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CONDUCT OF MR. KENDRICK.

Mr. DENMAN, on presenting a petition, made various observations on the reported conduct of Mr. Kendrick, the Surrey Magistrate and Welch Judge, which, he said, if shown to be true, would form a ground of a paramount necessity for the House to address the Crown, praying that Mr. Kendrick may be divested of any judicial situation which he now holds. Mr. D. contended, that since the office of Judge had changed its dependence from the will of the Crown to the term of good behaviour, no case of abuse so grievous as these allegations bad been adduced before the A conversation arose. Mr. DENNISON said, that Mr. K. was an amiable man in private life, and that he was anxious that his conduct should be fully investigated. After several Members had spoken, Mr. DENMAN moved-"That there be laid before the House the affidavits filed by Mr. Kendrick in support of his application for a rule against William Clement; also the affidavit of Mr. James, which was filed in order to prove that Mr. Kendrick was the author of the letter published in the Stamford News."-Ordered.

House.

IRISH CHURCH ESTABLISHMENT.

the parties to the common law, as it stood in particular instances, and to and clergy of the existing Irish establishment were too large, surely the specify so far as it was practicable in what matters the masters and work-system ought immediately to be revised. The only real right in property men might be allowed to meet beneficially. was derived from the law, and the power which conferred upon the Church the possessions it held, could, if the public good required it, take it away. This principle had been acted upon at the Reformation, and experience had proved its wisdom and usefulness. He denied, however, that it could be said a churchman had the same interest in the benefice he held as any other individual might have in a freehold estate which he had bought; because there was no right either of sale during his life, or disposition after his death, vested in a clergyman; and any provision which the legislature might make for the disposition of ecclesiastical benefices might be enforced with perfect justice (he thought, too, with great propriety) after the death of the living incumbents. The original institution of these benefices had been with a view to provide for the education of the poor; but this end had not been accomplished. The numbers of the Catholic population of Ireland, compared with the Protestants, were as one to seven; the oneseventh being composed of persons belonging to the Established Church and to Dissenting Sects. For this small proportion, this one-fourteenth of the Established Church, the numbers of clergymen of various sorts exceeded 5000. The property in the hands of these clergymen was in every case too large. The bishopricks, the value of which might be accurately estimated, were of an extent and value which no man could pretend to justify. What he would do with these overgrown Sees was what had been successfully practised before. It had formerly been found expedient to reduce the numbers of the clergy by uniting bishopries and parishes. He saw, therefore, no reason why the numbers should not now again be doubled up. (Laughter.) He thought that four bishops, instead of 22, would be quite enough. He did not mean to reflect personally upon the bishops; because he durst say, that if he were one of them, he should be as glad as they were to retain the possession of their large incomes. (A laugh.) Still he was sure that one-hundredth part of the sums now paid would be an ample remuneration for as many bishops as were really necessary. The Bishop of Limerick had said that he (Mr. Hume) had used language better suited for the table of the Convicted Libeller en Ludgate hill than for a Member of Parliament, language which was, at least, somewhat harsh and angry. It must be admitted that these were ungentle terms, and although they came from a bishop, were rather savouring of abuse. (A laugh.) The bishop charged him (Mr. Hume) with having said there were 531 non-residents, while there were only from 20 to 30. This was, however, at the best, only an evasion of the fact. In the bishop's sense, indeed, there were few non-resident clergy in Ireland; for he explained, that no clergyman is accounted a non-resident who is employed in parochial duties in any part of the country: so that if an incumbent has ten benefices, and discharged the duties in one of them, he was not to be considered a non-resident on the other nine! He must say, that the charge came with a peculiarly ill grace from a Right Rev. person, whose own book was full of lies! He might excuse his misstatements in any inge. nious way he would-be might provide a salvo for his conscience by means of some quite new explanation of what non-residence meant, but still he (Mr. Hume) thought he would fail to persuade persons, who called things by their right names, that residence meant any thing but an incumbent's living upon his benefice, and among that flock, the care of whose souls he was intrusted with. Mr. Hume contended that the conduct of the Clergy in collecting their tithes was very oppressive. He had in his possession, warrants which had been issued to levy a tithe of twopence-halfpeony !— He then concluded by moving the following resolutions:-1st. That the property now in the possession of the Established Church in Ireland, is public property, under the controul of the Legislature, and applicable to such purposes as in its wisdom it may deem beneficial for the best interests of religion and of the community at large, due regard being had to the rights of every person in the actual enjoyment of any part of such pro perty-2d. That this House will, early in the next Session, inquire whether the Establishment of the Church of Ireland be not greater than is commensurate with its services, both with regard to the number of persons employed, and the income which they receive. Sir F. BURDETT seconded the motion.

Mr. HUME expressed his strong conviction, that much of the evils which had so long afflicted Ireland arose from the present condition of its Church Establishment, and that that Establishment, so far from answering the purposes of its institution-the advancement of the happiness of the people-operated upon them to a precisely contrary effect. So long as that Establishment existed on its present footing, he thought there could be neither peace, unanimity, nor security for Ireland. He was well aware of the importance of religious instruction, and was quite satisfied of the benefits to be derived from a system, the pastors of which attended regularly to their sacred duties. He did not object, therefore, to the Establishment as an establishment for affording religious instruction to the people, but he called upon Parliament, as it formerly adopted the Protestant profession as the best calculated for the interest of the English people, and the Irish Reformed Church as best adapted for Ireland, to decide whether, in regard to the latter country, circumstances had not since occurred which made it expedient for the legislature to revise what it had so done? If it should be found that the present Irish Church Establishment was not in any respect adapted to the due discharge of the duties it had to perform or was larger than the state of that country, or the nature of its society, required-or was better paid than was necessary was it too much to say, that the House would not be performing their duty if they did not alter its condition? (Hear!) Paley had described a Church Establishment to be "only a means towards an end;" and the same authority declared that "Religious Establishments could not be shown to form any essential part of Christianity, but were only the means of encouraging it; for it could not be proved that among the early Christians there was any Religious Establishment." From this authority he (Mr Hume) inferred that, as Christians, they were not bound to any particular established form of worship; but that it was competent to the legislature, as heretofore, to decide, if the Establishment which it had formerly authorized should be found not to have answered the ends proposed, upon altering it; that as Parliament had once determined for the Protestant, and at another time for the Roman Catholic religion, as the religion of the State, so it might again change its determination in this respect. It was a favourite maxim with some, that with the Established Religion of any State, the State itself must fall. He thought a more dangerous maxim was never broached. The Church in all ages had manifested its subserviency to the Government, which the latter had recompensed by the gift of proportionate privileges and property. But Government should always stand upon its own footing, independent of the Church; for the close connexion of State and Church had never benefited either the morals or the welfare of a nation. Looking to something which took place in the time of William H. he believed that at one period that monarch intended to make the Roman Catholic religion the State religion of Ireland. In one of his letters to the Irish Government, he requested them to pass an act for the establishment of such a religion as might be more agreeable to the general withes of the people. (Hear!) Circumstances intervened to prevent the accomplishment of this injunction, and matter of endless regret it must be that they should have done so; for had Ireland obtained the Roman Catholic as her Established Religion, in the same way that Scotland had obtained the Establishment of the Presbyterian as ́her's, there was every reason to believe that she would have enjoyed by this time a century of peace, happiness, and prosperity, instead of anarchy and misery-that she would now have been a flourishing nation, and England, instead of her jailer, as it were, would have been regarded by her as her benefactress. (Hear!) He was not now going to state whether Protestantism or Presbyterianism, or the Polytheism of the Hindoos, or the faith of the Mussulmans, would be the best system for this or that country. All his speech would go to would be, to what the peace and welfare of Ireland required for it established form of worship. This it would be the object of every good man, and every friend to his country, to ascertain. Some people made a great outcry about the danger of alterations in the Church Establishment; but their alarms, as Sir William Temple had well observed, were rather for the wealth, and power, and dignities of the Establishment, than for the safety of the Church. If the number or revenue of the Protestant bishops

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Mr. CANNING said, that the compact which had been made at the Union might be broken; but until that was done, it became Parliament to act with good faith. Parliament could not, without a violation which would lead to the apprehension of violations of all kinds, concur in the resolu tion of the Hon. Member, which went to put out of the purview of the settlement made at the Union the whole of the property of the Church of Ireland, and to declare that it was a thing with which Parliament had a right to deal as it thought fit. The difficulty of the Hon. Mover's case was, that it went directly against all that hitherto had been considered as established. The church property of Ireland might be compared to a corporate property, which had been revised and conferred by Act of Parlia ment; but the Hon. Mover seemed to think that he had a right to go back to a period antecedent to the establishment of a right to the property on the part of the Church, and when it (the property) remained to be distributed among mankind for the benefit of particular classes. If the House should agree to the Hon. Member's resolution, there was nothing to prevent them from seizing upon property of corporations. Then, again, why was the House to stop with the tithes of the Church? Why not, also, possess themselves of the lay tithes? (Hear, hear.) In short, the proposition of the Hon. Member was so monstrous, so likely to lead to the most alarming consequences, that it was, he was sure, quite impossible that the House could for a moment hesitate as to the course which they

should pursue regarding it. The Right Hon. Gentleman concluded by characterising the motion of the Hon. Member for Aberdeen as one of the most barefaced propositions of injustice that had ever been submitted to Parliament. His firm belief was, that to such a resolution the Honorable Member would find few supporters in that house; and still fewer-or he (Mr. Canning) was much mistaken-in the country.

Thursday, June 16.

LORD C. SOMERSET-CAPE OF GOOD HOPE.

Mr. BROUGHAM presented a petition from Mr. Burnett (or rather "Bishop Burnett," for such are the gentleman's names), charging Lord Charles Somerset with highly oppressive conduct, and praying for inquiry into the Governor's proceedings. Mr. Burnett settled at the Cape, at an expense Sir F. BURDETT said, that the facts of the Hon. Member for Aberdeen's of upwards of 20,000 rix dollars. He had occasion to memorialize the speech seemed to have been so stubborn, that the Right Hon. Secretary Governor; but Lord C. Somerset denounced that memorial as a libel on had not cared to meddle with them. The speech of the Right Hon. Gen- him; he also accused Mr. Burnett of being the author of some foul charges tleman himself was a failure at all points; for in his first position that against him, violently seized Mr. Burnett's papers to get at proof, and founded upon the article of Union-he was not at all borne out; that arti- eventually got him banished from the Colony. The author of the foul cle in terms only applied itself to the maintenance of the Protestant Re-charges, Mr. Brougham added, was in reality a Mr. Jones, a surveyor of ligion, while it was the maintenance of Tithes which the Right Hon. Gen- lands at the Colony; and that person was no other than the notorious tleman should have put in proof, if he meant his argument to tell for any" Oliver, the Spy! That fact, a Mr. Parker had declared himself ready thing. For the Union itself, everybody knew what the Union had been to prove at the bar. Mr. Brougham further stated, that he had no doubt a gross cheat, a scandalous piece of corruption, supported by unprincipled that Edwards and Mitchell were also there! With respect to the conduct violence-one Parliament selling the country another Parliament buying of Lord C. Somerset, Mr. Brongham declared that if these facts turned out it, and the wrong upheld, and made good, by the assistance of military to be true, he would, if nobody else did, move the impeachment of that power. But, take the Union Act to have been a fair measure, still it was Governor. not a law of the Medes or of the Persians; and what reason was there Mr. W. HORTON desired the House to suspend its judgment, doubting that it should not be revised, if such a course was desirable for the advan. not that many of the charges resulted from a conspiracy against his lordship tage of the public? The Right Hon. Secretary talked of the sacredness at the same time, he was prepared to admit, that if the law justified many of private property; but he (Sir F. Burdett) had no hesitation to say, that things that were alleged, the sooner it was altered the better.-[Mr. even with respect to private property, if the public benefit demanded it, Horton took no notice of the worthy Mr. "Jones."] such a course as that of the Hon. Member for Aberdeen would be well warranted. The Hon. Baronet, after contending shortly that there was, nevertheless, no parity between the cases of private property and of church property, sat down by declaring that those did the greatest mischief to the cause of the Protestant Church in Ireland, who gave a tacit admission that its state was not what it should be, by resisting every demand for investigation.

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Mr. PEEL thought that the position of his Right Hon. Friend (Mr. Canning) stood quite unshaken by the observations of the Hon. Baronet. For the Hon. Baronet's assertion, as to private property, he could hardly believe that he would (as regarded his own property) consent to the application of the Hon. Member for Aberdeen-to wit, "that the property now in possession of the Church of Ireland" (that would be "private property") was public property.”

Mr. BARING observed, that the Government in many of the Colonies required amendment; that foreign, not English law, was administered, where there was any law at all; and that better things were hardly to be expected, when the Lord Charleses and Lord Johns were sent out as Governors, and had with 10,000l. a-year little short of arbitrary power. Mr. HUME had seen a gentleman from the Colony very recently, who had assured him that there was nothing there but arbitrary and despotic power. Any one obnoxious to the Government authorities was removed without difficulty. This petitioner was banished for five years merely for sending in a memorial. Did the Governor send home any copy of it, or of his own proceedings upon it? What grounds did he give then for his own sentence? The Hon. Secretary would find that the same opinions pervaded all minds in the Colony. Let the Hon. Gent, look well to it. Property would not be embarked in any undertaking on those shores; while the rights of property and of personal liberty were so much at stake. Oliver was in the office of Surveyor of Lands. He had considerable power, and he certainly did not fail to abuse it. He (Mr. Hume) assured the House that he advanced what he had offered upon the testimony of men whose veracity had never been doubted.

Mr. W HORTON said, the Government had not only appointed Commissioners to make a general investigation, but it had directed that there should be a Council appointed to act with the Chief Governor, and that they should remit minutes of their proceedings, thus bringing the Colony, as far as they could, into conformity with the system of Indian Government!

Mr. BROUGHAM gave notice, that on Tuesday he would move that Bishop Burnett's petition be referred to a Select Committee.

DISCIPLINE OF THE NAVY.

Mr. HOME presented a petition from certain seamen, praying that the time of serving in the navy might be limited that no corporal punishments should be inflicted that the pay should be equal to the risk and hardship of the services that prize-money should be more fairly shared, and that officers should be chosen according to their skill and experience and merits in the service.

COMBINATION LAWS.

Mr. BROUGHAM said, there was a broad and direct distinction between private property and church property. Private property was that sort of property to which an individual, of his own right only, had a title. It was property which could be sold, or given away, or transferred, or incumbered property which the possessor could bequeath as he listed, or which, in default of bequest, by law descended to his heirs. But how did the property of the Parson at all correspond with this description? He could neither sell it, nor transfer it, nor leave it to whom he pleased; but it passed from him to a successor of whom he knew nothing, and who, perhaps, had been his most mortal enemy. If private property were taken from an individual, the state robbed not only him, but his children, or next heirs; but if the law said to a élerical incumbent, "The profits of this living shall cease after your death," who, in whom that clergyman bad any interest, was in the smallest degree damnified? Besides, was it not clear that private property was that income, for the receipt of which the holder had no duty to perform? The clergy were officers of state, and like other officers of state, might be got rid of in proportion as they were no further required. If the church property, as it was called, was private property, why was not the pay of the army or navy personal in an equal degree? And the practice-let the House look only at what had been the practice showed how the fact stood. If the tithe was really private property, it could not be meddled with at all. Now what was the feeling as to that? Why, the tithe of agistment-this was private pro-and to substitute other provisions in lieu thereof." He wished comment perty had been given up in Ireland at the time of the Union, and it was to be spared till this bill was printed, and till the second reading. well known that the Union could not have been carried without it. If Mr. HOME protested against the Report. The Committee were instructed tithe was private property, not the slightest reform could ever be made in to inquire into the effects of the Act of last Session, instead of which they it; for who could hope to frame a scheme which should meet the approba- had gone generally into the question of Combinations, &e. He also said, tion of every clergyman? And if a single individual was compelled to that the charges of the masters had been heard, while the men were not submit, the spoliation was as decided as if it extended through the whole afforded the opportunity of reply. This applied especially to Dublin and body. For the Act of Union, it ought to be no bar-not for a moment Glasgow. The spinners, &c., of Glasgow, were charged with conspiring to any course in which the public welfare was concerned. In the case of and suborning to murder, while the outrageous acts were those of some Scotland, the heritable jurisdictions-for which there had been an especial feiv desperate men. The masters at Glasgow, by their "atrocions" comclause made against reconsideration-being found to be pernicious, had binations, had kept the men out of work for four or five months the fault subsequently been repealed. The Hon. and Learned Member, after ob was not with the men; and those masters did not relax till the population serving that, down to the day of Richard II. the tithes in every parish had cried out " shame." The case of the masters would be found in the Report; always been burdened with the maintenance of the poor, and that he knew but the men had been refused all opportunity of replying to it, which he of no law which relieved the clergy from that charge, except the Act of considered to be most unfair. Elizabeth, which did not extend to Ireland, concluded by recommending bis Hon. Friend (Mr. Hume) to waive the first resolution, and to take the sense of the House upon the second.

Mr. Sergeant ONSLOW opposed the resolution.

Mr. HUMB replied, and said that his arguments had been condemned, but not answered.

The first resolution was then put, and negatived without a division. On the second the House divided, and the numbers were For the resolution, *37; against it, 126; majority 89. ↑

Mr. Monck withdrew his Bill, respecting the wages of labourers, until next Session.

Mr. WALLACE presented a Report of the Combination Laws' Committee, which was not read, but ordered to be printed:Mr. Wallace afterwards obtained leave to bring in a bill to repeal the Act of last Session,

Mr. WALLACE asserted, that more workmen than masters had been examined; and that the evidence of the men had not been declined, except where the Committee thought it was unnecessary!

Mr. Secretary PEEL deprecated further discussion till the documents were in the bands of Members: whereupon the conversation was dropped. JAMAICA. CASE OF MESSRS. LECESNE AND ESCOFFERY. Dr. LUSHINGTON presented a petition from Messrs. Escoffery and Lecesne, complaining of having been, without any just cause, sent out of the island of Jamaica, by the Duke of Manchester. The case was of very considerable importance, for it disclosed one of the greatest outrages that ever was committed on British subjects. The population of Jamaica cón ·

bad advice of others, but to have made himself a party in the cause. It was quite obvions that the whole proceeding was unjustifiable, and that nothing which appeared in the evidence could afford the shadow of an excuse for it. Dr. Lushington concluded by calling the attention of the House to the gross violation of justice which had been perpetrated against the two petitioners, who presented an unanswerable case of oppression, and who complained that they had been ruined in their fortunes, and that their families had been plunged into irretrievable misery. Never could the British Parliament be better employed than in redressing the wrongs of petitioners in any part of their dominions. Still more urgent was the claim of these petitioners, because it was evident that by a gross abuse of power, and an utter disregard of the principles of justice, the allegiance of the free coloured population of Jamaica must be alienated from the Government; and the result of that could be no other than the total destruction of the British power in the island. (Loud cheering) The Hon. Member then moved for a Select Committee to enquire into the cir cumstances attending the deportation of L. C. Lecesne and J. Escoffery from the island of Jamaica.

Mr. WILMOT HORTON said that the free coloured people of that island were under certain disqualifications, but that did not free them from their allegiance. The question upon which this case turned was, whether a conspiracy against the Government actually existed; and whether the petitioners were parties to that conspiracy. This question could only be decided by the production of the evidence, because it was impossible for the house to decide upon the conflicting testimony now upon the table. At the period to which the transactions referred, a strong feeling of alarm prevailed at Jamaica. The grounds upon which the Duke of Manchester took the step of transporting the petitioners, were those of an overpowering public necessity. The House of Assembly and the Council had reported, without one dissentient voice, that the petitioners were engaged in a treasonable conspiracy. What ought the Duke of Manchester then to have done with persons so dangerous-and how great would have been the responsibility he must have incurred, if he acted otherwise? This course was sanctioned also by the advice of all the officers of the Government. If the petitioners were innocent of the charges against them, there could be no doubt that they had been very hardly used, and that they were entitled to redress. But whilst the charge of falsehood was copiously made against others, was all that the petitioners had stated true? They had said that they were never engaged in any illicit traffic with St. Domingo, and that they had never carried on treasonable correspondence statements, the utter falsehood of which the "evidence" he had alluded to would establish, and prove, on the contrary, beyond a doubt, their traitorous intentions. The evidence was so satisfactory to his mind, and his knowledge of the amiability of the Duke of Manchester was such, that he would not concur in any censure it might be attempted to pass on him.

sisted of 360,000 blacks, 36,000 free men of colour, and 25,000 whites. The men of colour had long been under the most heinous disabilities. They were prohibited from giving evidence against these whites, and they Jaboured under several other oppressive regulations; and though they paid all the taxes, subscribed to funds for education, &c. they were not allowed to have any share in the elective franchise. A white alien could not be convicted on the evidence of a slave; but a coloured alien might. An attempt was made to get rid of those disabilities, but the effort failed. Now he thought that any man who considered how exceedingly important it was, not only to the interest but to the preservation of this colony, to consult the good wishes of this large class of the population, who were daily in creasing, as well by the addition made amongst themselves, as by the increasing offspring from whites and blacks, must see the necessity of treating them with kindness and consideration. Those persons were trained up in, and understood, the art of war; and on their fidelity the safety of Jamaica depended. In November last, the House of Assembly praised those people for their loyalty. Yet it was on two persons of this class, that acts of the greatest injustice had been practised. Though colour produced disabilities in Jamaica, it did not produce any in England. One individual of colour held a post in his Majesty's Government; and another had arrived at high rank in the army, and had formed a connection with a branch of the other House. Here those persons were treated as gentlemen. The petitioners, Messrs. Escoffery and Lecesne, were, in October, 1823, put under arrest; but being heard before the proper authorities, they were set at liberty as freeborn British subjects. They were, however, again arrested in November, and banished as aliens. Now, it was admitted on all sides, that they had, from their infancy, resided on the island for 25 or 26 years; but they were, notwithstanding, under the power of the Alien Act, deported to St. Domingo. The charge against these persons was contained in a letter written by one of the Government Collectors, dated September, 1823, in which an accusation was made against them for raising money, ostensibly for a religions society, but in reality to procure arms. This charge was wholly unsupported by evidence. It was also said, that those parties kept up a correspondence with certain French whites, which was injurious to the Government. But of this no sort of proof had been adduced. And yet, without any evidence of these facts, these men were sent away from their wives and familieswere torn from their dearest connexions! Without causing any examination, the Duke of Manchester allowed himself to sign an order for taking Messrs. Escoffery and Lecesne from their business, their families and homes, and deporting them to St. Domingo. (Hear!) Who were they whom his Grace so ordered to be deported? Two men resident in Kingston; one of them possessed of 14 slaves, the other of 5; both well known and respected, and carrying on a large wholesale business as distillers. Mr. Hector Mitchell, in his evidence, stated, that he thought it necessary to preserve a strict secrecy, and was altogether silent on the subject of the testimony against them. Yes: all was, indeed, silence and secrecy as to the true motives which had excited these proceedings. (Hear!) The Duke of Manchester, who had been petitioned by Messrs. Lecesné and Escoffery, referred the petition to Mr. Hector Mitchell and Mr. Barnes, the Mayor of Kingston, persons who reported on their petition, without hearing a single word of evidence, or instituting anything like an investigation. Their report stated, that the men were aliens, and that the affidavits produced by them were unworthy of credit, though these were the very same affidavits upon which the Court of King's Bench had determined that they were entitled to their privilege of evidence. (Hear!) As to Lecesne, the official copy of the will of his father showed that he was born in Jamaica. Nothing could be more gross than the conduct exhibited. Mr. Mitchell and Mr. Barnes were thus deceiving the Duke of Manchester, and getting up-whether from motives of private pique or with what other personal views, it might be easy, perhaps, to discover—a statement which in their own conscience they well | knew to be false. The Jamaica Court of King's Bench, consisting of Mr. Scarlett, Mr. Mills, and Mr. West, upon the argument, ordered the discharge of Mr. Lecesne. But what were the subsequent proceedings, despite of this? In the House of Assembly, Mr. Hector Mitchell moved for a Secret Committee, which was granted. He was appointed the Chairman; Mr. Barnes was named next; and next, two others who had been retained as Counsel against them! This Secret Committee made a report, in which they stated that an improper intercourse was kept up between some people of colour there and the emissaries of Boyer; that secret meetings had lately taken place likewise; and lastly, it was sug-session, no committee could be appointed with any advantage until next gested that Lecesne and Escoffery were very "dangerous characters.” The Duke issued his warrant for the deportation of these individuals; and he (Dr. Lushington) must say, that this order was executed with as much cruelty as it was in itself unjust. (Hear!) Dr. L. then proceeded to call the attention of the House to the conduct of Mr. Hector Mitchell towards the petitioners. He offered to two of their slaves 600 dollars to give false evidence against their master, and threatened them, in case of their refusal, with a barbarous punishment. He carried his threats into | execution, by committing one of them to prison for seven months, during which he was kept in a condemned cell. The other was kept in similar confinement for more than ten months, and when the Slave Court was held, both of them were discharged by proclamation. The slaves who had suffered this cruel treatment had arrived in England; Dr. L. had examined them, and he was ready to produce them before the House. A very great proportion of the blame in these transactions devolved upon the Duke of Manchester, who appeared not to have merely acted under the

Mr. SCARLETT thought it appeared probable that the Duke of Manchester had been misled by the persons whose duty it was to advise him. He (Mr. Scarlett) had read the whole of the evidence attentively, because a near relation of his own (Mr. Chief Justice Scarlett) to whose learning, capacity, and integrity, he was glad of any opportunity of bearing testimony, had sat in judgment on the subject. It was impossible for the House to pay too much attention to appeals of a description like the present; as it was well known that, in the Colonial Assemblies, the coloured population was far from meeting with liberal consideration. Mr. CANNING said that, under all the circumstances, he should not oppose the appointment of a Select Committee. The short question upon the present charge, as it applied to the conduct of the Duke of Manchester, was, whether the Duke had or had not treated British subjects as aliens only could lawfully be treated. The Hon. Member for Peterborough observed, that if the Duke of Manchester had done wrong, he had probably been misled. In this opinion he (Mr. Canning) entirely concurred; but it was yet to be shown that the Duke had exceeded his authority. The main feature in the case then came to be considered-to wit, what there had been in the conduct of other persons, apart from that of the Duke of Manchester, which afforded ground for complaint; and upon that point he was free to say, that Government had at least so far thought there was ground for investigation, that the Commissioners in the West Indies had received instructions (and in about a month hence they would be in Jamaica) to examine into all the circumstances, and report generally upon the transaction. It was to be recollected, that at so late a period of the

year. All necessary evidence could be procured in the mean time, and there would be no difficulty then in instituting an inquiry as ample as the Learned Member (Dr. Lushington) could desire.

Mr. BROUGHAM said that, as the evidence stood, the transaction was a most iniquitous one, and he totally differed from the Right Hon. Gentleman as to the view which he took of the conduct of the Duke of Manchester. Dr. LUSHINGTON called upon the House to consider the condition of the injured parties, and what they were exposed to, in their destitute condition by this new delay. He was ready to adopt the proposal of the Right Hon. Gentleman opposite, for the appointing of a Committee next Session; but he did that in the reliance of every facility being afforded for the obtaining and production of evidence. For the sentiments which had been expressed in a pamphlet written upon the question by Mr. Grossett-for such senti ments as would deny men justice on account of their colour, he thought that could excite no feelings in the mind of any civilized being, but those of disgust and unmitigated contempt.

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The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER moved the second reading of this Mr. BANKES could not avoid expressing his regret, that a site had not been chosen on which a palace might be built more accordant with the opulence of the country, and more consistent with the dignity of the Sovereign.

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Loud and fervent cheers accompanied and followed Mr. Abercromby's address; and after he had concluded, a number of Members, on both sides, passed high eulogiums on the character of Sir Robert Wilson, and expressed their hope, that he would speedily be restored to the military rank which he formerly graced. Messrs. Littleton, Woodhouse, W. Lamb, Lord Bentinck, Sir M. Ridley, Generals Sir J. Murray and Sir R. Ferguson, all spoke to this effect; and no difference of opinion was mani

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ALTERATION OF CUSTOMS DUTIES.

In a Committee on the Customs' Consolidation Act, Mr. HUSKISSON explained a few modifications which he had to propose in the new scale of duties in this Bill, as stated by him some time back, in consequence of the numerous conferences he had had with parties interested. The principal items,-cottons, woollens, &c.—were to remain as now regulated. Upon linen manufactures, he proposed a duty from year to year, until the homes manufacture should have improved so as to compete with the foreign. Upon foreign books he intended to reduce the duty from 67. 10s. to 17. leaving the law as it stood, which prohibited the introduction of works which infringed upon English copyrights. He also wished to lower the duties on drugs, on minor articles of West Indian produce, on pepper (from 2s. 6d. to 1s.) &c. Some conversation followed, and the further discussion was adjourned.

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER admitted, that it would be desira-fested by any Member. ble to have a palace in which the dignity and personal comforts of the Sovereign might be consulted. With respect to Buckingham House, there were inconveniencies attending, but there were also advantages, which could not be found in the other places. As to the abandonment of Carlton House, he could state that it did not arise from any capricious taste on the part of his Majesty. It might be said rather, that instead of his Majesty wishing to leave that house, the house seemed disposed to leave his Majesty. The lower part of the house (when his Majesty had company in the upper) was obliged to be propped, which it would be admitted was not very convenient for his Majesty's comfort (Hear, hear.) By its removal an open view would be obtained of the Park, and buildings might be erected which would be highly ornamental to the metropolis; and at the same time Government might so dispose of part of the ground as to produce an income sufficient to defray the expense of some of the improvements. If he were asked how he would dispose of part of the site of Carlton House, if it should be removed, he would say that it might be most advantageously applied in the erection of buildings for the accommodation of the Royal Academy and the National Gallery. (Hear.) For the former, it would be admitted that the Strand was most inconvenient; and for the latter, the British Museum, which had been suggested, was not the most proper place for that gallery, which was intended to be open for the public as one particular branch of the arts. The proposed alterations would enable the Sovereign to have the opportunity of seeing company in some of the finest apartments in the world. The expense might not be less than 200,000Z.; but even if it were not to be the permanent residence of the Sovereign, it would still be an ornament to the metropolis, and desirable for the accommodation of other branches of the Royal Family.

Mr. HOBHOUSE said he would not object to the proposition of having a residence befitting the dignity of the Sovereign and the opulence of the country; but he wished to ask whether some of the reports in circulation were correct? Some of his constituents were greatly alarmed (and in fact meetings had been held on the subject), in consequence of some plans drawn up by Mr. Nash, which it was said had for their object the erection of a new line of buildings in the Bird cage walk, which would have the effect of excluding the view of the park from the occupants of the houses in that neighbourhood. Now he wished to know whether any such intention was to form part of the "new improvements?"

The CHANCELLOR of the EXCHEQUER said, that such a project did not form part of the present Bill.

Mr. RIDLEY COLBORNE was sorry that so large a sum was to be expended on such a wretched site as that of Buckingham House. The money expended on the buildings at Windsor, Virginia Water, and Brighton, would have been sufficient to form a magnificent palace for the Sovereign of the

country.

Mr. BANKES, sen. said, that when 800,000l. would enable the country to build a magnificent palace for the Sovereign, he was averse to granting 200,000l. to the repairs of a paltry and insignificant palace. The Bill was then read a second time.

The Scotch Judicature Bill was read a third time and passed.

Friday, June 17.

JUDGES SALARIES BILL.

The third reading being moved, Messrs. BROUGHAM, JOHN WILLIAMS, and others, strongly opposed the increase of salary, as being wholly needless, and a merely wasteful draught on the public purse, of which the House of Commons ought to be better stewards. Mr BROUGHAM observed, that the Secretaries of State had less than the proposed salaries of the Judges, although the former had really a necessity for large expenditure. Mr. HOBHOUSE denied that the dignity of a Judge depended on a large salary, or that it was necessary to remove the Judges out of their present quiet eircle of society, into more expensive residences and connections.— He moved that the salary be 5,000/. instead of 5,500l. This was negatived, and the third reading carried, by 74 to 45.

SIR ROBERT WILSON.

J

On a motion for going into a Committee of Supply, Mr. ABERCROMBY took that opportunity of adverting to the case of Sir Robert Wilson, who, after twenty-nine years' of honourable and useful services, had been suddenly interrupted in his military career, on account of his manly avowal of political opinions, which were unfortunately at variance with those of the power which ruled the army. The Hon. and Learned Member dwelt with great impressiveness upon the personal worth of his Gallant Friend, the universal esteem in which he was held, even by those of opposite opinions in politics, and the propriety and generosity which would be manifested by throwing into oblivion those unhappy differences which had caused his removal from the army, and restoring him to

FROM THE LONDON GAZETTES.

Tuesday, June 14.

This Gazette.contains a long official account of the investiture of the King of France with the ensigns of the Order of the Garter: the account concludes with the remark “The mission was received, with every possible mark of attention; the strictest observance was paid to the prescribed forms of the solemnity; and the whole ceremony was conducted with a splendour suitable to the dignity of this Most Noble. Order."-The Gazette also contains a notice, that the King of France, at the request and in the name of the King of England, had conferred the honour of knighthood on Lord Granville, Ambassador to the Court of France, and had invested him with the ensign of Grand Cross of the Bath.

BANKRUPTS.

T. Clay, Sise-lane, wine-merchant.
Spencer, Walbrook-buildings.

Solicitors, Messrs. Fisher and

S. Jerman, Penlington-place, Lambeth, tea-dealer. Solicitor, Mr. Wil
liams, North-place, Gray's-inn-road.

T. Thornley, Manchester, pawnbroker. Solicitors, Messrs. Adlington,
Gregory, and Faulkner, Bedford-row.

J. Brooks, Bath, victualler. Solicitors, Messrs. Frowd and Rose, Searle
street, Lincoln's-inn.

Saturday, June 19.

BANKRUPTS.

G. Sharp, Leeds, Yorkshire, cordwainer. Solicitor, Mr. W. H. King,
Hatton-garden.

W. Hazard, Liverpool, nail-manufacturer. Solicitor, Mr. Leigh, Char-
lotte-row, Mansion-house.
J. Robinson, Failsworth, Manchester, copperas-manufacturer. Solicitor,
J. Sherwin, Burslem, Staffordshire, bookseller. Solicitor, Mr. Walford,
Mr. John, Palsgrave-place, Temple-bar.
Gratton-street, Bond-street.

R. Eccleston, Bristol, wine-merchant. Solicitors, Messrs. Clowes and
Co. Temple.

T. Crosley, Nicholas-lane, tea-dealer.
lersbury.

Solicitor, Mr. James, Buck,

J. Thomas. White-horse Terrace, Stepney, master-mariner. Solicitors,
Messrs. Blunt and Co. Liverpool-street, Broad-street Buildings.
P. Elen, Woburn, Bedfordshire, draper. Solicitors, Messrs. Spence and

Co. Sise-lane.

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THE EXAMINER.

LONDON, JUNE 19, 1825.

must either admire the power with which "he holds his countenance," or set down the phrase as an ingenious play upon words. We congratulate the Reformers upon the useful character of this debate. It will do much towards opening the eyes of the public at large to the indefensible monstrosity of our Church Establishment. We are lamentably behind the Continental states in this respect; and even our good and holy Allies laugh at the despicable apathy with which we submit to be plundered and trampled upon by the un-Christian corporation called the Church of England.

THERE has been little of foreign news during the week sufficiently specific to dilate upon. Happily, the reports of the advantages obtained by the Greeks over the Egyptian forces appear to be substanfially confirmed, and the activity of the Grecian maritime exertions is most extraordinary. The French Chambers have terminated their Session; and we learn with great national satisfaction, that in pre- THE KING. On what grounds is it inferred that the present King is senting the Order of the Garter to CHARLES X. the Duke of favourable to Catholic relief? George the Fourth, after the persecution NORTHUMBERLAND was the most graceful of Royal Representatives, of the late Queen, took refuge in Ireland from his adverse subjects in and so improved in confidence and elocution, as not to miss a single melted with joy; and some, and those not the meanest, acted with most England. They, soft and liquid as their own bogs and butter-milk, word in his whole speech of seven or eight lines!The unutterable disgusting sycophancy. For all this witchery and humiliation the Irish FERDINAND has turned purification into a tax, and has established a were requited by Lord Fingall being dubbed one of the 21 Knights Comtariff, by which his black swans and constitutional pyebalds, both panions of St. Patrick! This is the sum of the King's ostensible dis civil and military, may be rendered as white as snow, by the pay- position to relieve the Catholics from their disabilities. But then the ment of a number of pistoles, each according to his rank. In the King, as King of Hanover, has equalized the Catholics and Protestants, mean time, roving bands of Constitutionalists are appearing in differ- in his German dominions. This is part of the Continental System. ent parts of the Peninsula, while its coasts have the honour of being Catholics and Protestants are equally eligible in France, Holland, Dencarefully attended by Columbian ships of war and privateers, to the mark, Sweden, Russia, Prussia, Austria, &c.; and let it be remembered, equal advancement of Spanish commerce and dignity. These that King George of Hanover was late in acceding to this system, which cruisers have actually cut off the communication between Cadiz and however, the King's disposition be friendly, or indifferent, or unkind, it is common to all the Allies. Frederick the First could not do less. Let, Ceuta. We learn from the United States, that the barristers of New must be remembered, if, indeed, men had memory either for good or York have formed themselves into a Committee for the purpose of evil, that the Duke of York presented a petition from the Chapter of devising some remedy for the delays of justice incident to their pre- the Chapel of St. George's, Windsor-that the Duke spoke peremptorily sent judiciary system. The fact is, that, retaining our legal institu- of the inhibition contained in the Coronation Oath-that he added to a tions, America necessarily retained their abuses also. It is clear, Peer's honour a Prince's oath, he would never consent to the relief of the however, that these Republicans know nothing of life, for they com- Catholics; and that after this speech, which exceeds any of Nat. Lee's plain that a Chancery suit lasts from three to five years. What a when his dramatic phrenzy was highest, he passed from the House of paltry field for doubt! That the Bar should have originated this Lords to Covent-garden Theatre, where he joined the King, and spent enquiry is highly creditable; and, as justly observed by a daily con- Duke was at the head of the late King's Inner Cabinet, or those called the evening with his Majesty. Mark this. Remember alse, that this temporary, it reflects the highest honour on the people of the United the King's Friends. If the present King be favourable to the Catholics, States, that they thus early look for a remedy, and do not wait until which I doubt, it is evident that the King that shall be rules by anticiprejudices are created, and interests arise, which tenaciously resist pation, and, in this case at least, he is Lord of the Ascendant.-Mr. the most necessary ameliorations and the most obviously-required Ensor's Letter in the Irishman. reforms.

In the Committee on the Colonial (newspaper) Postage Bill, Mr. Hume suggested, that the postage of newspapers sent to the colonies should be only one penny, as with papers sent to Ireland. The Chancellor of the Exchequer consented to split the difference, and make it three half-pence. Dr. LUSHINGTON has done himself infinite credit by the mode in which' he has brought forward the case of Messrs. LECESNE and ESCOFFERY. More shameful treatment,-treatment, in our judgment, more disgraceful to the authors of it,-bas scarcely ever disgraced any set of rulers calling themselves civilized. We shall take another opportunity of alluding to these extraordinary colonial proceedings; but we must even now say, that we most cordially agree with Dr. LUSHINGTON in his feeling of contempt for the wretched writer of the wretched pamphlet attributed to

Mr. GROSSET.

MONUMENT TO Major Cartwright.-The friends of Parliamentary Reform and Religious Freedom will be gratified to learn, that a Meeting will be held to-morrow, at one o'clock, at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, at which Sir Francis Burdett will preside," for the purpose of announcing the Subscriptions received and promised towards a suitable Monument to the Memory of the late JOHN CARTWRIGHT: and to adopt such other measures as may be necessary for increasing the subscription (now exceeding 5001.) to a sum more commensurate with an adequate testimonial of public regard for the universally acknowledged virtue, ability, and public consistency of the Deceased, as the honest Advocate, during a long life, of his Country's Freedom and Happiness." SUBSCRIPTION FOR THE SPANISH EMIGRANT.-A. G. 10s. Probert is ordered for execution on Monday. When the awful tidings were communicated to him he discovered much anguish of mind, as he had cherished a hope that his life would be spared.

Mr. HUME, on Tuesday last, with great spirit and perseverance, again introduced the subject of the Irish Church Establishment, and made a motion to declare its property public property, and to pledge the House to inquire next Session into the proportion existing between its amount and the clerical services for which it is nominally paid. The debate which ensued upon this motion was the most instructive and valuable of the whole Session. Mr. CANNING, in his desperate lack of even plausible reasons against a reform of the Irish Church, blundered angrily about the Act of Union, which he asserted secured the inviolability of Ecclesiastical property in Ireland: -as if the incorporation of two legislative bodies into one rendered the united body incapable of altering the laws existing at the time of incorporation! This Minister was still more imprudent in asserting that the Church property stood on the same footing as private property, and that an interference with one would destroy the sacredness of the other. This wretched absurdity has been so often exposed, we are really surprised that a man like CANNING should, by adopting it, expose himself to the humiliating refutation which his opponents so easily supply. On this occasion, both Sir FRANCIS BURDETT and Mr. BROUGHAM were exceedingly happy in the pithy and triumphant manner in which they overthrew the hacknied pretence. They showed, that Church property has no one attribute in common with private property, its professor neither obtaining it by purchase or succession, nor having the smallest power to alienate or bequeath it. But indeed Mr. CANMING's own speech afforded a refutation of his argument. “If Parliament (he said) took possession of the ecclesiastical tithes, why not of the lay tithes also?" Why not?— Because the owners of the lay tithes have purchased or inherited, and A SPARE APOTHECARY.-A country fellow, who came to fetch the may sell them--because there is as much difference between lay and Apothecary to attend his wife, was shown into a room, and requested to clerical tithes, as regards the rights of the receivers, as there is between the same room stood a wooden case in which was a skeleton; and the wait there until the Doctor should be disengaged. It happened that in the rental of a landowner and the salary of a Secretary of State.-lout, with that curious disposition which is not uncommon among people The Right. Honourable Gentleman could not have used a more of his condition, opened the door of the case for the purpose of seeing unlucky illustration; in fact, he seemed miserably perplexed and what it contained. A single glance was enough for him, and he ran out out of humour with the badness of his cause: a state of feel- of the room, all the small share of sense that he possessed being frighting we can easily account for, as we sincerely believe that ened out of him. When he recovered himself, he returned, and, while in his heart no man would with less scruple confiscate all the tem- standing at the door, the Apothecary made his appearance. The Coun poralities of the Church than GEORGE CANNING. Everybody knows tryman's terrors were renewed, and seizing a pitchfork which stood by he is no bigot in religion; and he cannot be seriously supposed to fear asked the Apothecary, who saw his alarm but could not guess at its cause. he held it out, while trembling in every limb. What ails thee, fellow that England would sustain any mischief from following the example « Don't thee come near me," cried the clown;" don't thee come near of Germany, France, &c. &c. in regard to ecclesiastical possessions. me, or I'll break thy dry bones! Dost think I don't know thee, Master When therefore we see him, in his poverty of rational grounds of Skillington, for all t'hast gotten thy clothes on !"—My Grandmother's opposition, styling Mr. HUME's "a most barefaced proposition," we Guests.

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