enactments for the suppression of the slave trade, which may require to be rendered more efficient in their provisions. There is reason to believe that the traffic is on the increase. Whether such increase is to be ascribed to the abolition of slave labor in the British possessions in our vicinity, and an attendant diminution in the supply of those articles which enter into the general consumption of the world, thereby augmenting the demand from other quarters, and thus calling for additional labor, it were needless to inquire. The highest considerations of public honor, as well as the strongest promptings of humanity, require a resort to the most vigorous efforts to suppress the trade.

In conclusion, I beg leave to invite your particular attention to the interests of this District. Nor do I doubt but that, in a liberal spirit of legislation, you will seek to advance its commercial as well as its local interests. Should Congress deem it to be its duty to repeal the existing sub-treasury law, the necessity of providing a suitable place of deposite for the public moneys which may be required within the district must be apparent to all.

I have felt it due to the country to present the foregoing topics to your consideration and reflection. Others, with which it might not seem proper to trouble you at an extraordinary session, will be laid before you at a future day. I am happy in committing the important affairs of the country into your hands. The tendency of public sentiment, I am pleased to believe, is towards the adop tion, in a spirit of union and harmony, of such measures as will fortify the public interests. To cherish such a tendency of public opinion is the task of an elevated patriotism. That differences of opinion as to the means of accomplishing these desirable objects should exist, is reasonably to be expected. Nor can all be made satisfied with any system of measures. But I flatter myself with the hope that the great body of the people will readily unite in the support of those whose efforts spring from a disinterested desire to promote their happiness; to preserve the federal and state governments within their respective orbits; to cultivate peace with all the nations of the earth, on just and honorable grounds; to exact obe

dience to the laws; to entrench liberty and property in full security; and, consulting the most rigid economy, to abolish all useless expenses.

TYLER'S BANK VETO,

AUGUST 16, 1841.

To the Senate of the United States:

The bill entitled "An act to incorporate the subscribers to the fiscal bank of the United States," which originated in the Senate, has been considered by me, with a sincere desire to conform my action in regard to it, to that of the two Houses of Congress. By the Constitution it is made my duty either to approve the bill by the signing act, or to return it with my objections to the House in which it originated. I cannot conscientiously give it my approval, and I proceed to discharge the duty required of me by the Constitution-to give my reasons for disapproving.

The power of Congress to create a national bank to operate per se over the Union, has been a question of dispute from the origin of our government. Men most justly and deservedly esteemed for their high intellectual endowments, their virtue and their patriotism, have, in regard to it, entertained different and conflicting opinions. Congresses have differed. The approval of one President has been followed by the disapproval of another. The people at different times have acquiesced in decisions both for and against. The country has been and still is deeply agitated by this unsettled question. It will suffice for me to say, that my own opinion has been uniformly proclaimed to be against the exercise of any such power by this government. On all suitable occasions, during a period of twenty-five years, the opinion thus entertained has been unreservedly expressed. I declared it in the legislature of my native state. In the House of Representatives of the United States it has been openly vindicated by me.

In the Senate chamber, in the presence and bearing of many who are at this time members of that body, it

has been affirmed and re-affirmed, in speeches and reports there made, and by votes there recorded. In popular assemblies I have unhesitatingly announced it; and the last public declaration which I have made, and that but a short time before the late presidential election, I referred to my previously expressed opinions as being those then entertained by me; with a full knowledge of the opinions thus entertained, and never conceded, I was elected by the people Vice President of the United States. By the occurrence of a contingency provided for by the Constitution, and arising under an impressive dispensation of Providence, I succeeded to the presidential office. Before entering upon the duties of that office I took an oath that I would "preserve, protect, and defend the Constitution of the United States."

Entertaining the opinions alluded to, and having taken this oath, the Senate and the country will see that I could not give my sanction to a measure of the character described, without surrendering all claim to the respect of honorable men-all confidence on the part of the peopleall self-respect-all regard for moral and religious obligations; without an observance of which, no government can be prosperous, and no people can be happy. would be to commit a crime which I would not wilfully commit to gain any earthly reward, and which would justly subject me to the ridicule and scorn of all virtuous

men.

It

I deem it entirely unnecessary at this time to enter upon the reasons which have brought my mind to the convictions I feel and entertain on this subject. They have over and over again been repeated. If some of those who have preceded me in this high office have entertained and avowed different opinions, I yield all confidence that their convictions were sincere. I claim only to have the same measure meted out to myself. Without going further into the argument, I will say that, in looking to the powers of this government to collect, safely keep, and disburse the public revenue, and incidentally regulate the commerce and exchanges, I have not been able to satisfy myself that the establishment, by this gov ernment, of a bank of discount, in the ordinary accepta