supplicated and what followed? Her bullyings were at last met with defiance; her bayonets with bullets-foreign nations joined the fray; the grievances were redressed, and the empire dismembered! Let no man attempt the shallow and childish answerthat England was a gainer by the separation of those glorious provinces. If she gained by their commerce, after she had surrendered their sovereignty, more good than she had previously derived from it, the cause was her own selfish and scandalous misgovernment. She had cramped and shackled their trade, and done so much to cripple their resources while in bondage to her, that the instant they were free to employ their own industry as they pleased, the fruits of it overflowed upon their oppressors. But can such a fact be brought in proof that England lost no treasure, because when possessed of it she had not understood its value? The separation of the United States was a blow the most terrible, as well as disgraceful, that ever kingdom suffered; second only to what England would sustain were Ireland to follow their example. And what is to prevent such a fatal catastrophe? For what were the causes of the American war? In one word-injustice. The people complained that they were taxed and ruled over without being represented--that is to say, that the principles of the Constitution were violated in their persons-for that they had none of those securities for life or purse, which it is the essence of representation to afford the constituent body. Is there, then, in the whole range of history, a parallel, so far as it goes, more striking than this of our former North American fellow-subjects to the case of the Irish Catholics? The Irish are taxed without being represented, for they cannot choose for their representatives those who have a common interest with them. The Irish are prosecuted and sentenced before tribunals, the officers of which are of a sect who avow themselves to have a separate feeling from the Catholics, and who found the exclusion of the latter from the bench of justice, on the consciousness that the distinction is real. Irish Catholics are persecuted more than were the Americans, for another reason -their faith is made a tax upon them, which that of the Colonists was not. What then, let us ask once more, is to prevent the same causes from producing similar effects in Ireland as elsewhere? Lord Liverpool, indeed, says that Ireland will still be quiet -that her disturbances have no connexion with Catholic grievances-and that it is only from evil-minded incendiaries we have to fear an excitement of the multitude. The same language was employed towards the Americans—their leaders were nicknamed-their grievances were denied their resistance was laughed at. Still they triumphed, still they put to shame the Ministers who had oppressed, provoked, and made war upon them. Lord Liverpool knows all this. He ought, better than most men, to have been apprized of it--better than most men, to have gathered wisdom from that disastrous history. Lord Liverpool ought to remember who was Secretary at War during the contest with our Americon colonies, and in spite of whose obstinacy, and (political) bigotry, and subservience to Royal prejudices (we mean no personal disrespect to the Noble Lord's feelings while thus speaking of a public character) it was, that the war, so wickedly excited, had an ending so disgraceful and deplorable. We are not conscious of any motives for this personal appeal to Lord Liverpool which ought to impair its force. We do not accuse Lord Liverpool of wrong or unworthy intentions; but believing him to be an honest man, we implore him to resist that impulse which seems to push him onward, and the British empire with him, to a catastrophe only to be paralleled by those infatuated councils, and those melancholy results, which by common consent form the most disgraceful page in our history. Let not the terrible example of the loss of America have happened in vain; let it be ever present to the mind of every statesman, as a warning against the infatuated indulgence of prejudices, however ancient-against the obstinate adherence to opinions, however backed by popular passion or popular bigotry. POSTSCRIPT. MONDAY, MAY 23. The following are extracts from French papers received last night by express : (From the Moniteur, Friday, May 20.) The official part gives the details of the presentation of his Excellency, Prince Esterhazy, as Ambassador Extraordinary from the Emperor of Austria, to attend the coronation of his Majesty. It is stated that the Ambassador complimented his Majesty, and that his Majesty answered, but neither of the speeches are given. PARIS, May 19.-It is announced that the Itinerary of the King for Rheims is regulated as follows:: On the 24th his Majesty will set out for Compeigne, where he will remain till the 27th in the morning, when he will go to Fismes, where he will stop. On the 28th his Majesty will go to a village called Bourgeux.-The King will be received there by his whole family, the great officers, &c. When the procession is assembled, the King will make a solemn entry into the city of Rheims, and will proceed to the Cathedral, where he will attend vespers. His Majesty is to remain at Rheims till the 1st of June, and will then go to Compeigne. It appears that the solemn entry into Paris will be on the 6th of June. The fête will commence on the 6th, and continue ten days. It may be judged, by all the preparations, that these fêtes will be extremely magnificent, and worthy of the august occasion. During this time his Majesty will visit each of the Royal Theatres. It is also said that the King will return to St. Cloud about the 20th of June, and remain there till the month of September. (From the Etoile, dated Saturday.) CONSTANTINOPLE, APRIL 23.-(By an Extraordinary Channel.)-Alarming news has arrived from the Morea.Ibrahim Pacha is in a desperate situation-he is surrounded by the Greeks, who are hastening to the spot from all quarters. The landing of the Egyptians in Greece has been the signal for a levy en masse. The electric spark has not a more speedy effect. The Captains of the Christian vessels arriving from the coasts of the Morea consider Ibrahim as nearly ruined; but the Turks still flatter themselves that he will extricate himself from his embarrassments.-We hear nothing of the army of Redschid Pacha, which was to penetrate into the Morea by land. A young woman, servant to Mr. J. Ward, New-road, Lincoln, whilst picking her ear with a pin, the head came off and lodged within it; and notwithstanding the best advice and means that could be obtained to dislodge it, the poor girl now lies in a most dangerous state and in the greatest agony, and it is feared she will not recover. The Average Price of Brown or Muscovado Sugar, computed from the Returns made in the Week ending May 18, 1825, is 34s. 3d. per Hundred Weight, exclusive of the Duties of Customs paid or payable thereon on the Importation thereof into Great Britain. FOR WORMS, FITS, PAINS in the STOMACH, &c.-Worms are the cause of many internal afflictions, which vary so much in their effects, that they may be mistaken by the most eminent physician, and prove equally fatal to the constitutions of adults and children, though the latter more extensively suffer from their destructive ravages. Their more usual symptoms are fits, pains in the stomach, side, and head, loss of appetite, and pale, languid, and emaciated appearance in the patient. The extraordinary efficacy of CHING'S PATENT WORM LOZENGES in all such complaints, as well as obstructions in the bowels, and every disorder where opening or cleansing physic is required, is so universally known, and has been publicly acknowledged by so many persons of distinction and rank in society, that it is unnecessary here to enlarge on their peculiar virtues.-Sold in boxes, at Is. 1jd. and 28. 9d. by Butler, Chemist, 4, Cheapside, St. Paul's; Savory and Co. 136, New Bond street, London; and by the principal Medicine Venders throughout the United Kingdom; of whom may be had, PERRY'S ESSENCE, which has been declared, in highly respectable journals, to be the " best thing ever discovered for the Tooth and Ear-ache;" in bottles, at is. 14d. and 2s. 9d. PROMISED SUNDAY NEWSPAPER.-An Advertisement having appeared in various Newspapers, that a weekly journal to be called the JOURNEYMAN, will be published on SUNDAY, June the 5th next, and also stating that the various Trade Unious have pledged themselves to support it; the Committee of Delegates of Trades who are now making arrangements for the express purpose of carrying a similar publication into effect, beg leave to announce to their brother Mechanics, that they discountenance auy connection with the above-named journal. By Order of the Committee. W. WALLIS, Chairman. May 20th, 1825. J. LANG, Secretary. Committee Room, Peacock, White Cross-street; where information may be had, and communications are received respecting the intended publication." RAIL-ROADS, &c. Just published, in one handsome 8vo. volume, price 14s. boards, illustrated with superior Engravings, A PRACTICAL TREATISE on RAIL-ROADS, and Interior Communication in general; with Original Experiments on the Resistance of Carriages on Rail-roads, Strength of Rails, Performances of the various kinds of Motive Power; and particularly of Loco-motive Steam-Engines.. With Tables of the comparative value of Canals and Rail-Roads. By NICHOLAS WOOD, Esq. London: printed for Knight and Lacey, Paternoster-row; sold by J. and R. Akenhead, Newcastle-upon-Tyne; and Westley and Tyrrell, Dublin. Just published, in 2 vols, post 8vo. 18s. boards, THE STORY of a LIFE. By the same Author may be had, 1. SCENES and IMPRESSIONS in EGYPT and in ITALY. Second Edition, 1 vol. 8vo. 12s. boards. 2. SKETCHES of INDIA. By a Traveller. For Fire-side Travellers at Home. Third Edition, 1 vol 8vo. 9s. boards. "Such is the merit and charm of the volumes before us. They place us at once by the side of the author, and bring before our eyes and minds the scenes he has passed through, and the feelings they suggested."-Edinburgh Review. 3. RECOLLECTIONS of the PENINSULA; containing Sketches of the Manners and Character of the Spanish Nation. Fourth Edition, 1 vol. 8vo. price 10s. 6d. boards. "Few writers, who are not poets by profession, have the art of painting in words with so much vividness and distinctness."-Monthly Review. Printed for Longman, Hurst, Rees, Orme, Brown, and Green. FOR PRESERVING the TEETH & GUMS.-The VEGETABLE TOOTH POWDER has so long been in general use, that it is almost unne. Cessary to offer any further recommendation of it. Composed of Vegetables, without the admixture of any Mineral or pernicious ingredient whatever, it is free from the usual objection against the use of other Dentrifices. Its detersive power is just sufficient to annihilate those destructive particles which adhere to the Gums and the Interstices of the Teeth; healing injuries in the former, and promoting a new Enamel (where it has been injured or corroded) on the latter. It likewise imparts a firmness and healthy redness to the Gums; and if used regularly, will preserve the Teeth in a sound state to old age.-Sold in boxes, at 28, 9d. by Butler, Chemist, 4, Cheapside, St. Paul's; Savory and Co. 136, New Bond-street, London; and by the principal Perfumers and Medicine Venders throughout the United Kingdom: of whom may be had, BUTLER'S Superior SILVER-WIRED TOOTH BRUSHES, 1s. each; and very fragrant LAVENDER WATER, in half-pints, at 3s. 6d. Be careful to ask for Butler's Vegetable Tooth Powder, and to observe the name and address of " Butler, 4, Cheapside," are engraved on the stamp attached to each box of this esteemed Dentrifice, to distinguish it from imitations under similar titles. A NEW GENERAL BIOGRAPHY, IN WEEKLY NUMBERS. Yesterday was published, Svo. price Threepence, No. I. of GENERAL BIOGRAPHICAL DICTIONARY. To be com pleted in one thick volume 8vo. by the publication of a sheet every week. It is the object of the Proprietors of this work to offer to the Public an Epitome of Biography free from the party bias which undeniably detracts from the value of the only Compendium of the kind enjoying extensive circulation; and also compiled on a plan differing from the one alluded to, in so far as to abbreviate and confine to an appendix a number of barren notices of those and by so doing to make room for more adequate accounts of lives really curious "illustrious obscure," of whom little can be required in a professed abstract, and important. It is further intended, by the periodical publication of the sheets, to bring for the first time a Manual of Biography within the reach of that numerous and increasing body of readers whose pecuniary means and leisure able avidity with which the republication, in a cheap periodical form, of Stan limit them to this mode of acquiring books of any extent. Aware of the remarkdard History, as well as of Works of Imagination, has been received by the body in question, the Projectors of the present undertaking anticipate with some confidence an encouraging reception in the same intelligent and improving quarter for a work combining, as Biography does, instruction and amusement in an eminent degree. Published by John and H. L. Hunt, Tavistock-street, Covent-garden, HOWISON'S NEW WORK ON INDIA, &c. Beautifully printed, in 2 vols. post 8vo. 15s. boards, FOREIGN SCENES and TRAVELLING RECREATIONS. By JOHN HOWISON, Esq. of the Honourable East India Company's Service. of whom may be had, by the same Author, Printed for Oliver and Boyd, Edinburgh; and Geo. B. Whittaker, London; SKETCHES of UPPER CANADA. Third Edition, 8vo. 10s. 6d. boards. Just published, in 4to. illustrated by Sections, Views, Costumes, and Zoological Figures, price 21 28. in boards, EXCURSIONS in MADEIRA and PORTO SANTO, during_the Autumn of 1823, while on his Third Voyage to Africa. By the late T. E. BOWDICH, Esq. Conductor of the Mission to Ashantee, Honorary Member of the Cambridge Philosophical Society, &c. To which is added, by Mrs. Bowdich, 1. A Narrative of the Continuance of the Voyage to its Completion, together with the subsequent Occurrences from Mr. Bowdich's Arrival in Africa to the Period of his Death. 2. A Description of the English Settlements on the River Gambia. 3. Appendix, containing Zoological and Botanical Descriptions, and Transla} tions from the Arabic. Printed for Geo. B. Whittaker, Ave-Maria-lane. PLAYS AND PLAYERS. In three elegantly printed volumes, small8vo. price 11. 1s. in boards, embellished with finished Engravings of the most celebrated Performers and Dramatists of every age, and other curious subjects, DRAMATIC TABLE-TALK; or the Choicest Morsels of Dramatic Just published, a beautiful foolscap volume, 3s. 6d. bds. ZONÉ, a Levantine Sketch; and other Poems. "Che pianto e questo.....? Pianto d'amore?” Loudon: printed for Knight and Lacey, Paternoster-row. HARRIETTE WILSON'S MEMOIRS, Complete, price 3s. 6d., embellished with an acknowledged Likeness, and Eighteen coloured Illustrations. To prevent substitution, order the Cheapest Edition, published by Duncombe, 19, Queen-street, Holborn.-No. 6 of the Roscius, price 6d. has a fine Portrait of Kean, as Brutus. DOLBY'S HISTORIES. HUME and SMOLLETT'S HISTORY of ENGLAND, complete, with a continuation to his present Majesty George IV. By JOHN BURKE, Esq. In six vols., extra boards, 21. 2s., or unbound, in 37 Parts, at is, each. The publisher of the History of England having signified his intention of increasing the price of it, on the 23d inst., from Is. to 1s. 6d. per Part, and the Set, in Volumes, from 42s. to 58s. an unprecedented demand has been thereby occasioned, which, in a few days, has taken off the entire impression of many of the Parts, and rendered an extensive reprint from the stereotype plates necessary. In order to give time for reprinting, and to enable subscribers in town and all parts of the country to complete their sets on the original terms, the present price will be continued till Tuesday, the 31st instant, inclusive. The trade edition of the History of England-the mere text of Hame and Smollett, which terminates at the death of George. II., has been, and still is, sold at 51. 12s. Public favour is most respectfully claimed for Dolby's edition of Hume and Smollett's History of England, not merely on the ground of its being only one third the price of the trade edition, but on account of the exclusive advantages it possesses; which advantages, it is presumed, will recommend it to the atten tion of authors, students, heads of scholastic establishments, and all respectable families. The text of Hume and Smollett is given, without the omission or alteration of a word; to which is added, an original history of the reign of George Ill., com prising 250 pages of matter not given in the trade edition. The perusal and study of History being an indispensable branch of the education of every respectable individual, male and female, the compilers of Dolby's edition, have, as they humbly submit, attached to it the means of rendering such perusal and study agreeable and effectual. In the course of the History are given about 140 historical Engravings, by White, from original designs, by Brooke. In the sixth volume are given a series of Interrogatories, embodying every historical fact in the History of England, from the Roman Invasion to the Coronation of his present Majesty King George IV,: to each question is attached a reference to the Volume, Page, &c., where the solution is to be found. It is unnecessary to expatiate on the advantages hereby afforded to parents, tutors, &c., in the examination of pupils; nor can the facilities thus given to adults, to exercise and renovate their memories, be overlooked. Dolby's Edition of the Histories has been honoured with the unqualified approbation of "The News of Literature and Fashion," "The Edinburgh Review," "The Literary Chronicle," and of every independent literary review in the kingdom. THOS. DOLBY, 17, Catherine-street, Strand. Saturday, May 21st, 1825. London: printed by JOHN HUNT, in Broad-street, Golden-square, and published by him at the Examiner Office, 38, Tavistock-street, Covent-garden-Price 7d b.904. MONDAY, MAY 30, 1825. THE POLITICAL EXAMINER. Farty is the madness of many for the gain of a few.-POPE. anon; for the present, we will content ourselves with observing, that in respect to reward in the form of honours, privileges, and exemp tions, Mr. BENTHAM is peculiarly instructive, tracing their operation on the rest of the community with great discrimination and exactness. The Rationale of Reward. By JEREMY BENTHAM. What is usually called generosity in Sovereigns, is also most pleasantly We assume our wonted liberty of making one of a particular class of investigated; and in reference to the arguments of the leeches and books the subject of a leading article. A work from the pen of Mr. locusts, with the hirelings fed by them-for reptiles have their attendBENTHAM always supplies matter for profitable advertence; but in ant vermin-who magnify that prodigality to the skies by which they the present instance the nature of the disquisition is so useful, and in hope to profit, Mr. BENTHAM sums up from MONTESQUIEU with peculiar neatness. point of style and arrangement there is so happy a concession to ge"The most liberal among the Roman Emperors neral taste, we hesitate not to do our best to lead the attention of our were the most worthless; such were Caligula, Claudius, Nero, Otho, readers to a production which, in every sense, will so amply repay it. Vitellius, Commodus, Heliogabalus, and Caracalla; the best, as AuThe subject in this acute and discriminative Treatise is Public gustus, Vespasian, Antoninus, Marcus Aurelius, and Pertinax, were Reward, in all its branches; the various sources from which it may generosity in the distribution out of national funds by a Sovereign; frugal." In fact, there may be judgment, but there can scarcely be be derived; and the different modifications of which it is susceptible. and in a personal sense alone, he who gives is preferable to him who After defining Reward in its most general and extensive sense, as a portion of something valuable and beneficial, which, in considera-hoards out of the stores of the people; for when not bestowed upon tion of some service supposed, or expected to be done, is be- public services, in respect to the community at large, it is much the stowed upon an individual, the author enters into a similar definition same thing. of services, which he divides into ordinary and extraordinary. The subdivisions of routine and occasional sufficiently comprehend the former; by routine services, meaning those which are performed in the fulfilment of offices; and by occasional services, such as are called for or performed by persons not actually employed by government; as, for instance, in apprehending and prosecuting criminals, denouncing offences, affording assistance in fire, inundations, shipwreck, and so on. The field of extraordinary services is more ample; and it is with regard to the latter class of rewards it is of most importance to discover the true principles which ought to regulate their distribution. Nothing will serve better to convey a general notion of the book than the enumeration of them by Mr. BENTHAM:"1. Services rendered to the whole community by new inventions, giving the operations of government, in any of its different branches, an increased degree of perfection: such as important improvements in military or naval tactics, fortification or ship-building, &c.; in the mode of administering justice, regulating the police, or the finances, or in any other part of the field of legislation. The relation between punishment and remuneration supplies Mr. BENTHAM with an opportunity of exhibiting that penetration into remote consequences, for which his mental vision is so particularly distinguished. Thus he asserts that "reward ought never to be applied when the same effect can be produced by punishment," which seeming paradox he supports by another, that when the means are penal, the desired effect may be attained without giving birth to suf table." Our readers must not imagine that by these dicta, our author fering; whereas, when the means are remuneratory, suffering is ineviadvocates the principle of fear as all powerful, or would legislate in the spirit of DRACO: his object is simply to find out the existence of a strong natural barrier, separating these two provinces of motive, and to show the futility and impolicy of confounding them. His illustration of the improper employment of reward, flows necessarily out of the following propositions :-Where punishment is denounced, if no law be broken, no suffering ensues. Where a reward is promised to obedience, if everybody obey, everybody must be rewarded. These premises lead to a harvest of acute deduction, in regard to the employment of fear and hope; especially in reference to the number of those on whom they are respectively to operate. Reward must be so con 2. Services rendered in time of war, by the seizure or destruction of objects contributing to the power of the enemy, or by the preservation of such as belong to one's own country. "3. Services rendered by persons exercising the office of foreign Mi-stituted as to be claimable only by few, or a heavy suffering in the way nisters, consisting in the prevention or termination of the calamities of war, or in the bringing about useful alliances. "4. Discoveries of great importance to the augmentation of the national wealth; new methods of abridging labour; the introduction of new branchies of industry, &c. 5. Discoveries in science, which are not susceptible of immediate application to the arts. 6. Noble actions and distinguished instances of virtue: in considering which, not only the immediate benefit should be regarded, but their influence, as examples, upon the coltivation of similar excellencies." Having thus conducted our readers to the vestibule of our figurative mansion, in such a manner as to give them a slight notion of what they are to expect within, neither our space nor the nature of our Journal will allow us to do more than advert to a portion of the arrangement and handling which is either remarkable or more particularly happy. If in so doing, we shall be more desultory and less systematic than the subject appears to demand, we shall stand excused in the estimation of those who are aware of the difficulty of adequately conveying an Iliad in a nutshell, or a correct general impression of an elaborate treatise in the compass of two pages. The "Rationale of Reward "is divided into four books, the first of which treats of rewards in general. In a chapter on the sources of reward, Mr. BENTHAM very admirably points out the intimate conDexion between delinquency, punishment, expenditure, and remuneration. Nothing possibly more exhibits the acute and discriminative character of his mind, than the manner in which he hints at the links that connect the reward of one or more with the cost or punishment of others; and of the way in which the existence of evil may suggest some of the principal modifications of reward, on the principle that an evil avoided is, in a practical sense, a good done. We are aware that people may exist who think these distinctions too metaphysical, and many more who will affect to think so; but it is only necessary to reflect on the fact, that the existence of evil may form a source of emolument or reward, to be led into a recollection of the existence of no small portion of evil on that account alone. The law's delay, for instance, has it any other necessary existence? But more of this of tax of some kind or other must follow. Punishment, on the contrary, by a directly opposing process, ought to operate on the many. We trust that we have given a sufficient clue to the tenor of this valuable chapter, which has already seduced us out of bounds. To prevent misconception, however, we must not forget to add, that Mr. BENTHAM takes especial care to distinguish between domestic and political government. "No Sovereign is so rich, he concludes, as to effect everything by reward. There is no parent who may not. The stock of pleasures and of wants is an inexhaustible fund of rewards in the hands of those parents (and may we not add of those preceptors) who know how to apply them?" Another chapter, showing where rewards are hurtful, is highly elucidative, and its positions established most admirably by an exposition of the system of exclusion in the Universities, and consequently in thei Church, in medicine, &c. &c. The reward, in these cases, purchases nothing more abundantly than hypocritical assent. Again, the nature' of much official and legal emolument is analyzed with great acumen and even humour, as well as the barefaced impudence which affects to deem it proper or inevitable. In the exposition of the manner in We cannot refrain from the following happy quotation:-- Another twelve subordinate judges called Masters in Chancery. When an account example from among a thousand: Under the Lord Chancellor, there are is to be taken before them, the following is the mode of procedure:-The attornies on the one side and the other ought to appear before the master, either alone or in company, with counsel, as may be convenient. First summons; nobody appears. Second summons; nobody appears. At length, third summons, the parties appear, and the matter is put into train. Care, however, has been taken to allow only half an hour, or an hour, to each set of suitors. The parties are not always punctual; the matter is begun, the clock strikes, and then the matter is dismissed. At etiquette. At each summons, the fees to the judges and the counsel are the following hearing it is necessary to begin again. All this is matter of renewed. All the world must live. Extortion, it is said, is to be banished from the dwellings of finance. At some future day, perhaps, it will not be found a fitting guest for the Temple of Justice-it will be deemed advisable to chase it thence." which this bribery to the perpetuation of abuse should be done away with, Mr. BENTHAM, however, displays all that regard to existing interests which becomes a philosopher intent upon reconciling abstract with relative justice, and of doing what ought to be done with a due regard even to prejudices which are the growth of long erroneous associations and of systems, the unavoidable results of ages of ignorance and inexperience. Chapters showing where reward is needless, the proportion to be observed, and choice as to rewards, follow; and the latter, in particular, is rendered most amusingly illustrative. Rewards to informers and accomplices are also duly considered; and Mr. BENTHAM vindicates existing practices on both these heads; always taking for granted that the laws, the infringement of which are thus detected, ought to exist. Some over-fastidious objection to the evidence of accomplices, on the score of never encouraging treachery on any plea, he forcibly controverts, and shows that no principle can render it necessary to save the lawless from the effects of vice of their own engendering. The operation of competition as to rewards is then discussed, and its utility in producing a given result without encouraging an expensive claim from numbers. This book concludes with a chapter on the public or social rewards due to brave actions, on eminent spontaneous services, either of humanity or general benefit; in respect to which, certain principles are laid down with our author's usual industry and metaphysical precision. Book the Second treats of reward as applied to offices, and shows how far salaries and emoluments are to be so considered. We cannot afford to do it justice, but may observe by the way, that one chapter on pensions of retreat, seems to have furnished some recent hints for certain orators in the House of Commons, in relation to the retiring pensions of the judges. Another on the sale of offices-which is vindicated, is also worthy attentive consideration. The remarks of our author on reward, as connected with Trust and Contract ment, may also be read with considerable advantage. his inquiry, especially in regard to gifts, gratuities, loans, bounties and prohibitions of one thing, with a view to the encouragement of another. In reference to bounties and prohibition in particular, logic is most pleasantly aided by sarcasm, and even breadth of humour. We must not forget to observe, that a brief appendix concludes the volume, the principal article in which is a treatise "On Subscription to matters of Opinion," which in itself ought to sell the book. Vague and summary as our notice is, we trust that we have said enough to excite curiosity in regard to this well-timed and useful publication, which, while it conveys the peculiar mind of Mr. BENTHAM with strength and felicity, as we have already intimated, has duly consulted the prevalent taste of the public in regard to style and delivery. Sir John DENHAM will tolerably well conclude for us:Though deep, yet clear; though gentle, yet not dull; Strong, without rage; without o'erflowing, full. REFORM-PURITY OF ELECTION. Q. and Triumph of Westminster, was held on Monday, at the Crown and The Eighteenth Anniversary Dinner, to celebrate the Purity of Election Anchor Tavern, Sir F. BURDETT in the Chair,-supported by Mr. Hobhouse, Lord Nugent, Lord Ebrington, Mr. John Smith, Mr. Williams, Sir R. Wilson, Mr. S. Rice, Dr. Lushington, Mr. C. Hutchinson, Mr. Lambton, Mr. Whitbread, Mr. Coke, Mr. O'Connell, and Mr. Bruce. The company consisted of three hundred persons and upwards. Sir F. BURDETT, on the removal of the cloth, gave-" The People, the only source of legitimate power."-(Three times three.)" The King— may he always remember his own declaration, That the Crown is held in trust for the good of the People."-(Loud cheers.) Mr. STURCH, in a brief speech, introduced the next toast:-" The manage-interested, and consistent public conduct has been as useful to his country great Advocate of the rights and liberties of the people, whose able, disBurdett."—(Immense cheering.) as honourable to himself our distinguished Representative, Sir Francis Book the Third is dedicated to reward as applied to the promotion of the arts and sciences, and when Mr. BENTHAM treads on his own practical ground of direct and immediate utility, he is as strong here as elsewhere. He even goes further, for he admits that arts merely of amusement and curiosity possess a value in proportion to the pleasure which they yield. But oh! what a havock does he make in our predilections, when in a sentence or two further, he places pushpin, when it amuses, precisely on the same footing with poetry-nay it receives a preference, for it is innocent, whereas, "between poetry and truth," he observes, "there is a natural opposition. Truth, exactitude of every kind, is fatal to poetry; the poet must see every thing through coloured media, and strive to make every one else do the same." If this be the true faith-if sack and sugar be a sin-we confess our heresy, and cannot help suspecting that the very contracted nature of Mr. BENTHAM's exclusive line of study has shut him out from a due consideration of the question. Fiction is not false-gious persuasions lived on terms of reciprocal kindness-they all assohood, nor are the combinations of the imagination essentially so, for every iota of its materials are in Nature, however she may dispose of them in the way of composition. It may be admitted that poetry employs media, but they rather magnify than discolour, and may be compared to the microscope, which, literally speaking, gives a false idea as to size, but deceives no one that looks through it, because the property of the glass is self-evident. Upon the strict principle of Mr. BENTHAM, our very senses themselves might be deemed deceptive. Poetry, speaking of course of what really deserves the name, s rather abstractive than false—it abstracts all shadow from its light, and all light from its shade at pleasure-not to demonstrate, but to impress; not to convey facts, but images and associations. Of all men, we deem genuine poets the least of liars: they are only great poets owing to their intimacy with Nature; and their fiction, as we said before, is not falsehood, but mere machinery. Of course, in this defence we leave the rhyming and venal panegyrists or satyrists to their fate. Poets may be mean and servile as well as other men; but we may venture to assert, that more falsehood has been propagated in the world by the abuse of oratory than by all the poetry from HOMER downward. The sole business of much oratory in the Senate, and of almost all the Bar, is to seduce to particular decision, right or wrong; the poet talks of heaping Pelion on Ossa, and we are only excited into the conception of extraordinary power. He touches the affections, and we intensely feel; portrays images, and strongly exercises our faculty of conception; but there is no falsehood in all this-not a jot. But where are we going? Our amateur transport is carrying us too far; for save and except an occasional sonnet to our mistress' eyebrow, we never much dabbled in this bewitching sin; and for those venial offences, Apollo and Truth, which properly speaking are one, have long ago forgiven us. Nor are we unconscious of the temerity of venturing a um imbelle at once against PLATO and BENTHAM. The fourth book of Mr. BENTHAM treats of reward as applicable to productiond trade It is of course a most instructive branch of Sir F. BURDETT, after the applause had somewhat subsided, returned thanks. He told the Electors, that he should maintain the principles which had first recommended him to their notice to the close of his public life, with the same earnestness that he engaged in them at its commencement. It had ever been his study to maintain those sound principles of freedom which had of late years so greatly advanced in England. In Greece and in South America, too, those principles were advancing, and, though at present smothered in Spain, he hoped they would even there ere long break forth again.-Directing his attention to matters at home, Sir had been supported by talents, virtue, and principle, such perhaps as no Francis observed, that the Bill he had recently introduced into Parliament cause had been before upheld by in the House of Commons. A particular Religion was not necessary to human happiness. All were good which inculcated benignant principles; and no particular form should deprive men of their just rights. (Applause.) In America, members of all reliciated as good friends and subjects. Some, he was aware, differed with him in opinion on this topic, and conscientiously too; but he believed that such hostile opinions were owing to early prejudice, and would give way by a contemplation of the present situation of the age in which they liveif they would use their eyes, as it was manifestly intended by nature that they should, by placing them in the front, not in the back of their heads laughter and applause) they would observe the advancement of those At one time, toleration was supposed to be a great boon; but toleration principles, the progress of which was irresistible, and the success certain. Toleration was not the contrary of intolerance, but was intolerance in a was now looked upon to be as a thing itself scarcely tolerable. (Applause.) less degree. A man may be tortured in a variety of ways. You may torture him by fire and faggot, or you may torture him by shutting him out from all those rights to which the good of the community and every honourable motive proclaims him to be justly entitled to. (Applause.) Let it be remembered, that at the same time that you tell a man that he shall not address his Maker in the mode which his conscience tells him to be the best and most acceptable to God, it was the same thing as addressing the Deity, and saying to him, " you shall not receive the worship of respecting the opposition which had been given to this measure of Emanthat man." (Immense cheering.) It had been well said by Mr. Brougham, cipation, that Religion was not at the bottom of all this. It was the first duty of all sects" to do unto others as we would be done by :" but this principle was lost sight of when religion came in contact with power in the Priesthood. (Applause.) In the union of the Priest with power, and in the connection of Religion with the State, was to be found the poison that embittered the fruit which true Religion was naturally calculated to produce. He was not induced to despond of ultimate success, opposed as they were by persons who, if not of high authority, were at least high in authority. (Applause.) They should not be discomfited by a majority the carrying of this question would carry with it in its consequences a of thirty bishops and a few bedchamber lords. These persons knew that diminution of that monopoly of power and of that arrogance which they tory reasons adduced by the opponents of Emancipation. One Noble enjoyed and assumed. He wished to call their attention to the contradic Lord said, that religious freedom might be well suited to America; that that country was so free, she might admit this principle with safety. He | (Sir F. Burdett) hoped that England would ere long be sufficiently free to admit it also. (Applause.) Another Noble Opponent said, "Oh! England was too free for the admission of this principle; but it was well suited to, and might with perfect safety be adopted and acted upon in, the despotic states of Germany." (Hear, hear!) Such was the contradiction of reasons advanced by the opponents of this measure. Now as to the question itself he must be excused if he was not so liberal as to give credit to those who opposed it for sincerity in doing so. These opponents consisted for the most part of Monopolists in Power. They accused the Roman Catholics of a spirit of proselytizing. They themselves acted not so much upon this principle as on the well-known maxim of "the fewer the better cheer," and thought that by being few they would have a greater monopoly, and that the individual share of good things would be augmented. He could not give the credit of conscientious opinion to those who, themselves enjoying all the advantages of office, would exclude others from a participation, and who would, on a ground of difference of opinion in religious matters, injure and insult a whole nation. On a fair estimate of the votes, it would be found that the real aristocracy of the country was in favour of Emancipation. It was supported by the ancient nobility, by a majority of the wealth, talent, and honour of the House of Lords, whilst the majority against it were interested Bishops and the skip-jack Nobility, the offspring of corruption, who were placed there for anything but their merit, and who, in the opinion of the people, ought not to be there at all. He never expected, in introducing the question, to convert the thirty Bishops of the Upper House, or to persuade them to lay down their monopoly. They probably were like Launcelot in the Merchant of Venice, who, when his master's daughter said, 'she should be saved by her husband, replied, Truly, the more to blame: we were Christians enough before, e'en as many as could live by one another.' They were afraid, therefore, of having their monopoly broken in upon, and of having more persons to share in it than at present. He did not even give them the credit of honesty, nor bigotry, narrow and contemptible as that was; he did not think they were actuated even by so good a motive: it was all self interest, and, without possessing any real religion, they made religion the means and the pretence of preserving their exclusive system. To preserve this they were ready to sacrifice England's security. They had grossly insulted, injured, and calumniated six millions of their fellow-subjects, already urged almost to madness by long sufferings, and by the most grievous oppression, but who had borne it all with exemplary patience. He augured favourably to it too, from the increased knowledge that was daily spreading through the country; and he would here take the opportunity of mentioning the delight with which he had read the speech of an operative of Manchester (Mr. Hodgson), whose speech (see another column) displayed the noblest courage the courage of the mind. It was a powerful specimen of the expression of manly sentiments, dictated by a sound head, aided by a good English heart. (Cheers.) He felt a pride in belonging to a country that could boast of such native produce. The independent sense of the virtuous portion of both Houses of Parliament were favourable to this question, and he hoped the Roman Catholics of Ireland would not despond, but that they would bear their wrongs, which they had already borne so long, and so honourably, a little longer, and that they would seek no other means for their redress than those permitted to them by the constitution, and a reliance on the justice of England. (Hear, hear!) It had been said that the Roman Catholics were hostile to freedom, but this he would deny; our constitution was won for and handed down to us by Roman Catholics. As to danger, he saw no danger but what was to be apprehended from the exclusion of six millions of people from their just rights. The other dangers which had been conjured up were antiquated and stale, and like the stories of ghosts and witches, in the present day there were found few to place any faith in them. Let them rather look to the danger which was to be found in the example of America. He regretted the loss of our colonies to this country as the lopping off of a great limb of our strength; but he could not regret equally that the descendants of Englishmen, when it became a question whether they should assert their independence, or remain connected with this country as slaves, nobly vindicated the principles of freedom, though so dearly to the cost of the mother country. Every measure that was recommended at that day to conciliate her was rejected, for the purpose of putting twopence into the Exchequer. This question was one which he owned he had much at heart, for he had visited Ireland; he bad, therefore, an opportunity of judging of the misrepresentation that had been spread here respecting them. They were a quiet, intelligent, active, warm-hearted, industrious people, and he was therefore most anxious to see them linked, as they were worthy of being linked, in the indissoluble bonds of affection and interest with the people of England. (Applause.) He concluded by proposing, "The only remedy of all grievances a full, fair, and free Representation in the Commons House of Parliament." (Three times three.) The Hon. CHAIRMAN, in proposing the next toast, thought he should meet the approbation of every liberal-minded man, who was inclined to give praise to conduct which was enlightened and beneficial, let it come from what quarter it might. Mr. Peel bad introduced a bill, which, if earried though both houses, would confer upon the country one of the greatest benefits that it had received since the time of the Revolution. He therefore begged to propose, "The Purity of Trial by Jury; and thanks to Mr. Peel for introducing the bill now before Parliament' for the improvement of that valuable institution." (Three times three.) Mr. COKE proposed the health of Mr. Hobhouse. Parliamentary Reform, he was convinced, had not a more firm supporter than the Hon. Member whose health he now proposed. He had always advocated civil and religious liberty. It was not the truly independent Members of either House who were against it; but the created Peers and dependants on the Ministry. The general feeling of the country was for Emancipation, and indeed liberty of all kinds; and if they were otherwise, he himself, "So help him God !" would not represent them. (Great applause.) Mr. HOBHOUSE returned thanks, and observed that the present moment was peculiarly auspicious to liberty in other parts of the world. Greece was in a manner confirmed in her freedom; let them look around to other regions; there they would find the most heroic achievements. They might congratulate themselves that they were contemporaries of the great and illustrious men who had stood forward as the champions of freedom in the New World. They might congratulate themselves as being contemporaries of a man who excelled in the characters of citizen, soldier, legislator, and magistrate, and who was adorned with all those qualities which ennoble man, and that would render his name illustrious to posterity. This man was the President Bolivar, who had deposited the harvest of the fields of victory on the altar of liberty. Mr. STURCH proposed "The cause of civil and religious liberty throughout the world; and thanks to the majority of the House of Commons who voted for the bill for the removal of religious disabilities, and may the impolitic rejection of that bill by the Lords not endanger the tranquillity of Ireland." (Great applause.) The CHAIRMAN then gave "Lord John Russell, and the Reformers of Huntingdonshire."-His LORDSHIP returned thanks. He had always great anxiety for the cause of reform, and would have brought forward a motion on it this Session, had he not been advised not to do so, on account of the absorbing interest of the Catholic question. One of the arguments against reformation was, by asking why the people did not reform themselves? This was easily answered, for they had reformed themselves, and they would see that wherever large bodies of the people had the real freedom of election, there its purity was preserved entire. He need for illustration go no farther than the Electors of Westminster to rebut so slanderous a charge. (Hear!) His political creed might be summed up in three words-free Representation to England, Emancipation to Ireland, and Freedom to all the world. (Great applause.) The CHAIRMAN then proposed the health of Lord Ebrington, and the Reformers of Devonshire. His LORDSHIP returned thanks. He expressed his gratitude to Sir F. Burdett for his invariably patriotic conduct, but especially for his exertions in the cause of civil and religious liberty during this Session of Parliament. "Lord Nugent, and the Reformers of Aylesbury.”—Lord NUGENT returned thanks. He considered the necessity for an absolute reform in Parliament as becoming every year more cogent. The state of the country, with her present burdens, notwithstanding that we were in the tenth year of peace, furnished strong proof of the necessity of reform. All our neighbours were husbanding their resources, and preparing for war, while we were crippled by an enormous debt, or, as it had been well said in Parliament, we were bound over to keep the peace towards our neighbours in recognizances of 800,000,000l. sterling. (Applause.) For himself, his seat in the House of Commons, constituted as it was at present, gave him neither pride nor pleasure, except so far as it was a mark of the confidence reposed in him by his constituents. If ever he were honoured with a seat in the Lower House again, the stars-the twin stars that should guide his course would be Parliamentary Reform and Religious Liberty. (Cheers.) "John George Lambton, Esq. and the Reformers of the North of England."-Mr. LAMBTON rose amid loud applause; as it subsided, a single hiss was heard, but it was overpowered by the applause. When silence was somewhat restored, Mr. Lambton said that he thought he had heard a single hiss, and, as he was not accustomed to be greeted in that manner, he requested the person who had so expressed his sentiments, to state the grounds on which he proceeded. (Hear, hear!) Mr. FEARON (one of the set of "Free-thinking Christians," as they call themselves-or rather free-speaking, for they have the impudence and intolerance publicly to call one of the most excellent and enlightened men of the age a "liar and scoundrel," merely because the venerable Philosopher had doubted the virtue of a man called a Saint, who lived nearly 2,000 years ago!)-then mounted the table, and was received with considerable uproar of hisses, mixed with applause. His accusation against Mr. Lambton was divided into two parts-his opposition to Sir Francis Burdett in the elective franchise bill, and that he had some days afterwards entertained at his table an Illustrious Person, whose principles were well known to be in opposition to the great Catholic question.(Hear, and hisses.) Mr. LAMBTON said, he believed that two charges were brought against him: the first, that of taking an independent line of conduct, in opposition to a measure which had been advocated by his Hon. Friend near he could not sanction the principle of the Elective Disfranchisement Bill; him. He had conscientiously given his support to Emancipation; but he believed it to be fraught with evil to civil and religious toleration. Entertaining these sentiments, was he to be blamed for expressing them him of having a distinguished opponent of the Catholic question at his in his seat in Parliament? With regard to the other charge, accusing House, this was hardly worth talking about; for he thought that Englishmen would not wish to carry their political opinions into their had done him the honour to accept of what his hospitality could furnis private society. Certainly a distinguished individual, the Duke of York, |