tenant: the property always suffers in some degree by a going-off tenant; and it is therefore always the interest of a landlord not to change when the tenant does his duty as an agriculturalist.

also a right to point him out as one | interests of the landlord to dismiss a who exercises his right in a manner very injurious to society. He may set up a religious or a political test for his tradesmen; but admitting his right, and deprecating all interference with law, I must tell him he is making the aristocracy odious to the great mass, and that he is sowing the seeds of revolution. His purse may be full, and his fields may be wide; but the moralist will still hold the rod of public opinion over his head, and tell the money-bloated blockhead that he is shaking those laws of property which it has taken ages to extort from the wretchedness and rapacity of mankind; and that what he calls his own will not long be his own, if he tramples too heavily on human patience.

All these practices are bad; but the facts and the consequences are exaggerated.

To part with tenants for political reasons always makes a landlord unpopular. The Constitutional, price 4d.; the Cato, at 34d.; and the Lucius Junius Brutus, at 2d., all set upon the unhappy scutiger; and the squire, unused to be pointed at, and thinking that all Europe and part of Asia are thinking of him and his farmers, is driven to the brink of suicide and despair. That such things are done is not denied, that they are scandalous when they are done is equally true; but these are reasons why such acts are less frequent than they are commonly represented to be. In the same manner, there are instances of shopkeepers being materially injured in their business from the votes they have given; but the facts themselves,

In the first place, the plough is not a political machine: the loom and the steam-engine are furiously political, but the plough is not. Nineteen tenants out of twenty care nothing as well as the consequences, are about their votes, and pull off their opinions as casily to their landlords as they do their hats. As far as the great majority of tenants are concerned, these histories of persecution are mere declamatory nonsense; they have no more predilection for whom they vote than the organ pipes have for what tunes they are to play. A tenant dismissed for a fair and just cause often attributes his dismissal to political motives, and endeavours to make himself a martyr with the public: a man who ploughs badly, or who pays badly, says he is dismissed for his vote. No candidate is willing to allow that he has lost his election by his demerits; and he seizes hold of these stories, and circulates them with the greatest avidity: they are stated in the House of Commons; John Russell and Spring Rice fall a crying there is lamentation of Liberals in the land; and many groans for the territorial tyrants.

A standing reason against the frequency of dismissal of tenants is that it is always injurious to the pecuniary

grossly exaggerated. If shopkeepers lose Tory they gain Whig customers; and it is not always the vote which does the mischief, but the low vulgar impertinence, and the unbridled scurrility of a man, who thinks that by dividing to mankind their rations of butter and of cheese he has qualified himself for legislation, and that he can hold the rod of empire because he has wielded the yard of mensuration. I detest all inquisition into political opinions, but I have very rarely seen a combination against any tradesman who modestly, quietly, and conscientiously took his own line in politics. But Brutus and butterman, cheesemonger and Cato, do not harmonise well together; good taste is offended, the coxcomb loses his friends, and general disgust is mistaken for combined oppression. Shopkeepers, too, are very apt to cry out before they are hurt: a man who sees after an election one of his customers buying a pair of gloves on the opposite side of the way roars out that his honesty will make him a bankrupt,

and the county papers are filled with influence of wealth and power. They letters from Brutus, Publicola, Hamp-are quite satisfied if a rich man of den, and Pym.

This interference with the freedom of voting, bad as it is, produces no political deliberation; it does not make the Tories stronger than the Whigs, nor the Whigs than the Tories, for both are equally guilty of this species of tyranny; and any particular system of measures fails or prevails, much as if no such practice existed. The practice had better not be at all; but if a certain quantity of the evil does exist, it is better that it should be equally divided among both parties, than that it should be exercised by one, for the depression of the other. There are politicians always at a white heat, who suppose that there are landed tyrants only on one side of the question; but human life has been distressingly abridged by the flood there is no time to spare, -it is impossible to waste it upon such senseless bigotry.

popular manners gains the votes and affections of his dependants; but why is not this as bad as intimidation? The real object is to vote for the good politician, not for the kind-hearted or agreeable man: the mischief is just the same to the country whether I am smiled into a corrupt choice, or frowned into a corrupt choice, — what is it to me whether my landlord is the best of landlords, or the most agreeable of men? I must vote for Joseph Hume, if I think Joseph more honest than the Marquis. The more mitigated Radical may pass over this, but the real carnivorous variety of the animal should declaim as loudly against the fascinations as against the threats of the great. The man who possesses the land should never speak to the man who tills it. The intercourse between landlord and tenant should be as strictly guarded as that of the sexes in Turkey. A funded If a man be sheltered. from intimi- duenna should be placed over every dation, is it at all clear that he would landed grandee. And then intimivote from any better motive than in- dation! Is intimidation confined to timidation? If you make so tremen- the aristocracy? Can anything be dous an experiment, are you sure of more scandalous and atrocious than attaining your object? The landlord the intimidation of mobs? Did not has perhaps said a cross word to the the mob of Bristol occasion more ruin, tenant; the candidate for whom the wretchedness, death, and alarm than tenant votes in opposition to his landlord has taken his second son for a footman, or his father knew the candidate's grandfather: how many thousand votes, sheltered (as the ballotists suppose) from intimidation, would be given from such silly motives as these? how many would be given from the mere discontent of inferiority? or from that strange simious schoolboy passion of giving pain to others, even when the author cannot be found out? -motives as pernicious as any which could proceed from intimidation. Só that all voters screened by ballot would not be screened for any public good.

The Radicals, (I do not use this word in any offensive sense, for I know many honest and excellent men of this way of thinking,)—but the Radicals praise and admit the lawful

all the ejection of tenants, and combinations against shopkeepers, from the beginning of the century? and did not the Scotch philosophers tear off the clothes of the Tories in Mintoshire? or at least such clothes as the customs of the country admit of being worn?-and did not they, without any reflection at all upon the customs of the country, wash the Tory voters in the river?

Some sanguine advocates of the ballot contend that it would put an end to all canvassing: why should it do so? Under the ballot, I canvass (it is true) a person who may secretly deceive me. I cannot be sure he will not do so but I am sure it is much less likely he will vote against me, when I have paid him all the deference and attention which a representative bestows on his constituents, than

if I had totally neglected him: to any other objections he may have against me, at least I will not add that of personal incivility.

shameful predicament with himself? If ballot be established, a zealous voter cannot do justice to his cause; there will be so many false Hampdens, and spurious Catos, that all men's actions and motives will be mistrusted. It is in the power of any man to tell me that my colours are false, that I declaim with simulated warmth, and canvass with fallacious zeal; that I am a Tory, though I call Russell for ever, or a. Whig, in spite of my obstreperous panegyrics of Peel. It is really a curious condition that all men must imitate the defects of a few, in order that it may not be known who have the natural imperfection, and who put it on from conformity. In this way in former days, to hide the grey hairs of the old, everybody was forced to wear powder and pomatum.

Scarcely is any great virtue practised without some sacrifice; and the admiration which virtue excites seems to proceed from the contemplation of such sufferings, and of the exertions by which they are endured: a tradesman suffers some loss of trade by voting for his country; is he not to vote? he might suffer some loss of blood in fighting for his country; is he not to fight? Every one would be a good Samaritan, if he were quite sure his compassion would cost him nothing. We should all be heroes, if it were not for blood and fractures; all saints, if it were not for the restrictions and privations of sanctity; all patriots, if it were not for the It must not be forgotten that, in the losses and misrepresentations to which ballot, concealment must be absolutely patriotism exposes us. The ballotists compulsory. It would never do to let are a set of Englishmen glowing with one man vote openly, and another the love of England and the love of secretly. You may go to the edge of virtue, but determined to hazard the the box and say, "I vote for A.," but most dangerous experiments in politics, who knows that your ball is not put in rather than run the risk of losing a for B.? There must be a clear plain penny in defence of their exalted feelings.

An abominable tyranny exercised by the ballot is, that it compels those persons to conceal their votes, who hate all concealment, and who glory in the cause they support. If you are afraid to go in at the front door, and to say in a clear voice what you have to say, go in at the back door, and say it in a whisper-but this is not enough for you; you make me, who am bold and honest, sneak in at the back door as well as yourself: because you are afraid of selling a dozen or two of gloves less than usual, you compel me, who have no gloves to sell, or who would dare and despise the loss if I had, to hide the best feelings of my heart, and to lower myself down to your mean morals. It is as if a few cowards, who could only fight behind walls and houses, were to prevent the whole regiment from showing a bold front in the field: what right has the coward to degrade me who am no coward, and put me in the same

opportunity for telling an undiscoverable lie, or the whole invention is at an end. How beautiful is the progress of man!-printing has abolished ignorance- -gas put an end to darkness steam has conquered time and distance it remained for Grote and his box to remove the encumbrance of truth from human transactions. May we not look now for more little machines to abolish the other cardinal virtues?

But if all men are suspected; if things are so contrived that it is impossible to know what men really think, a serious impediment is created to the formation of good public opinion in the multitude. There is a town (No. 1.) in which live two very clever and respectable men, Johnson and Pelham, small tradesmen, men always willing to run some risk for the public good, and to be less rich, and more honest than their neighbours. It is of considerable consequence to the formation of opinion in this town, as an example, to know how Johnson and Pelham vote. It guides the affections,

and directs the understandings, of the | ning of the world where human liberty whole population, and materially affects has been established by little systems of public opinion in this town; and in trumpery and trick? These are the weaanother borough (No. 2.), it would be pons of monarchs against the people, of the highest importance to public not of the people against monarchs. opinion if it were certain how Mr. With their own right hand, and with Smith, the ironmonger, and Mr. their mighty arm, have the people Rogers, the London carrier, voted; gotten to themselves the victory, and because they are both thoroughly upon them may they ever depend; honest men, and of excellent under- and then comes Mr. Grote, a scholar standing for their condition of life. and a gentleman, and knowing all the Now, the tendency of ballot would be histories of public courage, preaches to destroy all the Pelhams, Johnsons, cowardice and treachery to England; Rogers's, and Smiths, to sow a uni- tells us that the bold cannot be free, versal mistrust, and to exterminate the and bids us seek for liberty by clothing natural guides and leaders of the peo- ourselves in the mask of falsehood, ple: political influence, founded upon and trampling on the cross of truth.* honour and ancient honesty in politics, could not grow up under such a system. No man's declaration could get believed. It would be easy to whisper away the character of the best men; and to assert that, in spite of all his declarations, which are nothing but a blind, the romantic Rogers has voted on the other side, and is in secret league with our enemies.

but

If this shrinking from the performance of duties is to be tolerated, voters are not the only persons who would recur to the accommodating convenience of ballot. A member of Parliament who votes against Government can get nothing in the army, navy, or Church, or at the bar, for his children or himself: they are placed on the north wall, and starved for their honesty. Judges, too, suffer for their unpopularity-Lord Kilwarden was murdered, Lord Mansfield burnt down! voters, forgetting that they are only trustees for those who have no vote, require that they themselves should be virtuous with impunity, and that all the penalties of austerity and Catonism should fall upon others. I am aware that it is of the greatest consequence to the constituent that he should be made acquainted with the conduct of his representative; but I maintain, that to know, without the fear of mistake, what the conduct of individuals has been in their fulfilment of the great trust of electing members of Parliament, is also of the greatest importance in the formation of public opinion; and that, when men acted in the dark, the power of distinguishing between the bad and good would be at an end.

"Who brought that mischievous profligate villain into Parliament ? Let us see the names of his real supporters. Who stood out against the strong and uplifted arm of power? Who discovered this excellent and hitherto unknown person? Who opposed the man whom we all know to be one of the first men in the country?" Are these fair and useful questions to be veiled hereafter in impenetrable mystery? Is this sort of publicity of no good as a restraint? is it of no good as an incitement to and a reward for exertions? Is not public opinion formed by such feelings? and is it not a dark and demoralising system to draw this veil over human actions, to say to the mass, be base, and you will not be despised; be virtuous, and you will not be honoured? Is this the way in which Mr. Grote would foster the spirit of a bold and indomitable people? Was the liberty of that people established by fraud? Did America lie herself into independence? Was it treachery which enabled Holland to shake off the yoke of Spain? able man; and if the world were a chessMr. Grote is a very worthy, honest, and Is there any instance since the begin-board, would be an important politician.

To institute ballot is to apply a very dangerous innovation to a temporary evil; for it is seldom, but in very excited times, that these acts of power

are complained of which the ballot is | House of Commons to examine the intended to remedy. There never was votes, and to place in their house the an instance in this country where par-man who has combined the greatest ties were so nearly balanced; but all number of suffrages? The answer of this will pass away, and, in a very few the House of Commons is, "One of you years, either Peel will swallow Lord is undoubtedly the rightful member, John, or Lord John will pasture upon but we have so framed our laws of Peel; parties will coalesce, the Duke election, that it is impossible to find of Wellington and Viscount Melbourne out which that man is; the loss and meet at the same board, and the lion penalties ought only to fall upon one, lie down with the lamb. In the mean- but they must fall upon both; we put time a serious and dangerous political the well-doer and the evil-doer prechange is resorted to for the cure of cisely in the same situation, there shall a temporary evil, and we may be be no election ;" and this may happen cursed with ballot when we do not ten times running. want it, and cannot get rid of it.

Purity of election, the fair choice of If there be ballot there can be no representatives, must be guarded either scrutiny, the controlling power of Par-by the coercing power of the House of liament is lost, and the members are Commons exercised upon petitions, or entirely in the hands of returning officers.

An election is hard run-1 -the returning officer lets in twenty votes which he ought to have excluded, and the opposite candidate is unjustly returned. I petition, and as the law now stands, the return would be amended, and I, who had the legitimate majority, should be seated in Parliament. But how could justice be done if the ballot obtained, and if the returning officer were careless or corrupt? Would you put all the electors upon their oath? Would it be advisable to accept any oath where detection was impossible? and could any approximation to truth be expected under such circumstances, from such an inquisition? It is true, the present committees of the House of Commons are a very unfair tribunal, but that tribunal may and will be amended; and bad as that tribunal is, nobody can be insane enough to propose that we are to take refuge in the blunders or the corruptions of 600 returning officers, 100 of whom are Irish.

it must be guarded by the watchful jealousy of opposite parties at the registrations; but if (as the Radicals suppose) ballot gives a power of perfect concealment, whose interest is it to watch the registrations? If I despair of distinguishing my friends from my foes, why should I take any trouble about registrations? Why not leave everything to that great primum mobile of all human affairs, the barrister of six years' standing?

The answer of the excellent Benthamites to all this is, "What you say may be true enough in the present state of registrations, but we have another scheme of registration to which these objections will not apply." There is really no answering this Paulopost legislation. I reason now upon registration and reform which are in existence, which I have seen at work for several years. What new improvements are in the womb of time, or (if time have no womb) in the more capacious pockets of the followers of Bentham, I know not when I see them tried I will reason upon them. There is no end to these eternal changes; we It is certainly in the power of a com- have made an enormous revolution mittee, when incapacity or villany of within the last ten years, let us the returning officer has produced an stop a little and secure it, and prevent unfair return, to annul the whole elec-it from being turned into ruin; I do tion and to proceed again de novo; but not say the Reform Bill is final, but I how is this just? or what satisfaction is this to me, who have unquestionably a lawful majority, and who ask of the

want a little time for breathing; and if there are to be any more changes, let them be carried into execution hereafter