206 SPEECH AT BEVERLEY ON THE CATHOLIC CLAIMS. or not, he will never endanger his sweet acres (large measure) for such questions as these. Anti-Trinitarian Dissenters sit in the House of Commons, whom we believe to be condemned to the punishments of another world. There is no limit to the introduction of Dissenters into both Houses - Dissenting Lords or Dissenting Commons. What mischief have Dissenters for this last century and a half plotted against the Church of England? The Catholic lord and the Catholic gentleman (restored to their fair rights) will never join with levellers and Iconoclasts. You will find them defending you hereafter against your Protestant enemies. The crosier in any hand, the mitre on any head, are more tolerable in the eyes of a Catholic than doxological Barebones and tonsured Cromwell. fear now, would be the first to fear four times as large; but whether he is upon the approach of danger; it is always the case with this distant valour. Most of the concessions which have been given to the Irish have been given to fear. Ireland would have been lost to this country, if the British Legislature had not, with all the rapidity and precipitation of the truest panic, passed those acts which Ireland did not ask, but demanded in the time of her armed associations. I should not think a man brave, but mad, who did not fear the treasons and rebellions of Ireland in time of war. I should think him not dastardly, but consummately wise, who provided against them in time of peace. The Catholic question has made a greater progress since the opening of this Parliament than I ever remember it to have made, and it has made that progress from fear alone. The House of Commons were astonished by the union of the Irish Catholics. They saw that Catholic Ireland had discovered her strength, and stretched out her limbs, and felt manly powers, and called for manly treatment; and the House of Commons wisely and practically yielded to the innovations of time, and the shifting attitude of human affairs. I admit the Church, Sir, to be in great danger. I am sure the State is so also. My remedy for these evils is, to enter into an alliance with the Irish people-to conciliate the clergy, by giving them pensions-to loyalise the laity, by putting them on a footing with the Protestant. My remedy is the old one, approved of from the beginning of the world, to lessen dangers, by increasing friends, and appeasing enemies. I think it most probable that under this system of Crown patronage the clergy will be quiet. A Catholic layman, who finds all the honours of the state open to him, will not, I think, run into treason and rebellion-will not live with a rope about his neck, in order to turn our bishops out, and put his own in; he may not, too, be of opinion that the utility of his bishop will be four times as great, because his income is We preach to our congregations, Sir, that a tree is known by its fruits. By the fruits it produces I will judge your system. What has it done for Ireland? New Zealand is emerging - Otaheite is emerging - Ireland is not emerging-she is still veiled in darkness—her children, safe under no law, live in the very shadow of death. Has your system of exclusion made Ireland rich? Has it made Ireland loyal? Has it made Ireland free? Has it made Ireland happy? How is the wealth of Ireland proved? Is it by the naked, idle, suffering savages, who are slumbering on the mud floor of their cabins ? In what does the loyalty of Ireland consist? Is it in the eagerness with which they would range themselves under the hostile banner of any invader, for your des truction and for your distress? Is it liberty when men breathe and move among the bayonets of English soldiers? Is their happiness and their history anything but such a tissue of murders, burnings, hanging, famine, and disease, as never existed before in the annals of the world? This is the system, which, I am sure, with very different intentions, and different views of its effects, you are met this day to uphold. These are the dreadful consequences, no man. Sir, I am not in a situation of life to do much good, but I will take care that I will not willingly do any evil.-The wealth of the Riding should not tempt me to petition against either of those bills. With the Corn Bill I have nothing to do at this time. Of the Catholic Emancipation Bill, I shall say, that it will be the foundation stone of a lasting religious peace; that it will give to Ireland not all that it wants, but what it most wants, and without which no other boon will be of any avail. which those laws your petition prays and improvement, I perceive that in may be continued, have produced upon our profession we are still calling for Ireland. From the principles of that the same exclusion-still asking that system, from the cruelty of those laws, the same fetters may be rivetted on I turn, and turn with the homage of our fellow-creatures-still mistaking my whole heart, to that memorable what constitutes the weakness and misproclamation which the Head of our fortune of the Church, for that which Church-the present monarch of these contributes to its glory, its dignity, and realms-has lately made to his here- its strength. Sir, there are two petiditary dominions of Hanover- That tions at this moment in this House, man should be subjected to civil against two of the wisest and best incapacities on account of religious measures which ever came into the opinions. Sir, there have been many British Parliament, against the immemorable things done in this reign. pending Corn Law and against the Hostile armies have been destroyed; Catholic Emancipation-the one bill fleets have been captured; formidable intended to increase the comforts, and combinations have been broken to the other to allay the bad passions of pieces-but this sentiment in the mouth of a King deserves more than all glories and victories the notice of that historian who is destined to tell to future ages the deeds of the English people. I hope he will lavish upon it every gem which glitters in the cabinet of genius, and so uphold it to the world that it will be remembered when Waterloo is forgotten, and when the fall of Paris is blotted out from the memory of man. Great as it is, Sir, this is not the only pleasure I have received in these latter days. I have seen within these few weeks a degree When this bill passes, it will be of wisdom in our mercantile law, a signal to all the religious sects of such superiority to vulgar prejudice, that unhappy country to lay aside their views so just and so profound, that it mutual hatred, and to live in peace, seemed to me as if I was reading the as equal men should live under equal works of a speculative economist, rather law-when this bill passes, the Orange than the improvement of a practical flag will fall-when this bill passes, politician, agreed to by a legislative the Green flag of the rebel will fall— assembly, and upon the eve of being when this bill passes, no other flag will carried into execution, for the benefit fly in the land of Erin than that which of a great people. Let who will be blends the Lion with the Harp-that their master, I honour and praise the flag which, wherever it does fly, is the ministers who have learnt such a lesson. sign of freedom and of joy the only I rejoice that I have lived to see such banner in Europe which floats over a an improvement in English affairs-limited King and a free people. that the stubborn resistance to all improvement-the contempt of all scientific reasoning, and the rigid adhesion to every stupid error which so long characterised the proceedings of this country, is fast giving way to better things, under better men, placed in better circumstances. I confess it is not without severe pain that, in the midst of all this expansion SPEECH AT THE TAUNTON REFORM MEETING.* [From the Taunton Courier.] MR. BAILIFF, This is the greatest measure which has ever been before *I was a sincere friend to Reform; I am so still. It was a great deal too violent Parliament in my time, and the most | ago, by timely concession, it might pregnant with good or evil to the have been prevented. If Members country; and though I seldom meddle had been granted to Birmingham, with political meetings, I could not Leeds, and Manchester, and other reconcile it to my conscience to be great towns as opportunities occurred, absent from this. a spirit of conciliation would have been evinced, and the people might have been satisfied with a Reform, which though remote would have been gradual; but with the customary blindness and insolence of human beings, the day of adversity was forgotten, the rapid improvement of the people was not noticed; the object of a certain class of politicians was to please the Court and to gratify their own arrogance by treating every attempt to expand the representation, and to increase the popular influence, with every species of contempt and obloquy the golden opportunity was lost; and now proud lips must swallow bitter potions. Every year for this half century the question of Reform has been pressing upon us, till it has swelled up at last into this great and awful combination; so that almost every City and every Borough in England are at this moment assembled for the same purpose, and are doing the same thing we are doing. It damps the ostentation of argument and mitigates the pain of doubt, to believe (as I believe) that the measure is inevitable; the consequences may be good or bad, but done it must be; I defy the most determined enemy of popular influence, either now, or a little time from now, to prevent a Reform in Parliament. Some years : The arguments and the practices but the only justification is, that you cannot (as I remember to have heard Mr. reform as you wish, by degrees; you must Huskisson say) which did very well avail yourself of the few opportunities that present themselves. The Reform carried, twenty years ago, will not do now. it became the business of every honest man The people read too much, think too to turn it to good, and to see that the people much, see too many newspapers, hear (drunk with their new power) did not ruin our ancient institutions. We have been in too many speeches, have their eyes too considerable danger, and that danger is not intensely fixed upon political events. over. What alarms me most is the large But if it were possible to put off Parprice paid by both parties for popular favour. The yeomanry were put down: liamentary Reform a week ago, is it nothing could be more grossly absurd-the possible now? When a Monarch people were rising up against the poor laws, (whose amiable and popular manners and such an excellent and permanent force was abolished because they were not have, I verily believe, saved us from a deemed a proper force to deal with popular Revolution) approves the measure insurrections. You may just as well object when a Minister of exalted character to put out a fire with pond water because plans and fashions it - when a Cabinet pump water is better for the purpose: I say, put out the fire with the first water you of such varied talent and disposition can get ;-but the truth is, Radicals don't protects it-when such a body of the like armed yeomen: they have an ugly Aristocracy vote for it when the homicide appearance. Again,-a million of revenue is given up in the nonsensical hundred-horse power of the Press is lapenny-post scheme, to please my old, excel- bouring for it ;-who does not know fent, and universally dissentient friend, after this (whatever be the decision Noah Warburton. I admire the Whig Ministry, and think they have done more of the present Parliament) that the good things than all the ministries since measure is virtually carried — and that the Revolution; but these concessions are all the struggle between such annunsad and unworthy marks of weakness, and fill reasonable men with just alarm. All ciation of such a plan, and its comthis folly has taken place since they have pletion, is tumult, disorder, disaffecbecome ministers upon principles of chival- tion, and (it may be) political ruin? ry and gallantry; and the Tories, too, for fear of the people, have been much too quiet. There is only one principle of public conduct-Do what you think right, and take place and power as an accident. Upon any other plan, office is shabbiness, labour, and sorrow. An Honourable Member of the Honourable House, much connected with this town, and once its representative, seems to be amazingly sur prised, and equally dissatisfied, at this : it has always contained within its walls. If there had been a few more of these very valuable members for close boroughs, we should, I verily believe, have been by this time about as free as Denmark, Sweden, or the Germanised States of Italy. They tell you of the few men of name and character who have sat for boroughs; but nothing is said of those mean and menial men who are sent down every day by their aristocratic masters to continue unjust and unnecessary wars, to prevent inquiring into profligate expenditure, to take combination of King, Ministers, Nobles, | pains in the stomach and you would and People, against his opinion: have been a much richer and greater like the gentleman who came home people if you had never had them at from serving on a jury very much dis-all. Your wealth and your power concerted, and complaining he had have been owing, not to the debase met with eleven of the most obstinate and corrupted parts of the House of people he had ever seen in his life, Commons, but to the many indepenwhom he found it absolutely impos-dent and honourable Members, whom sible by the strongest arguments to bring over to his way of thinking. They tell you, gentlemen, that you have grown rich and powerful with these rotten boroughs, and that it would be madness to part with them, or to alter a constitution which had produced such happy effects. There happens, gentlemen, to live near my parsonage a labouring man, of very superior character and understanding to his fellow-labourers; and who has made such good use of that superiority, that he has saved what is (for his station in life) a very considerable sum of money, and if his existence be ex-money out of your pockets, or to do tended to the common period, he will die rich. It happens, however, that he is (and long has been) troubled with violent stomachic pains, for which he has hitherto obtained no relief, and which really are the bane and torment of his life. Now, if my excellent labourer were to send for a physician, and to consult him respecting this malady, would it not be very singular language if our doctor were to say to him, "My good friend, you surely will not be so rash as to attempt to get rid of these pains in your stomach. Have you not grown rich with these pains in your stomach? have you not risen under them from poverty to prosperity? has not your situation, since you were first attacked, been improving every year? You surely will not be so foolish and so indiscreet as to part with the pains in your stomach?" - Why, what would be the answer of the rustic to this nonsensical monition? "Monster of Rhubarb ! (he would say) I am not rich in consequence of the pains in my stomach, but in spite of the pains in my stomach; and I should have been ten times richer, and fifty times happier, if I had never had any pains in my stomach at all." Gentlemen, these rotten boroughs are your VOL. II. any other bad or base thing which the Minister of the day may require at their unclean hands. What mischief, it is asked, have these boroughs done? I believe there is not a day of your lives in which you are not suffering in all the taxed commodities of life from the accumulation of bad votes of bad men. But, Mr. Bailiff, if this were otherwise, if it really were a great political invention, that cities of 100,000 men should have no representatives, because those representatives were wanted for political ditches, political walls, and political parks; that the people should be bought and sold like any other commodity; that a retired merchant should be able to go into the market and buy ten shares in the government of twenty millions of his fellow-subjects; yet, can such asseverations be made openly before the people? Wise men, men conversant with human affairs, may whisper such theories to each other in retirement; but can the People ever be taught that it is right they should be bought and sold? Can the vehemence of eloquent democrats be met with such arguments and theories? Can the doubts of honest and limited men be met by such arguments and theories? The P speaking alone, the school of eloquence might be improved. I have little hopes, however, of witnessing any of these acts of forbearance, particularly the last, and so we must (however foolish it may appear) proceed to make laws for a people who we are sure will not be let alone. moment such a government is looked would be no unhappy marriages, and at by all the people, it is lost. It is deserted damsels. If persons who can impossible to explain, defend, and re-reason no better than this, would leave commend it to the mass of mankind. And true enough it is, that as often as misfortune threatens us at home, or fmitation excites us from abroad, political Reform is clamoured for by the people there it stands, and ever will stand, in the apprehension of the multitude Reform, the cure of every evil Corruption, the source of every misfortune famine, defeat, decayed trade, depressed agriculture, will all lapse into the question of Reform. Till that question is set at rest (and it may be set at rest) all will be disaffection, tumult, and perhaps (which God avert!) destruction. But democrats and agitators (and democrats and agitators there are in the world) will not be contented with this Reform. Perhaps not, Sir; I never hope to content men whose game is never to be contented - but if they are not contented, I am sure their discontent will then comparatively be of little importance. I am afraid of them now; I have no arguments to answer them: but I shall not be afraid of them after this Bill, and would tell them boldly, in the middle of their mobs, that there was no longer cause for agitation and excitement, and that they were intending wickedly to the people. You may depend upon it such a measure would destroy their trade, as the repeal of duties would destroy the trade of the smuggler; their functions would be carried on faintly, and with little profit; you would soon feel that your position was stable, solid, and safe. We might really imagine, from the objections made to the plan of Reform, that the great mass of Englishmen were madmen, robbers, and murderers. The Kingly power is to be destroyed, the House of Lords is to be annihilated, the Church is to be ruined, estates are to be confiscated. I am quite at a loss to find in these perpetrators of crimes in this mass of pillagers and lunatics—the steady and respectable tradesmen and farmers, who will have votes to confer, and the steady and respectable country gentlemen, who will probably have votes to receive ;· -it may be true of the tradesmen of Mauritania, it may be just of the country gentlemen of Fez- - it is anything but true of the English people. The English are a tranquil, phlegmatic, money-loving, money-getting people, who want to be quiet and would be quiet if they were not surrounded by evils of such magnitude, that it would be baseness and pusillanimity not to oppose to them the strongest constitutional resistance. Then it is said that there is to be a lack of talent in the new Parliament : it is to be composed of ordinary and inferior persons, who will bring the government of the country into contempt. But the best of all talents, gentlemen, is to conduct our affairs honestly, diligently, and economically All would be well, it is urged, if they would but let the people alone. But what chance is there, demand of these wise politicians, that the - and this talent will, I am sure, people will ever be let alone; that abound as much in the new Parliathe orator will lay down his craft, and ment as in many previous Parliaments. the demagogue forget his cunning? Parliament is not a school for rhetoric If many things were let alone, which and declamation, where a stranger never will be let alone, the aspect of would go to hear a speech, as he would human affairs would be a little varied. go to the Opera to hear a song; but If the winds would let the waves alone, if it were otherwise - if eloquence be there would be no storms. If gentle- a necessary ornament of, and an inmen would let ladies alone, there dispensable adjunct to popular as |