that which they would not carry into effect. All this great nation, therefore, was made to fear and tremble at the Proclamation by the Governor of South Carolina, in opposition to one issued by the President of the United States, setting forth that the tariff laws, so obnoxious to the Southern states, should, at all hazards, be carried into effect. The Carolinian proclamation is too long for me to give the whole, and a few extracts will be sufficient for my purpose, which is to show the narrow escapes the Union has already had from dissolution; and that these dangers were all occasioned by paper money. The said proclamation commences as follows:

"Proclamation by the Governor of South Carolina.

"Whereas, the President of the United States has issued his Proclamation concerning an Ordinance of the people of South Carolina, to nullify certain acts of Congress of the United States,' laying duties and imposts for the protection of domestic manufactures."

"And whereas, the Legislature of South Carolina, now in session, taking into consideration the matters contained in the said proclamation of the President, have adopted a preamble and resolution to the following effect, viz. :

"Whereas, the President of the United States has issued his proclamation, denouncing the proceedings of this State; calling upon the citizens thereof to renounce their primary allegiance, and threatening them with military coercion, unwarranted by the constitution, and utterly inconsistent with the existence of a free state; be it therefore

"Resolved, that his Excellency the Governor be requested forthwith to issue his proclamation, warning the good people of this State against the attempt of the President of the United States to seduce them from their allegiance, exhorting them to disregard his vain menaces, and to be prepared to sustain the dignity and protect the liberty of the State against the arbitrary measures proposed by the President."

"Now, I, Robert Y. Hayne, governor of South Carolina, in obedience to the said resolution, do hereby issue this my proclamation, solemnly warning the good people of this State against the dangerous and pernicious doctrines promulgated in the said proclamation of the President, as calculated to mislead their judgments as to the true character of the government under which they live, and the paramount obligation which they owe to the State, and manifestly intended to seduce them from their allegiance; and, by drawing them to the support of the violent and unlawful measures contemplated by the President to involve them in the guilt of rebellion. I would earnestly admonish them to beware of the specious but false doctrines by which it is now

a compact between sovesecede ;'-in a word, that

attempted to be shown that the several States have not retained their entire sovereignty; that the allegiance of their citizens was transferred, in the first instance, to the government of the United States;' 'that a state cannot be said to be sovereign and independent whose citizens owe obedience to laws not made by it;' that even under the royal government, we had no separate character; ' that the constitution has created a national government, which is not reign states'—' that a state has no right to ours is a national government, in which the people of all the States are represented, and by which we are constituted 'ONE PEOPLE;' and that our representatives in Congress are all representatives of the United States, and not of the particular States from which they come’-doctrines which uproot the very foundation of our political system; annihilate the rights of the States, and utterly destroy the liberties of the citizen.

*

* "South Carolina has not assumed' what could be considered at all doubtful, when she asserts that the acts in question were, in reality, intended for the protection of manufactures; ' that their operation is unequal;' that the amount received by them is greater than is required by the wants of the government; and, finally, 'that the proceeds are to be applied to objects unauthorized by the constitution.'. These facts are notorious, these objects openly avowed. The President, without instituting any inquisition into motives, has himself discovered, and publicly denounced them, and his officer of finance is even now devising measures intended, as we are told, to correct these acknowledged abuses.

*

*

* "The brave men, who have thrown themselves into the breach in defence of the rights and liberties of their country, are not to be driven from their holy purposes by such means (as those expressed in the President's proclamation). Even unmerited obloquy and death itself have no terrors for him who feels and knows that he is engaged in the performance of a sacred duty.' The people of South Carolina are well aware that, however passion and prejudice may obtain for a season the mastery of the public mind,-reason and justice must sooner or later reassert their empire: and that whatever may be the events of this contest, posterity will do justice to their motives, and to the spotless purity and devoted patriotism with which they have entered into an arduous and most unequal conflict, and the unfaltering courage with which, by the blessings of heaven, they will maintain it

"The whole argument, so far as it is designed at this time to enter into it, is now disposed of; and it is necessary to advert to some passages in the proclamation which cannot be passed over in silence. The President distinctly intimates that it is his determination to exert the right of

putting down the opposition of South Carolina to the tariff by force of arms. He believes himself invested with power to do this, under the provision of the constitution which directs him to 'take care that the laws be faithfully executed.' Now, if by this it was only meant to be asserted that, under the law of Congress now in force, the President would feel himself bound to aid the civil tribunals in the manner therein prescribed, supposing such law to be constitutional, no just exception could be taken to this assertion of executive duty. But if as, manifestly intended, the President sets up the claim to judge for himself in what manner the laws are to be enforced, and feels himself at liberty to call forth the militia, and even the military and naval forces of the union, against the state of South Carolina, her constituted authorities and citizens, then it is clear that he assumes a power not only not conferred on the executive by the constitution, but which belongs to no despot upon earth exercising a less unlimited authority than the autocrat of all the Russias; an authority which, if submitted to, would at once reduce the free people of the United States to a state of the most abject and degraded slavery."

* ** "Here then it is seen, that, unless the President is resolved to disregard all constitutional obligations, and to trample the laws of his country under his feet, he has no authority whatever to use force against the state of South Carolina: and should he attempt to do so, the patriotic citizens of this state know too well their own rights, and have too sacred a regard to their duties, to hesitate one moment in repelling invasion, come from what quarter it may.'

دو

* * * "We will stand upon the soil of South Carolina, and maintain the sovereign authority of the state, or be buried beneath its ruins. As unhappy Poland fell before the power of the autocrat, so may Carolina be crushed by the power of her enemies."

* * * "The President has intimated in his proclamation, that a 'standing army' is about to be raised to carry secession into effect. South Carolina desires that her true position should be clearly understood both at home and abroad. Her object is not disunion,-she has raised no 'standing army,' and if driven to repel invasion or resist aggression, she will do so by the strong arms and stout hearts of her citizens. South Carolina has solemnly proclaimed her purpose; that purpose is the vindication of her rights. Above all, she estimates, as beyond all price, her liberty, which she is unalterably deter mined never to surrender while she has the power to maintain it.” "The President denies, in the most positive terms, the right of a state under any circumstances to secede from the Union, and puts this denial on the ground, that from the time the states parted with so many powers as to constitute jointly with the other states a single nation, they

'

cannot from that period possess any right to secede.' What then remains of those 'rights of the states,' for which the President professes so high a reverence?' In what do they consist? and by what tenure are they held? The uncontrolled will of the federal government. Like any other petty corporation, the states may exert such powers and such only as may be permitted by their superiors. When they step beyond these limits, even a federal officer will set at nought their decrees, repeal their solemn ordinances, proclaim their citizens to be traitors, and reduce them to subjection by military force: and if driven to desperation, they should seek a refuge in secession, they are to be told that they have bound themselves to those who have perpetrated or permitted these enormities, in the iron bonds of a perpetual union."

*

*

66 Fellow-citizens, in the name and behalf of South Carolina, I do once more solemnly warn you against attempts to seduce you from your primary allegiance to the state. I charge you to be faithful to your duty as citizens of South Carolina, and earnestly exhort you to disregard those 'vain menaces' of military force, which, if the President, in violation of all his constitutional obligations, and of your most sacred rights, should be tempted to employ, it would become your solemn duty, at all hazards, to resist. I require you to be fully prepared to sustain the dignity and protect the liberties of the state, if needs be, with your lives and fortunes.' And may that great and good Being, who, as a 'father, careth for his children,' inspire us with a 'holy zeal in a good cause, which is the best safeguard of our rights and liberties." "In testimony whereof, I have caused the seal of the state to be hereunto affixed, and have signed the same with my hand.

"Done at Columbia, this 20th day of December, in the year of our Lord, 1832, and, in the independence of the United States, the fiftyseventh."

"By the Governor."

"ROBERT Y. HAYNE.

"SAMUEL HAMMON, Secretary of State.

This "talk," as the Indians would call it, ended as that of their neighbours of Georgia had done. These things are very injurious in a variety of ways. When such solemn vows and protestations are made, by the highest in authority, only to be broken, it is no wonder that men's words and promises on lighter matters should be disregarded; and that no reliance, in this country, is now to be placed on the word of man. If there be one blessing greater than others, it is that which teaches men to be faithful to their engagements; and a nation that is so unfortunate as not to possess this blessing-possess what she will besides-is not to be admired by the rest of the world. A nation that is truly great makes no rash vows, nor engages in anything that it does not seriously intend to perform.

"The spirit of our party," say the nullifiers, "is high and lofty; the contemptible document of the President was read with scorn, disgust, and ridicule. When the part which addresses us as his children was read, laughter pervaded the house. We are prepared for every thing. The state-rights' party, otherwise the state, have determined to resist at all hazards or consequences, trusting in the integrity of our cause, and the guidance of that good Providence who will ever prosper the right. We will, at the word, fly to the rescue of our state; and God grant that the stain which the first invader shall implant by his footsteps may be washed away in his blood."

A

Mr. Rhett, a member from South Carolina, in his speech in Congress the other day, alluding to the days of nullification, said they did not threaten. "We intended no threat," said he, "no intimidation. brave man seldom threatens : he will express his opinions and determinations, and he will maintain the one, and enforce the other, but he will not act upon the principle of fear, because he feels not its existence in his own bosom ;" and yet he immediately, and in the same paragraph, acknowledges that they, in that case, compromised and submitted to that with which no freeman need be very deeply enamoured. He remarked that "the tariff bill of 1833 is no such mighty boon to the south that we need have any special desires that it should be observed inviolate. Twenty per cent. discriminating duty exacted from the consumers of the country, for the benefit of northern manufacturers, with cash duties and the home valuation, equal to some ten per cent. more, constitutes a measure of tribute with which no freeman need be very deeply enamoured. From respect to my native state, I shall never, upon this floor, violate a compromise which she has sanctioned: although, as a counsellor in her convention, I resisted its acceptance with all my feeble powers. She adopted it, however, contrary to my humble counsel; a mighty offering for peace, because great principles were involved. Her faith shall be maintained unsullied by me. But if others, if you think proper to set aside the compromise this bill contains, do so. We are ready; we are willing to meet the issue. You may not again find the south, in such a contest, divided, distracted, confounded. And, sir, no time can be more auspicious than now; when the fever,' in consequence of your abolition aggression, so freely burns. Would that it raged deeper, wider, higher! Now is the time to sweep off all our discontents at a single blow. Re-open the tariff question,―assail our domestic institutions-not insidiously, (as you have commenced this Cumberland road, and all your other aggressions, beginning by a prayer for a survey, and ending in grasping millions,) but openly, directly, and fairly. The obstacle of a straw shall not be laid in your way by me. I never have,-I never will,-by word or act, seek to avoid the contest