been extorted by fear. In this way | happiness to English Gentlemen. I peace was concluded with America, believe that the half million of new and Emancipation granted to the voters will choose much better for the Catholics, and in this way the war public, than the twenty or thirty of complexion will be finished in the Peers, to whose usurped power they West Indies. The other method is, to succeed. see at a distance that the thing must If any man doubt of the power of be done, and to do it effectually, and Reform, let him take these two memoat once; to take it out of the hands of rable proofs of its omnipotence. First, the common people, and to carry the but for the declaration against it, I measure in a manly liberal manner, so believe the Duke of Wellington might as to satisfy the great majority. The this day have been in office; and, merit of this belongs to the Adminis- secondly, in the whole course of the tration of Lord Grey. He is the only debates at County Meetings and in Minister I know of who has begun a Parliament, there are not twenty men great measure in good time, conceded who have declared against Reform. at the beginning of twenty years what Some advance an inch, some a foot, would have been extorted at the end some a yard - but nobody stands still of it, and prevented that folly, vio-nobody says, We ought to remain lence, and ignorance, which emanate just where we were everybody disfrom a long denial and extorted con- covers that he is a Reformer, and has cession of justice to great masses of long been so and appears infinitely human beings. I believe the question of delighted with this new view of himReform, or any dangerous agitation of self. Nobody appears without the it, is set at rest for thirty or forty years; cockade- bigger or less but always and this is an eternity in politics. the cockade.

-

An exact and elaborate census is called for vast information should have been laid upon the table of the House - great time should have been given for deliberation. All these ob

Boroughs are not the power proceeding from wealth. Many men who have no Boroughs are infinitely richer than those who have but it is the artifice of wealth in seizing hold of certain localities. The Boroughmon-jections, being turned into English, ger is like rheumatism, which owes its simply mean, that the chances of power not so much to the intensity of another year should have been given the pain as to its peculiar position; a for defeating the Bill. In that time little higher up, or a little lower down, the Poles may be crushed, the Belthe same pain would be trifling; but it gians organised, Louis Philippe defixes in the joints, and gets into the throned; war may rage all over head-quarters of motion and activity. Europe-the popular spirit may be The Boroughmonger knows the im- diverted to other objects. It is cerportance of arthritic positions; he tainly provoking that the Ministry disdains muscle, gets into the joints, foresaw all these possibilities and deand lords it over the whole machine termined to model the iron while it was by felicity of place. Other men are as red and glowing. rich-but those riches are not fixed in the critical spot.

It is not enough that a political institution works well practically it I live a good deal with all ranks and must be defensible; it must be such as descriptions of people; I am thoroughly will bear discussion, and not excite convinced that the party of Democrats ridicule and contempt. It might work and Republicans is very small and well for aught I know, if, like the contemptible; that the English love savages of Onelashka, we sent out to their institutions that they love not catch a king: but who could defend a only this King, (who would not love coronation by chase? who can defend him?) but the kingly office - that the payment of 40,000l. for the threethey have no hatred to the Aristocracy. hundredth part of the power of ParliaI am not afraid of trusting English|ment, and the resale of this power to

Government for places to the Lord to see an honest King, in whose word Williams and Lord Charles's, and his Ministers can trust; who disdains others of the Anglophagi? Teach a to deceive those men whom he has million of the common people to read called to the public service, but makes and such a government (work it common cause with them for the comever so well) must perish in twenty mon good; and exercises the highest years. It is impossible to persuade the powers of a ruler for the dearest mass of mankind that there are not interests of the State. I have lived to other and better methods of governing see a King with a good heart, who, a country. It is so complicated, so surrounded by Nobles, thinks of comwicked, such envy and hatred accumu- mon men; who loves the great mass late against the gentlemen who have of English people, and wishes to be fixed themselves on the joints, that it loved by them; who knows that his cannot fail to perish, and to be driven, real power, as he feels that his happias it is driven, from the country by a ness, is founded on their affection. I general burst of hatred and detestation. have lived to see a King, who, without I meant, gentlemen, to have spoken pretending to the pomp of superior for another half hour, but I am old intellect, has the wisdom to see, that and tired. Thank me for ending the decayed institutions of human but, gentlemen, bear with me for policy require amendment; and who, another moment; one word before I in spite of clamour, interest, prejudice, end. I am old, but I thank God I and fear, has the manliness to carry have lived to see more than my obser- these wise changes into immediate vations on human nature taught me I execution. Gentlemen, farewell : shout had any right to expect. I have lived for the King.

223

LETTER TO THE ELECTORS

UPON

THE CATHOLIC QUESTION.

:

injustice of his country-to his own sense of duty, honourable in the extreme he is the leader of a band of ancient and high-principled gentlemen, who submit patiently to obscurity and privation, rather than do violence to their conscience. In all the fury of party, I never heard the name of a single Catholic mentioned, who was suspected of having gained, or aimed at, any political advantage, by violating his oath. I have never heard so bitter a slander supported by the slightest proof. Every man in the circle of his acquaintance has met with Catholics, and lived with them probably as companions. If this immoral lubricity were their characteristic, it would surely be perceived in common life. Every man's experience would corroborate the imputation; but I can honestly say that some of the best and most excellent men I have ever met with have been Catholics; perfectly alive to the evil and inconvenience of their situation, but thinking themselves bound by the law of God and the law of honour, not to avoid persecution by falsehood and apostasy. But why (as has been asked ten thousand times before) do you lay such a stress upon these oaths of exclusion, if the Catholics do not respect oaths? You compel me, a Catholic, to make a declaration against transubstantiation, for what purpose but to keep me out of Parliament? Why, then, I respect oaths and declarations, or else I should perjure myself, and get into Parliament; and if I do not respect oaths, of what use is it to enact them in order to keep me out? A farmer has some sheep, which he chooses to keep from a certain field, and to effect this object, he builds a wall: there are two objections to his proceeding; the first is, that it is for the good of the farm that the sheep should come into the field; and so the wall is not only useless, but pernicious. The second is, that he himself thoroughly believes at the time of build-laws than he now is; in that year an ing the wall, that all the sheep are in the constant habit of leaping over such walls. His first intention with respect to the sheep is absurd, his means more absurd, and his error is perfect in all

its parts. He tries to do that which, if he succeed, will be very foolish, and tries to do it by means which he himself, at the time of using them, admits to be inadequate to the purpose: but I hope this objection to the oaths of Catholics is disappearing; I believe neither Lord Liverpool, nor Mr. Peel (a very candid and honourable man), nor the Archbishops (who are both gentlemen), nor Lord Eldon, nor Lord Stowell (whose Protestantism nobody calls in question), would make such a charge. It is confined to provincial violence, and to the politicians of the second table. I remember hearing the Catholics from the hustings of an election accused of disregarding oaths, and within an hour from that time, I saw five Catholic voters rejected, because they would not take the oath of supremacy; and these were not men of rank who tendered themselves, but ordinary tradesmen. The accusation was received with loud huzzas; the poor Catholics retired unobserved and in silence. No one praised the conscientious feelings of the constituents; no one rebuked the calumny of the candidate. This is precisely the way in which the Catholics are treated: the very same man who encourages among his parti sans the doctrine, that Catholics are not to be believed upon their oaths, directs his agents upon the hustings to be very watchful that all Catholics should be prevented from voting, by tendering to them the oath of supremacy, which he is certain not one of them will take. If this be not calumny and injustice, I know not what human conduct can deserve the name.

If you believe the oath of a Catholic, see what he will swear, and what he will not swear: read the oaths he already takes, and say whether in common candour, or in common sense, you can require more security than he offers you. Before the year 1793, the Catholic was subject to many more vexatious

act passed in his favour; but before the Catholic could exempt himself from his ancient pains and penalties, it was necessary to take an oath. This oath was, I believe, drawn up by Dr. Dui

genan, the bitter and implacable enemy of the sect; and it is so important an oath, so little known and read in England, that I cannot, in spite of my wish to be brief, abstain from quoting it. I deny your right to call No Popery, till you are master of its contents.

that I will not exercise any privilege to which I am or may become entitled, to disturb and weaken the Protestant religion, and Protestant government, in this kingdom. So help me God."

This Oath is taken by every Catholic in Ireland, and a similar oath, allowing for the difference of circumstances of the two countries, is taken in England.

It appears from the evidence taken before the two Houses, and lately printed, that if Catholic emancipation were carried, there would be little or no difficulty in obtaining from the Pope an agreement, that the nomination of the Irish Catholic Bishops should be made at home constitutionally by the Catholics, as it is now in fact*, and in practice, and that the Irish prelates would go a great way, in arranging a system of general education, if the spirit of proselytism, which now renders such a union impossible, were laid aside. This great measure carried, the Irish Catholics would give up all their endowments abroad, if they received for them an

"I do swear that I do abjure, condemn, and detest, as unchristian and impious, the principle, that it is lawful to murder, destroy, or any ways injure, any person whatsoever, for or under the pretext of being a heretic; and I do declare solemnly, before God, that I believe no act, in itself unjust, immoral, or wicked, can ever be justified or excused by or under pretence or colour, that it was done either for the good of the Church, or in obedience to any ecclesiastical power whatsoever. I also declare that it is not an article of the Catholic faith, neither am I thereby required to believe or profess, that the Pope is infallible; or that I am bound to obey any order, in its own nature immoral, though the Pope, or any ecclesiastical power, should issue or direct such order; but, on the con-equivalent at home; for now Irish trary, I hold that it would be sinful in me to pay any respect or obedience thereto. I further declare, that I do not believe that any sin whatsoever committed by me, can be forgiven at the mere will of any pope or any priest, or of any persons whatsoever; but that sincere sorrow for past sins, a firm and sincere resolution to avoid future guilt, and to atone to God, are previous and indispensable requisites to establish a well-founded expectation of forgive-tible with the safety of their faith, which ness; and that any person who receives absolution, without these previous requisites, so far from obtaining thereby any remission of his sins, incurs the additional guilt of violating a sacrament: and I do swear, that I will defend, to the utmost of my power, the settlement and arrangement of property in this country, as established by the laws now in being.-I do hereby disclaim, disavow, and solemnly abjure any intention to subvert the present Church establishment, for the purpose of substituting a Catholic establishment in its stead; and I do solemnly swear, VOL. II.

priests are fast resorting to the Continent for education, allured by the endowments which the French government are cunningly restoring and augmenting. The intercourse with the see of Rome might and would, after Catholic emancipation, be so managed, that it should be open, upon grave occasions, or, if thought proper, on every occasion, to the inspection of commissioners. There is no security, compa

the Catholics are not willing to give. But what is Catholic emancipation as far as England is concerned? not an equal right of office with the member of the Church of England, but a participation in the same pains and penalties as those to which the Protestant dissenter is subjected by the Corporation and Test Acts. If the utility of these last-mentioned laws is to be mea

*The Catholic Bishops, since the death of the Pretender, are recommended either

by the chapters or the parochial clergy, to the Pope; and there is no instance of his deviating from their choice.