pleading for the trampled and the poor, we have laboured for the redemption of the slave from his bonds, and our country from its deadliest curse. We have laboured from a solemn conviction of duty. From the same conviction, deepened by the events of the past week, we shall continue to toil. If we are heretics, ours is a heresy which cannot be burned out of us by fire. With a calm reliance upon God for justice to our principles, our motives and our measures, we shall go forward in the arduous work we have begun; not, indeed, as reckless bravers of public opinion, but as men fearing God rather than man, and having the assurance that our principles will ultimately triumph over violence, and prejudice and error. We labour not for ourselves alone, but for the best and highest earthly interests of those whose hand is lifted against us -for our land and for the world-for the great interests of humanity universally.

It may be proper for us to notice one charge that has been urged against us, as furnishing an excuse for the violence of the mob. We are accused of allowing our coloured fellow-citizens to sit without molestation in different parts of the saloon: in other words, of having no particular place or gallery assigned to coloured men and women. We freely admit this-we should have been false to our principles if we had refused to admit men of every sect, rank, and colour, on terms of equality, to witness our proceedings. In so doing, we have but acted in accordance with the sentiments of the old fathers of Pennsylvanian freedom, as expressed in the Emancipation Act of 1780.

"It is not for us to inquire, why, in the creatiou of mankind the inhabitants of the several parts of the earth were distinguished by a difference in feature or complexion. It is sufficient to know that all are the work of an Almighty hand. We find in the distribution of the human species, that the most fertile as well as the most barren parts of the earth, are inhabited by men of complexions different from ours, and from each other; from whence we may reasonably, as well as religiously infer, that he who placed them in their various situations hath extended equally his care and protection to all, and that it becometh not us to counteract his mercies."-(See Emancipation Act of 1780.)

We shrink not from the scrutiny of our fellow-men. Nay, we invite that scrutiny; we court that investigation, satisfied that it will result in the diffusion of truths which we hold dear, and the advancement of the cause of outraged humanity.

Our work is too holy, too great, too intimately interwoven with all that we hold dear for ourselves, or value for our fellow-men, or desire for our posterity, to be lightly abandoned at the appearance of difficulty, or timidly given over at the approach of danger. We feel that God has called us to this work, and if it is his purpose that we should finish what we have begun, he can preserve us, though it be as in the lion's den, or in the seven-fold heated furnace;-that he will deliver us out of every danger, and uphold us by His free Spirit, until all is accomplished that he has given us to do. If he has otherwise ordained, and designs to permit the wicked to triumph for a little season, and the witnesses for his truth to be slain in the streets of our city, we shall have at least the satisfaction of reflecting that we fall in the post of duty, with our wounds in the breast and not the back; and that he

whose work we are doing can raise up other labourers to reap the rich harvest whose seed we have sown, and whose growth our blood will have nourished.

THURSDAY night was marked by the burning of Pennsylvania Hall, As the excuse pleaded for this disgraceful outrage was the silly conduct of the ultra-abolitionists, some persons may have been weak enough to suppose that the mischief would end here; but they who have observed the progress of mobs, and have seen that the granting of impunity and toleration to a violation of good order and the laws in one instance, is naturally taken as a license for further violence, knew well that the current would roll on, and that its demoralising effects would long be felt. Accordingly on Friday evening "the regulators" assembled in force at the ruins, and marched in search of prey. They made a demonstration or two against houses in Cherry-street suspected of abolitionism, but on being addressed by the mayor, they moved off to a large brick building in 13th street above Callowhill, just completed as an asylum for coloured orphans. At this point they were guilty of conduct so utterly contemptible and vile, that we can scarcely find words to characterise it. The Philanthropic Institution, against which we cannot imagine an objection, was attacked and fired, and, had it not been for the admirable and courageous conduct of the members of the Good Will Engine, would have been burnt to the ground. This company ably seconded the efforts of Morton M'Michael, Esq., the efficient and spirited police magistrate of the district in which the tumult took place, whose deportment on the occasion is spoken of in the highest terms by all who witnessed it, and the rioters were compelled to yield the ground. Other fire companies speedily arrived and joined in the defence; and the building, though much scorched and blacked from the burning of the shutters and window-frames, was preserved entire. We are assured by those who know the people of that section thoroughly, and it gives us pleasure to record the fact, that, among the rioters, not one belonging to the district (Spring Garden) was recognized. The mob appeared to be composed exclusively of men and boys gathered from other quarters.

On Saturday night mischief was afoot once more. During the meeting of the firemen in the State-house Yard, a large division of the mob passed down Sixth-street to the African Church, near Lombard-street. Giving the now familiar yell, they commenced throwing volleys of stones

At

at the windows, the invariable preliminary to their incendiarism. this moment Samuel Rush, Esq., recorder of the city, stepped forward in a very spirited manner, and addressed the multitude, exhorting them to desist. Mr. Rush deserves the more credit for this, as he was unsupported by any force, and came to the ground alone. This fact being ascertained, a number of well-disposed citizens clustered around him, and the rioters were overawed, abandoning their design for the time. Another and a larger division of "the regulators" were now assembled at the office of the Public Ledger, at the corner of Second and Dockstreets, with the object of destroying that establishment for the boldness of its remarks on Friday last, on the subject of mobbism. The building, however, was well prepared for the emergency, and, had the assault been made, the reception of the assailants would doubtless have been too warm to have been agreeable, even to the greatest fire-eater among them. There were likewise policemen in and about the premises, a force in front of the Exchange, and a military company at its armoury within a stone's throw. The sheriff, on horseback, and one or two mounted policemen, occasionally rode through the mob, who hissed and yelled furiously. Two captives were taken at this point, while we stood by, in a manner reflecting great credit upon the nerve and adroitness of Colonel Murphy, and other officers. Their bold bearing completely

overawed the dense crowd that followed at their heels.

About nine o'clock Mayor Swift addressed the assemblage from the steps of a house opposite the Ledger office, strongly enjoining upon them the necessity of preserving the peace, and hinting at the arrangements made for maintaining it. His remarks were received with cheers by the well-disposed, but the gathering continued to increase. At midnight a fight took place in the lower part of the town, in the vicinity of the African Church before mentioned, between the rioters and negroes dwelling in the neighbourhood. A shot was fired from some quarter as the sheriff and police were coming up. A number of prisoners were taken, and thus closed the fourth night of riot, tumult, and disgrace. The measures of the civil authorities on this occasion seemed to be very judicious, and operated beneficially, the disturbers of the peace succeeding in none of their objects.

CARRYING OUT THE PRINCIPLE.

ENLIGHTENED public opinion-as it was called when the mob murdered a number of men at Vicksburg, and burnt another to death over a slow fire at St. Louis-has been busy in Philadelphia every night since Wednesday last inclusive, in carrying out the principle, and in enabling us to form a just estimate of the blessings to be derived from that selfadjusting process which is said to manifest itself in every community, when the unnatural restraints of law are removed. We are in the midst of that which some men tell us is a purifying operation-a wholesome outbreak in the body politic-and we certainly cannot complain that the glorious experiment in civic economy has not been thoroughly tested. "Hurra!" as we heard a loafer exclaim at Pennsylvania Hall when the mob dashed in the doors and fired the edifice-" Hurra!-that's liberty!" and he writhed and kicked in the very ecstacy of delight at seeing his abstract idea of the goddess made so palpable to his physical perceptions.

If that be indeed liberty, as this same learned Theban so impressively assured us, then most assuredly she has selected Philadelphia for her spring residence, and walks abroad in the evening in all her native beauty. In the first place her followers proved their valour by throwing brickbats into a hall filled chiefly with women; secondly, she vindicated her cardinal principle of liberality, and her golden axiom, that error of opinion may be safely tolerated when truth is left free to combat it, by burning the house used by a minority for the exercise of the right of free discussion. Glorious liberty!—every one has license to do exactly what he thinks proper. "That's liberty!" said the Jeremy Bentham of Sixth-street. Freedom of opinion being vindicated by fire in one instance, the heaven-born goddess," to leave no flaws or botches in the work," next set forth to carry out the principle, and, to show her love for philanthropy and popular education and the mob, attacked and fired a ́ house erected as an asylum for coloured orphans. "Let them starve, or

turn ignorant thieves and ferocious cut-throats," must have been the moving impulse of our modern reformers in this case. Being defeated in the movement thus alluded to, religion and the freedom of the press were next to be cared for, and we find "public opinion" demolishing the windows of a church, with the intent of likewise committing it to the flames; and on the same night clustering in thousands around a newspaper office, muttering dire threats and horrid imprecations against those who ventured to say that they entertained different notions of liberty from those cherished by the votaries of Judge Lynch. The bul let and the bayonet, however, looked so frowningly upon "public opinion," that the freedom of the press and the right of worship were so unfortunate as to escape being "regulated" according to the latest and approved pattern, and, doubtless, he who exclaimed "That's liberty," put his hands in his pockets, and retired moodily to his home, mourning the obstinacy of men who are so unreasonable as to oppose being subjected to the health-giving process, and will take no lessons, although the schoolmaster is abroad.

From the "Pennsylvanian," 1836.

RIOT IN CINCINNATI.

FOR some time past much agitation has existed in Cincinnati, in relation to an abolition paper published in that city, by James G. Birney and others, which has at length resulted in a serious riot. That the affair may be understood correctly, it may be as well to state that a town meeting was held on the 22d of July, on the subject of Birney's publications, at which William Burke presided, assisted by Morgan Neville as Vice-President, and Timothy Walker as Secretary. The meeting passed a series of resolutions protesting against the publication of the abolition paper, and appointed a committee to wait upon Mr. Birney, to remonstrate with him, and warn him to desist, as the consequences might be serious. All this was well enough, but we cannot say as much for the subjoined resolution passed at the close of the meeting.

Resolved, That we entertain the most profound respect for the memories of the venerated patriots of more than "sixty years since," who, in the harbour of Boston, without the sanction of law, but in the plenitude of the justness of their cause, took the responsibility of reshipping the

tea cargo, and for which illegal act they were entitled to and did receive the warmest thanks and gratitude of every lover of good order and well wisher of his country-and that we, in imitation of the noble and fearless example set us by those true-hearted Americans, declare, that whenever we shall find an existing evil-wicked and mischievous in its conception-warring against the best interests and happiness of our common country by its effects-aiming at the destruction and disunion of our happy government, and only prompted and sustained by those untiring engines of human ambition, hope of gain and love of notoriety-but shielded from legal enactment according to the usual practice of our laws, so as to leave us but one channel through which we can rid our fair land from its withering influence, that in seizing that one tangible point our exertions shall be firm, united, and decided.

The committee appointed by the meeting failed in prevailing upon Birney to desist from the publication, when the last resolution, recommending a resort to violence, was carried into effect, on the night of . July 30th. The Cincinnati Whig describes the affair as follows:

About nine o'clock on Saturday evening, between 4 and 5000 people (as is supposed) had assembled around the publication office of the abolition paper, edited by James G. Birney, and printed by A. Pugh, at the north-east corner of Main and Seventh streets. In a few moments the types and printing materials of that establishment were seen dashing out of the windows into the street, amid the cheers of the immense mass of people below.

In a very short time the windows of the building and every thing in the office were completely demolished and strewed about the streets. The printing press was broken to pieces, and the largest piece dragged through several of the principal streets, and then thrown into the river. Thus far every thing was done in the most systematic order, and, as is believed, was tacitly countenanced by a very large number of our most respectable citizens.

At this juncture, however, the names of Birney, Donaldson, Colby, &c. (all leading abolitionists) were shouted by numerous voices, and immediately three or four hundred of the mob rushed to Birney's dwelling. The mob were well provided with tar and feathers. On arriving at Birney's house, the abolition editor was demanded-his son, a youth of about 16 came to the door, and assured the multitude that his father was not at home.

It was soon satisfactorily ascertained that he had left the city in the stage for Hillsborough several hours previously. The mob then directed their course to the house of one of the Donaldsons (the other residing in the country), and demanded him to be delivered up to them. Some ladies came to the door, and pledged their word that Donaldson was not at home, and assured the multitude that no one but ladies were in the house. The mob immediately departed in search of, but did not succeed in finding him.

It was afterwards ascertained that he had fled from the house a few minutes before the arrival of the mob, and had escaped through an alley or retired street to some unknown place.

The cry of "Church Alley" was now resounded through the mob. This is a place where a quantity of black and white men and women, of infamous characters, reside, huddled promiscuously together in five or six small buildings.