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firesides. Indeed the government is in the hands of senseless, chattering boys. The majority of them are positively boys in point of experience; and a stranger going to America must observe that such boys asin other countries would be learning to get their own living by labour are there learning to live by politics. He will see them standing at tavern-doors, or at the corner of streets, rolling cigars from one side of their mouths to the other, while discussing the “ Presidential question," the “Gubernatorial question," or, perhaps, the question as to which of themselves shall be sent to the Assembly, the House of Representatives, or to the Senate, at the approaching election. From what I have seen of these things, I cannot but think that a nation governed by men that are not less than forty years of age, would be much happier than one governed by those of twenty-one. “ Days shall speak,” said Job, “and multitude of years shall teach wisdom.” We know that age does not always make a man wise, but experience is always effectual where anything can be so; and it is rare to find a man at forty that is not wiser than he was at twenty, and consequently more fit to take part in matters upon which the fate of his country depends. We have read of the reign of Reheboam, and of the consequences of his taking the advice of the young men of his acquaintance, instead of taking counsel of the old men that stood before Solomon his father, and we have read of and seen many other things, tending to convince us that age is necessary to govern ; but I do not recollect to have read or seen anything that had a tendency to convince me of the contrary. I have lately had put

into
my

hands book, “Thoughts on Public Trust," written by William Dawson, Esq. of Frogdean, in Roxburghshire, Scotland, and published in 1805. This book contains some very excellent remarks upon the subject I am now speaking of, and from which I take the following :

“ Civilized nations in general thought it proper to refuse individuals power over their own fortunes, until they arrived at a particular age, supposing that their passions and want of experience, while young, would induce them to spend it foolishly. But if this restraint be necessary in the private affairs, where interest operates as a powerful check upon the passions, it is much more necessary to continue the trust, where interest, in place of being a check, often operates as a spur to the passions.

“As there are so many instances of young persons, who, in a few years after their majority, spend their fortunes and ruin their health, from the want of experience, and from the violence of their passions, their own interest being an insufficient check to prevent them, nothing can appear more imprudent than to entrust such persons with the magistracy, or even with the right of voting.

“Would it not be prudent, and give greater steadiness and respecta

a

bility to national deliberations, if none were allowed to hold any magistracy, or to vote for any public officer, until they were forty years of age? Such a regulation would very much lessen the number of voters without injuring the right of any class; and would put the magistracy, the election and control of public agents, and voting on laws, into the hands of men, who, from having cooler passions and more experience, are best qualified for such important trust.”

The reformer, I think, might read these “ Thoughts on Public Trust" to some advantage. But, my Lord, it is not my purpose to try to show what is best to be done by way of reform ; I only intend to hold up the United States of America as a beacon, hoping that all reformers will avoid it, whatever other way they steer.

I now beg to refer your Lordship to the Appendix, which will be sufficient, I trust, to satisfy every thinking man that it is just and proper for the good of nations that such a beacon should be exhibited. Trusting in this, it would be superfluous to say more, except that

I have the honour to be

Your Lordship's
Very obedient and humble servant,

THOMAS BROTHERS.

ON THE CONDUCT OF THE REPUBLICANS OF

THE UNITED STATES TO

THE AMERICAN INDIANS.

To the Right Honourable the Lord Brougham, fc.

MY LORD,

Bishop's Itchington, Sept. 2, 1839. The following remarks and extracts from public documents, relative to the treatment of the North American republicans to the Indian aborigines, were written and collected in the beginning of the year 1838, the author being then resident in Philadelphia. I did not at that time intend to address the letter to your Lordship, which circumstance may account for the familiar manner in which I have written. As, however, your Lordship, I am sure, cares little for style or manner so long as important facts are adduced, I shall present the letter to you as it was originally written without any alteration.

I believe, beyond a doubt, that no government of whatever form has ever evinced so much cruelty and injustice as has the republic of the United States to the American Indians. This you will find is an opinion that the government at one time held itself; I shall not, therefore, I hope, be called to account for having stated that which their own public documents acknowledge, which documents I am about to lay before you.

I cannot, of course, in a letter, pretend to give a history of the treatment of the Indians from the first landing of the white man in their country; but I can and will begin with the first act that caused me to think of their wrongs, and to distrust the virtue and honesty of republican government. This act was committed by the state of Georgia in the year 1825, being one year after I arrived in America. It appcars that an agreement had been made in the year 1802 between Georgia and the United States, that the latter should purchase and give to the former the land belonging to the Indians, and lying within the boundaries of that state. This was to be done when the Indians should become willing to part with it peaceably and on reasonable terms. You will think this a strange sort of an agreement, for two parties to be trucking away, from one to the other, the lands of a third party, without the third party's knowledge or consent. Years passed away and nothing was

done in this matter, when the Georgians became very impatient for the possession of the land, and they formed a plan to obtain it. They got about half a dozen of the half blooded, profligate Indians to assume the right of selling this land to the United States: the bargain was accordingly made ; the Indian nation, consisting of many thousands, knowing nothing at all of the transaction, till after it was executed. And when these treacherous Indians returned to their homes, they were put to death for their conduct, and their acts, of course, were not acknowledged by the nation; their relations, expecting the same fate, wrote to the President of the United States for protection; and the following is a copy of their letter, which letter will give you a good idea of treatymaking between the republicans and the Indians of North America.

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Washington, May 17, 1825. “ We have come to request our father, the president, to protect us against a hostile party of Indians, as was promised by the commissioners at the treaty of the Indian Springs, when we ceded the lands to the United States.

“The commissioners gave us a good talk from our father the president. They told us that you were bound by the compact of 1802 to procure our lands for the state of Georgia. We listened to the talk of our father, and did all he desired. We made a fair treaty for the sale of our lands, which publicly passed the Senate, and was ratified by our father the president.

“Since then a hostile party has attacked the house of our father, General McIntosh, and killed him and Etome Tustunnuggee.

« The commissioners told us that you would protect us against any attempt to injure us ; and also, that you would send a garrison to Cattahoochie river to prevent any encroachment on our land, before we removed west of the Mississippi. This never was done, and we did not ask for it, because it was not thought necessary. Now we need assistance, and claim a performance of your promise.

“We ask to have revenge for our blood, spilt by a hostile party of Indians ; and that the murder of our father, General McIntosh, and Etome Tustunnuggee, may be investigated, and the ringleaders punished.

“Without your assistance we cannot settle our disputes. We ask you to investigate them, and to aid in removing our difficulties.

“We now look for your protection as it was promised by the commissioners. Without, we cannot prepare to go west of the Mississippi. About one thousand troops will be necessary.

“ If our father, the president, does not protect his red children, we shall be oppressed, and many of us will be killed. We hope he will not deny us

his protection, as promised by the commissioners. We have trusted to his promise, and think he will not deceive us.

"CAILLY MCINTOSH.
“INTULLASKY MCINTOSH, his (*) mark.
" Ben DAULAWAZ, his (*) mark.

Jim DAULAWZA, his (TM) mark. “To the Hon. James Barbour, Secretary of War."

The president, Mr. John Quincy Adams, laid before the Senate of the United States, in 1826, a document, in which, much to his honour, speaking of this villanous treaty, he said

“ It was transmitted to me from the Senate on the 5th of March, and ratified in full confidence, yielded to the advice and consent of the Senate, under a firm belief, founded on the journals of the commissioners of the United States, and on the expressed statements in the letter of one of them to the then secretary of war, that it had been concluded with a large majority of the chiefs of the Creek nation, and with a reasonable prospect of immediate acquiescence by the remainder. This expectation has not merely been disappointed, but the first measures for carrying the treaty into execution had scarcely been taken, when the two principal chiefs who had signed it fell victims to the exasperation of the great mass of the nation; and their families and dependents, far from being able to execute the engagements on their part, fled for life, safety, and subsistence, from the territories which they had assumed to cede to our own. - Yet, in this fugitive condition, and whilst subsisting on the bounty of the United States, they have been found advancing pretensions to receive exclusively to themselves the whole of the sums stipulated by the commissioners in payment for all the lands of the Creek nation which were ceded by the terms of the treaty. And they have claimed the stipulation of the eighth article, that the United States would protect the emigrating party against the encroachments of all others, as an engagement by which the United States were bound to become the instruments of their vengeance, and to inflict upon the majority of the Creek nation the punishment of Indian retribution, to gratify the vindictive fury of an impotent and helpless minority of their own tribes."

The president, Mr. Adams, then recommends that, under this state of things, the treaty be not enforced; as to do so would be to“ extort from them a bargain, of which the advantages on the part of the United States could only be purchased by hardship on theirs."

There was a great deal said and done at that time on this subject, but the public documents amply show the vile proceedings that were resorted to by avaricious men. They had laid their plans to get the land in spite

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