dollars. Do they need to have the 52,000 dollars paid to Webb and Noah of the Courier and Enquirer, the 52,170 dollars paid to Gales and Seaton of the National Intelligencer, and the 6,541 dollars paid to Walsh's Gazette, again brought before their view? Do they need to be reminded that the bank paid to the lawyers of the United States Congress between one and two hundred thousand dollars in addition to the above, viz.: 58,000 dollars to Daniel Webster, 40,000 dollars to Henry Clay, 40,000 dollars to John Sergeant, 46,000 dollars to Johnson and Poindexter? Has all this startling bribery, this monstrous corruption, faded from your recollection? From a candid review of the signs of the times, the conclusion is irresistibly forced upon us, that unless this eventful crisis in our national history is met with untiring faithfulness, with unslumbering watchfulness by the sentinels upon the watch-tower of freedom, our magnificent temple of liberty will be overthrown, its pillars become a mass of shapeless ruins, its altar buried beneath the crumbling fragments of our country's pride, and the republic will perish in the days of its youth, and with it the hopes of freedom throughout the world. THE artful men who planned this scheme of universal agitation, to arouse the worst principles of human action, and bring them to bear upon the government, did not hesitate to show themselves busy in giving direction to drive the frenzy of the times to the most bloody and fatal results. Every federal orator was found attending feasts; and, in the midst of scenes of intemperance and excitement, haranguing the multitude, and instigating to deeds of violence and bloodshed. Every city, in succession, witnessed some demonstration of this sort. The midnight supper given to Mr. Biddle, in which the glorious achievement of cutting off the figure-head of the Constitution was celebrated, was followed by consequences which might have been anticipated, for a city where the prominent men gloried in the commission of a crime which shocked the sense of the great majority of the people of the country. Mob violence and conflagration ensued. In New York, the federal feasts and oratorical and editorial instigations were followed by bloodshed in the election, and an attempt of the federal party to seize the arsenal, to turn the arms of the State against the people at the polls. It was prevented by the firmness of a few individuals; and the city escaped the stain of being the first to attempt the overthrow of the freedom of elections by the use of fire-arms, in the hands of bank mercenaries. That shame was reserved for the city of brotherly love. There, on the invitation of Mr. Biddle's managers, our Congressional orators, Poindexter and the rest, repaired to stir up mutiny in the minds of the bank partisans, by their exaggerated representations of what they denounced as the despotism at Washington. The fury instilled by those tirades showed itself in blood at the polls. At the preliminary struggle for judges of the election, an unoffending young man a friend of the administration-was cut down by the knife of an unknown and unprovoked assassin, and his fate, like that of the doomed victims of the secret councils of the Venetian money government, made to strike a hidden terror into the hearts of men, which swayed them the more the more deeply they concealed it in their own bosoms. At the general election in the city, the bank citadel itself was filled with musketry; and in one of the election precincts, the friends of the administration were fired upon by the partisans of the bank. One man was murdered, and several wounded. By these bloody cruelties; by a system of unrelenting exclusion of every democrat from the employment of all under the influence of the bank, the city government, or those having the control of the Girard fund, the spirit of the city democracy has been thoroughly subdued. Every man in the city must now do the bidding of Mr. Biddle, or he is nothing. His word is law with the richest merchant and the poorest porter. Philadelphia is a conquered city, and the bank is a fortress which keeps it in quiet subjection. * In Boston this class (the bankers) had almost seized upon the postoffice, and set the laws regulating it at defiance. In New York, Webb has publicly pledged his party to resist the independent treasury system if enacted by Congress, and a large public meeting, called to respond to this threat, applauded the speech of a city alderman, who re-echoed the sentiments of the article to which we have alluded. In Philadelphia, Mr. Biddle has avowed a like determination in regard to a bill before Congress prohibiting the circulation of the old notes of the bank of the United States. And when it is recollected that the federal party in New York who resolved to put down the law, and shut the banks against the demands of those who held their promises to pay, were able to draw out, at dawn of day, the city trainbands, under the mayor's order, to enforce the midnight decree of the merchants and directors-and when we see the banks throughout the Union successfully setting at nought their own charters, the law, and the constitution, and making their will the law, we are not to be surprised that those who command the banks should set the government at defiance ON TAXATION, AND EXTRAVAGANCE OF THE CITY GOVERNMENT. MORE SHIN-PLASTERS--260,000 DOLLARS. THERE appears to be a design on the part of our city authorities to continue to the utmost the reign of shin-plasters in this city, and to saddle the public, as far as it is in their power, with this odious, and in truth now altogether unnecessary, description of currency. We subjoin a copy of the ordinance recently passed by the councils, authorising an additional emission of shin-plasters to the amount of 260,000 dollars, redeemable in 1840, two years hence, bearing interest at the rate of one per cent. per annum! The whole secret of this matter is, that the city councils have been so wasteful and extravagant in their administration of affairs, that although our taxes are already oppressively heavy, they are compelled to resort to this shin-plaster operation to raise funds. They have so conducted matters that they can obtain money in no other way, and on the eve of what must result in a general resumption of specie payments, they are found-busily at work in endeavouring to patch the defects of bad management by new emissions of detestable rags. How long will the people continue patiently to submit to the effects of such mal-administration, and thus suffer the resources and the credit of their city to be abused? Is not this ordinance one of the reasons why the city administration papers are so vehemently opposed to a resumption? An Ordinance making provision for the redemption of certain Loans. Section 1. Be it ordained and enacted by the citizens of Philadelphia, in Select and Common Councils assembled, That in order to provide for the redemption of the following loans, viz. :-One for 130,000 dollars, authorised by ordinance passed May 11th, 1837, and one other for 130,000 dollars, authorised by ordinance passed the 22nd June, 1837; the Mayor of the city is hereby authorised to borrow on the credit of the corporation, at such times as the Committee on Finance may direct, the sum of 260,000 dollars, for which certificates, to be signed by the City Treasurer, or by such persons as he shall appoint as his assistants for that purpose, and transferable either by endorsement or by delivery only, shall be issued in such form and in such amounts as the Committee of Finance may direct. The said certificates shall not be redeemable without the consent of the holders thereof, before the 12th day of May, Anno Domini 1840; and shall bear interest at the rate of 1 per cent. per annum, payable when the same are redeemable, at the office of the City Treasurer. Enacted into an Ordinance, at the City of Philadelphia, this 12th day of April, in the year of our Lord 1838. 真 WM. RAWLE, President of the Common Council. WM. M. MEREDITH, President of the Select Council. Attes.-LEVI HOLLINGSWORTH, Clerk of the Common Council. BRIBERY EXPOSED!-THE PEOPLE BETRAYED!! From the Harrisburg Reporter, received last evening. THE PEOPLE ARE BETRAYED!-THE ARTS OF THE BANK HAVE PREVAILED! SOLEMNLY impressed with a sense of the duties of our situation, we distinctly announce to the freemen of Pennsylvania, that they have no longer the least ground to hope that the Bank Bill will be defeated in the Senate. We cannot express the feelings of deep humiliation and dread with which we proclaim this startling fact. And when we state that one firm democratic Senator has informed us that offers of large sums of money were made to him if he would vote for the bill, it is to be feared that this monster has resorted to the exercise of a most unprincipled and corrupting influence. Will the high-minded people of Pennsylvania submit to a galling monied despotism thus fastened upon them? Will they not even now rouse up without a moment's delay, and take the matter into their own hands before their ruin is consummated? All other hope has fled,and if they continue to sit quiet whilst the chains of the aristocracy are forging for them, they will feel them about their necks when it is too late to shake them off! We learn by a letter from Harrisburg, dated February 9, that the senator, referred to above, is Colonel Jacob Krebs, of Schuylkill county"faithful found among the faithless." An offer was made to him of four thousand dollars, if he would vote for the bill to recharter the United States Bank, to be increased, in the event of a certain contingency (the sale of property) to five thousand dollars! He patriotically and indignantly rejected the base proposition. After the bill was brought into the Senate, Colonel Krebs was told that if he voted for it he should be made independent, and that arrangements should be made by which he would obtain twenty thousand dollars for his vote, within two weeks after the bill should become a law! "I told the individual," says this incorruptible patriot, "that, poor as I am, the Bank of the United States has not sufficient money to purchase me!" "Thus," observes our correspondent, "it has come to light that bribes have been offered to a senator of Pennsylvania to vote for this monied monopoly, in opposition to the will of the people! Thanks to his noble firmness, he scorned the bribe and the miscreant who offered it!" Now what say the people? What course will they pursue when prac tices like this are employed against them? Will they tamely submit, or arise as one man against their betrayers? EXTRACTS. THE following extracts from Governors' messages will show how the funds have been raised to carry on the schemes for cheating the working people of the United States, and for deceiving the English, French, and other money-lenders. So extraordinarily rich and substantial did these messages make Pennsylvania appear, that they caused the world to believe that " capitalists" on the spot were eager to lend money, and to give to the borrower a handsome premium to be allowed to do so; when the fact was, that they lent worthless unredeemable bits of paper to the government as money, and thus fastened themselves upon the deluded nation as public creditors; and in the name of interest, instead of taxes, take these enormous sums. This Governor Wolf-ay, and the whole legislative assembly, with scarcely an exception, are the makers of these paper notes :-so they first make and then borrow of themselves, in the name of the people, this trash, giving basketsfull of it to get the borrowers to take cartloads. These messages ought now to be frequently examined, and he that from such experience as that lately past, and, indeed, that is now going on, cannot see the ignorance, and the villainy of them, deserves, if it is possible to give to him, greater scourging than the people of America are now enduring. GOVERNOR WOLF'S MESSAGE IN 1831. EXTENDING our views beyond the limits of our own state, we have abundant cause for unaffected felicitation and profound gratitude in the contemplation of our increasing greatness as a people, whose progressive improvement has been rapid and extensive beyond the example of any other nation, and the dignified and enviable superiority of whose government, institutions and laws, in comparison with those of every other country, furnishes a subject for universal admiration and respect abroad, and inspires a laudable patriotic pride, veneration, and confidence at home: The loan of three hundred thousand dollars, authorized by the act of 30th of March last, entitled, " An Act authorizing a loan of monies to be invested in the internal improvement fund, to be applied to the payment of repairs, damages, and other demand upon said fund, and for other purposes," was, after due notice given, also taken by the bank of Pennsylvania, that institution agreeing to pay one hundred and six dollars in money for every one hundred dollars of stock to be created under the said act, bearing an interest of five per cent., that being the best offer received for the entire loan, was accepted, yielding to the commonwealth the further sum of eighteen thousand dollars, in the shape of a premium or bounty, to be applied in aid of the general interest fund. * * * * * But so partial were the majority of the people to their favourite project of the internal improvement of the State, that it was not until the unpropitious and unfavourable course of things which occurred in the summer of 1829, when the credit of the commonwealth became depressed, and the confidence of capitalists and of monied institutions had been shaken in regard to the sufficiency and ability of the fund pledged for the payment of interest, when permanent loans could not be obtained, and money could with difficulty be borrowed on temporary loan to answer the pressing emergencies of the State, and when the late executive was reduced to the necessity of requiring a special session of the legislature to relieve the commonwealth from the embarrassments which were pressing upon it on every side, that any uneasiness or alarm was discoverable on their part; nor had any opposition to a progressive system of improvement until then manifested itself by petition, or in any shape other than by the negative votes of members of the legislature constituting the minority in either house. It was this unpropitious state of the commonwealth's affairs that induced the message of the 14th day of January, 1830, to the two houses, exhibiting the state of the indebtedness of the commonwealth, and pressing upon them the urgent necessity of providing a fund for the payment of interest, which should be both ample and permanent. This measure was again earnestly pressed in the last annual message to the legislature, and in that accompanying the return of the bill of the 21st of March last, entitled "An Act to continue the improvement of the State by canals and railroads," to the House of Representatives. Whatever may have been the effect of these several messages, one thing is certain, that in a very short time after the first of them had been read in the two houses, capitalists and monied institutions vied with each other as to which of them should obtain the State loans; high premiums were offered and obtained, under the conviction and in the entire confidence that an adequate fund for the punctual semi-annual |