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either here or elsewhere; and if it is to come, God grant me life to see it and to meet it.-False confidence is our only danger. “We know our rights, and knowing, dare maintain them.'

And what is the use of your daring to maintain them, if you do not maintain them ? Surely the whole world from its first creation has never produced a race of vain boasters, equal to those of South Carolina. If they had talked less and maintained” more, they would have got rid of the unjust and unconstitutional tariff. It never would have survived that crisis, it would have perished before it had produced the overflowing treasury, which is a principle cause of our extra difficulties. The villanous bankers got the treasure and lent in paper to the people ten times its amount on the strength of it. There never before, on the face of the earth, has been such a wholesale daring robbery committed. Millions of dollars got together by taxing the farmers, artisans, and labourers,—and those dollars divided among the states ;--subdivided among the bankers, and chartered companies, and all sorts of thieves, that were plundering us in a thousand other ways before and at the time the division took place.

Such a piece of injustice was never known before. I care not where you look for its equal. You may review the “iron sway of the feudal system," as Webster everlastingly talks about; you may let him point out to you the deeds done in the days of "Empson and Dudley,”--the “ darkness of the middle ages ;” in short you may go with him his regular round to “Tripoli,” “ Tunis," and “Algiers," in search of desperate deeds, and if you go with him to the d—-1, you will never find the equal of this deep-laid scheme for fleecing the deluded multitude.

When I look at my coat, and think that one-half that it cost me went into a purse, which purse was given to some rascally company of money-makers, or of canal, rail-road, or some other previously privileged gang—when I consider, that all that I and my family have worn, used, ate and drank, has in some way or other for years been taxed, not for the necessary expenses of the Government, but for the purpose of dividing the amount among chartered monopolists, is it to be wondered at, when I consider these things, and have blood in my veins, that I feel enwrathed at them, and that I resolve never to rest till they and their contrivances are exterminated from among us?

All this mischief you will easily comprehend emanated out of papermoney. “South Carolina," says the proclamation," has not assumed what could be considered as at all doubtful, when she asserts that the acts in question were in reality intended for the protection of manufacturers; that their operation is unequal; that the amount received by them is greater than is required by the wants of the government; and,

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finally, that the proceeds are to be applied to objects unauthorised by the constitution; these facts are notorious—these objects openly avowed. The president, without instituting any inquisition into motives, has himself discovered, and publicly denounced them; and his officer of finance is even now devising measures intended, as we are told, to correct these acknowledged abuses."

The truth of the matter is, that the sharpers, who have directly or indirectly a stake in the bank-note business, want employment for their easily obtained “capital,” as they call it, and they entice to the country foreign mechanics, exceedingly clever as“ operatives,” bụt more ignorant than the ass that carries the panniers as to anything relating to the tricks practised upon them by their employers; who next get a charter, under some pompous title or other; presently they have a large establishment, and set two or three hundred of these men busily to work; whom they ring in and out of their factory, as countrymen ring swarms of bees into the hive for the purpose of making honey, which, in due time, is to be taken by the bankers, or those who furnished the capital.”

Merely having a charter for each company of these worthy " capitalists” is not, by them, deemed a sufficient privilege; so they all combine together, and get, independent of their separate charters, one grand charter for the whole, which charter they call a tariff; and which is a law to force us all to buy their wares at their own prices, provided those prices do not exceed the prices of the same kind of goods manufactured elsewhere, after such goods have paid a duty of forty or fifty per cent. They cannot manufacture goods and compete with other manufacturers that are untrammelled, because their cheap currency so enhances the prices of provisions, and consequently of labour. The bankers, having become their masters, say that they shall not have gold and silver, so they are obliged to “stop the spindles," as Daniel Webster would say, or to be protected under a tariff! They of the south are great consumers and small producers of manufactured goods, they therefore very justly ask why they should be thus taxed for the benefit of this extortionate race of bankers?

The “ Washington Globe," the first newspaper in the United States, speaking of the degraded state of Philadelphia, says :

Bank Government.-To what abasement a bank government has reduced a city once so famous for the purity, probity, economy, and order impressed upon it by its Quaker origin, will be seen in the following notice of the Philadelphia Ledger, a paper not in the interest of the oppressed democratic minority of that city.

Our City Government.—The time has arrived when every citizen should ask himself, what is to be the end ? Vice reigns in high places, the dice-box is rattled by office, and drunken ness wears the robe of

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authority. Gaming-houses at every corner invite the youth to ruin, and the husband and father to beggar his wife and children for the insane gratification of an hour. Houses of infamy bid defiance to law, and their brazen inmates crowd every public place, bidding defiance to decency. Grog-shops innumerable light up the fires of hell in almost every family circle, and manufacture misery and crime by wholesale, to prey upon

the

peace and the property of the virtuous and orderly. Official corruption pours out public money like water, and saddles every property-holder with a nightmare of taxation, to support extravagant and useless expenditure. No citizen is safe in his house from the knife of the assassin, and no house is safe from the torch of the incendiary. Our city is steeped in misgovernment; it has drained to the dregs the cup of misrule; our rulers have brought us into muddy waters," and it is time for every voter to ask himself, “ Where is this to end ?” We can tell him that it will end in the ruin and disgrace of our city, and that the only preventive is a change.""

This nullification business led the way to these things, and did infinite harm and no good. “ The American system” is still in existence, and must continue to exist, while there is fraudulent paper-money. The Carolinians ought to have issued their flaming ordinance against the fraudulent banking system. If they could have killed that, the other would have died, or dropped off for want of further nourishment. Instead of which, they effected nothing, excepting setting an example to others, to lessen and bring into contempt the sovereign authority, and to hasten the dissolution of the union. Since their proceeding, we have had all kinds of nullifiers, Lynchers, and“ virtual repealers," until we are actually left without any other sovereign authority than that of bank notes.

For further particulars of the proceedings relative to these matters, and to the affairs of the Union in general, I must refer you to my other letters, and to the Appendix; in the mean time, I beg to subscribe myself,

Your
very
obedient and very humble servant,

THOMAS BROTHERS.

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TO D. O'CONNELL, M.P., JOŠEPA STURGE, ESQRS., AND THE 'OTHER

ENGLISH ABOLITIONISTS OF NEGRO SLAVERY,

Southam, Warwickshire, September 16, 1839. LADIES AND GENTLEMEN,

I am not about to condemn'or to approve of your opposition to 'negro slavery. It is a question of too much importance for me to decide

upon, without more consideration than I have given to it." I am convinced, however, from what I have seen in America, that' to free those who were born slaves, and who were fortunate enough to have for their owner à kind man, would be to inflict a curse, rather than to bestow a blessing, upon

them. & As to the cruel treatment inflicted by the tyrannic owners, that we cannot too much deplore. And as to those who volántarily enter into such trade, for them nó excuse can be found ; but we ought to make every fair allowance for those who have inherited slaves, and who were born and bred up in countries where slavery is, and has ever been a common thing. And we should bear strongly in mind, too, that to free, at once, the immense number of slaves in the United States of America would be to do that of which no man could foresee the consequences. But this makes it the more necessary that much discussion and consideration should be bestowed upon it ; 'and forms no ground whatever for the barbarous proceedings which I am about to speak of. With the Abolition question I have nothing to do: my purpose, at present, being to point out to you that which all of you may not be aware of;--and that which will have a tendency, I hope, to make those that are not already so thankful that Providence has placed them under a government, and amidst a people, that suffer them to enjoy their own opinions on these and other matters; and that they can, at any time or place, assemble together to discuss what subject they please, without being made afraid by an ignorant mob of blood-thirsty brutes, who are fit for nothing but slaves themselves. Had

your lot been cast in the United States of America, in that “Great Republic,” where so much is said of liberty, you could not, but at the hazard of your lives and properties, have uttered a word in favour of emancipating, or even of instructing, the poor negroes. The first independent act that“ great people" did, was to declare that all men were created equal, and that every one had a right to liberty, and while they were thus enlightening the world on this subject, they were actually tightening the chains of their own slaves.

you how

You will suppose that, in the non-slave-holding states, the people, if they did not generally disapprove, would not, at any rate, interest themselves in the support of slavery; and, surely, those that are honest and sensible will scarcely believe it posssible for freemen, like the Pennsylvanians, whose motto is “Virtue, Liberty, and Independence,” to sally out in mobs, and, without judge or jury, destroy the property of, and put to death, any man that dares to defend either. And yet such is the case, even in the "enlightened city of Philadelphia," where, if a man is only suspected of sympathizing with the blacks, whether free or slaves, such a man finds it necessary to plead, in the most earnest manner, for his life and property,—an instance of which I give you in the Appendix, of one David P. Brown, Esq., attorney-at-law, in the said city. This gentleman was suspected by his " fellow-citizens,” in 1835, of being rather inclined to freedom of speech on the "Abolition Question," and the Lynchers gave it out that they were about to call on him, when he found it necessary to publicly address them, and to excuse himself as well as he could for having given offence to the supreme authority, of the land : part of which excuse you will find in said Appendix; where you will also find how many others, guilty of a like offence, have suffered., I have there selected a few cases, which will show the blacks, and those that befriend the blacks, are treated, I assure you that in the free states all that are considered to have any tinge, however slight, of the negro about them, no matter how respectable, are cruelly used si and, in the eyes of a great majority of the rich as well as poor, they are considered little or nothing better than the beast of the field. It is grievous to hear the scornful epithets given to them by the boys in the streets, as soon as they are old enough to hector. And this feeling towards the negroes every day increases,-a convincing proof of which we have in their having been excluded from the elective franchise by the New Constitution of Pennsylvania, which is just now come into effect. * Fifty years back, at the making of the late constitution of that State, the free blacks were considered as mien, and came within the pale of the famed declaration, that all men are equal. To be sure, in large cities, or towns, popular opinions, against which American constitutions have, from the beginning, been but a dead letter, would not suffer them to vote; and they were as effectually excluded by that authority, in Philadelphia, as they will now be by the new constitution, which, in this respect, will only serve to show the world how liberty and equality are marching in Pennsylvania.

Had the blacks been disfranchised, on account of their want of capapacity, by those competent to judge, it would have been right enough;

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