TWENTY ENGRAVINGS of Lions, Tigers, Panthers, and Leo- THE MARAUDER; Two Epistles in Verse upon IRISH

4. FIVE HUNDRED QUESTIONS deduced from the same, by J. G. Gorton; ARLISS'S POCKET MAGAZINE, Volume II. January to June,

No. 908. MONDAY, JUNE 27, 1825.

THE POLITICAL EXAMINER.

Party is the madness of many for the gain of a few.--Pors. “INDICATIONS RESPECTING LORD ELDON."

ALL the world is acquainted with the fearless perseverance of Mr. BENTHAM in the pursuit of any investigation that he may deem sericeable to the community, in the way either of discovery or of expoure. A few weeks ago, in illustration of this honourable and useful species of determination, we were called into a notice of his late pub-1814, when in one instance (" Casamajor v. Strode,") the full sum of Beation, called The Rationale of Reward; and, for the same reason, we now summon the attention of our readers to another short work which he has just prepared under the title of Indications respecting Lord Eldon. The latter production may, indeed, in some respects, be deemed a sort of Appendix to that branch of the subject of the former, which treats of remuneration for public services, being neither more nor less than an illustration of the principle there laid down, by a closer reference to practice. The public are of opinion- but why use any periphirasis? it is matter of fact-that, in everything which respects the administration of what is called law, and miscalled equity, in this country, Lord ELDON has for some years past been little less than omnipotent. It is the object of Mr. BENTHAM to explain the nature and spirit of this domination, by drepping all the conventional language usually adopted in the course of discussion, and without ceremony denominating a spade a spade-in a word, to call things by their right names, and speak of persons, be they whom they may, precisely according to the systems which they uphold, and the practices which they either establish or sanction.

In this spirited production, the author adverts to the conduct and policy of the great lawyer who is the subject of it, in nineteen divisións or sections, the substance of which may be thus briefly generalized: First, Mr. BENTHAM aims to prove, that on succeeding to the Presidency of the Court of Chancery, Lord ELDON found a system of fraud and extortion existing there, which he has scarcely in any way sought to check, but, on the contrary, has done much to confirm and establish. 2dly, That feeling bimself the great source of law patronage, he encouraged and supported the other Courts in the illegal establishment of fees and kindred abuses, until alarmed by a spirited action, and then only, he thought proper to apply to Parliament to cover the illegality and assumption. And 3dly, That he has himself shared, both in the way of patronage and emolument, in the profits arising out of the abuses which he has sanctioned and connived at. In addition to these general heads, many other interesting points are taken into consideration; but for a brief notice of this nature, the above will be sufficient to afford a notion of the scope and tendency of the whole.

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Pleasant, is it not, and by no means either fraudulent or extor tionate, any more than a number of other kindred expedients, the existence of which in any other line of life would be unceremoniously termed picking of pockets! Thus, copies of proceedings of all sorts are multiplied for the sake of fees, often charged for when never made; and, even in amicable suits, when there is no real litigation, pay for, copies of papers of no earthly consequence, in order to the apparently-opposing Solicitors are required to take out, or at least afford a due levy of plunder "out of the estate." Happily, Lord ELDON was obliged to cast his eyes on a branch of this enormity in 700l. was impudently claimed for compensation money, in lieu of written copies of particulars of sale. His Lordship materially lessened the demand on similar occasions, the enormity of which might have been dangerous to the whole system; but all the rest was left as we have described it. Again: attendances before the Master, or rather before his clerk, abound with similar expedients to catch fees and emoluments for nominal services; and, what is still worse, were an honest Solicitor to attempt to avoid them, his own bill is taxed by those who profit by them, while his general ability to serve his clients might be materially injured by resentment in such quarters. In a smaller degree, Commissioners of Bankrupts also feel the infinence of the gross atmosphere of the Court to which they belong ;—a striking and shameless proof of which is supplied by Mr. BENTHAM. But, under this head, to speak emphatically, we can no more! Not that we use this expression, as Martinus Scriblerus says poets generally do, when they really can no more," but because so abundant are the means, our poor two or three columns are inadequate to the conveyance of aught beyond a sample. So extraordinary and barefaced, indeed, are many of the schemes of extortion in this Court, nothing can more exhibit the strength of the corrupt influence which has so long unblushingly maintained them. We often speak with admiration of the ancient domination of the priesthood, and of the frauds and contrivances to cheat people of their money by the clerical fraternity; but looking to the times, and to the nature of their ascendancy over men's minds, it was far less wonderful than the legal usurpation and fraud of later days. The priest cheated you of your purse, and promised heaven ; the modern lawyer empties it, and laughs impudently in your face, with no pretence at all; or if called to an account, presides over an enquiry into his own conduct, and makes investigation itself a proof of corrupt strength and of popular and patriotic weakness! To those who look up to lawyers for a knowledge of constitutional law, the manner in which Mr. BENTHAM, under our second head, exhibits the positive breaches of it in the creation of the fees of the respective Courts by the Heads of them, will prove particularly instructive. Independently of the gross exaction of enormous fees for sham services and procedures, it has been in the direct face of the most healthy and salutary statutes that either the Chancellor or Judges Master's Clerk fills up the blank by inserting such a number, as might. if there had been much contention between the parties, have by possibility been issued. Thus, where two or three are all that, in fact, have been taken out, ten or fifteen are charged and allowed. The Solicitor produces those he has actually received in the course of the business, and the Clerk delivers to him so many more as are necessary to make up the port. If the charge for the warrants alone were all that was to be com plained of, the mischief would not be so great; but an attendance on each of these warrants is charged for and allowed, and that frequently ously increased."-Letter to S. C. Cox, Esq. Thus," continues Mr. Bentby several different Solicitors, so that the expense to the suitors is griev ham," exacting, for the Master. payment for that same number of attendances not bestowed; and as to Solicitors, not only allowing but forcing them, on both sides-and there may be any number on each side-to receive payment, each of them, for the same number of attendances on his part. And though no cause has more than two sides-the plaintiff's and the defendant's-yet on each side there may be as many different Solicitors as there are different parties, and to the number of them there is no limit."

In respect to the first of these allegations, Mr. BENTHAM, in the way of evidence, seems to luxuriate in the abundance of his materials, but quotes more especially from the able Letter to Samuel Compton Cox, Esq. one of the Masters in Chancery. By a Barrister. London, 1 1824. It will add to the reader's respect for the integrity, consistency, and singleness of character of the venerable Author, when informed, that, being now fourscore, he obtained his father's consent, when a young man, to quit the profession of the law, in consequence of his aversion to profit by some of the abuses which he here enume-requisite number.-A similar process takes place with respect to the Rerates. In our notice of the Rationale of Reward, we quoted one of these a signal instance of extortion, by the issue of three summons of attendance, all carrying fees to the Masters in Chancery, and implying fees to the Solicitors of the respective parties, be they ever so numerous, although two out of the three are uniformly unattended to, and issued merely to create fees! We give below another admirable specimen of fraud and extortion, of a similar nature. Pray cast down your eye, reader, and attend to it.

"One of the thirteen Commissioners, commissioned by Lord Eldon to enquire, along with Lord Eldon, into the conduct of Lord Eldon.”BENTHAM.

The issuing of warrants is another subject which requires consideration. These are issued frequently upon states of facts, abstracts of titles, charges and discharges, &c. not according to the time consumed in going through the business before the Master, or his Clerk, but according to the length of the statement. The Clerk takes it for granted, that the investigation of a state of facts of a given length may be expected to Occupy a given number of hours. The Solicitor. therefore, in drawing such his bill of costs, after the statement has been gone through, leaves a blank for the number of warrants "to proceed on the state of facts." The

25 Ed. 1. c. 27. 34 Edw. I. stat. 4. c. 1. and 20 Edw. III. c. 1. the last of which runs as follows: "First we have commanded all our justices to be sworn, that they shall from henceforth do equal law and execution of right to all our subjects rich and poor. And we have ordained and caused our said Justices to be sworn, that they shall not from henceforth, as long as they shall be in the office of justice, take fee nor robe of any man but of ourself, and that they shall take no gift nor reward, by themselves nor by others privily or apertly, of any man that hath to do before them by any way, except meat and drink, and that of small value.”

have had aught to do in the settlement of this suspicious species of from no sacrifice. (Cheers.) He had never sought ephemeral glory, but remuneration. Aware of the fact, the Lord Chancellor HARDWICKE the esteem of the wise and the good'; and the interests of the Electors did not order and direct, but only prohibited the taking of more than were predominant beyond any other. There was much improvement in certain stipulated sums! Poor Lord ERSKINE, during the short ad- the present system of government, but yet there were radical evils which ministration of the Whigs, blundered into a direct breach of the afore-required a radical remedy, and no man who was not a reformer was fit for the post of a representative. (Applause.)-The Chairman then proposed, "Sir Francis Burdett, the able and enlightened advocate of the rights and liberties of the people."

said statutes, by positively ordaining a table of specific levies, to a larger
amount than formerly; which unequivocal violation of law snugly passed
muster, until the fee of a tipstaff was spiritedly resisted. Then, it
was all at once admitted, that the entire procedure was illegal, and
Parliament is called on by Lord ELDON to cover the whole by a specific
Act. This part of the investigation is admirably instructive, both as
illustrative of the very assumptive nature of the Crown Lawyer as a
species, and as rendering it more than probable that the system of
fees is altogether unconstitutional in its origin, and little better than
an artful and gradual establishment of what, in the origin, was neither
more nor less than absolute bribery.
That Lord ELDON has himself profited by the practices, which, with a
very direct employment of the English language, he calls swindling, is
the next general position of Mr. BENTHAM. That his Lordship does
profit by the conduct so termed, both on patronage and emolument, is
undeniable; the question therefore is, how far the epithet applied is
proper. Mr. BENTHAM, borrowing his definition from the statute-
book, assumes the propriety of such application without scruple. The
Act of 30 Geo. II. c. 24. defines a swindler to be one who fraudulently
and designedly obtains money under false pretences. Applying this
definition from the head to the tail of the Court of Chancery, our
author, backed by a detail of the aforesaid sham summonses, warrants,
office copies, attendances, and heaven knows what besides, comes
to an inevitable conclusion, and boldly announces it, somewhat in the
manner of Dean SWIFT, in his piquant satire upon Lord CUTTS. The
object of the Dean was to prove that nobleman a salamander, to effect
which, he first shows that the Noble Lord possessed all the alleged
property of that animal, and thus concludes, in the triumphant
cipation of an unavoidable ergo,—

Then I'll appeal to each bystander,
Is not Lord CUTTS a salamander?

Sir FRANCIS rose, and adverting to the observations of the Gallant Chairman, said that, although Ministry advocated the principle of free trade, yet they had introduced the Preventive Service, which was at once the most detestable and effectual shackle on the freedom of com merce, and is exercised with powers so oppressive as to be incompatible with civil liberty. The vast powers of the Excise also are hostile to this freedom of trade, and both are in determined hostility to public benefit. (Hear, hear!) It would be as ridiculous as impolitic with the present Government to harass the people with unnecessary severities. We have seen the mode of breaking in a young horse; however obstinate at first, after a while his restiveness is softened, and he may be rode with a snaffle. The British public have had the rough-rider long enough (4 laugh, indeed they may now be rode without any bridle at all. (Great laughter.) In fact, it is the interest of despotic Governments, that all their subjects should have an equal distribution of justice, but freemen should have more; they should be able to look their Governors in the face, and appeal with confidence to the laws of their country. (Great applause.) As to his Gallant Friend, the Chairman, he could never receive that which it was justice to give, if it was given under any implied feeling that he had been guilty. (Hear, hear!) But in the fatness of these pursy times, Virtue of Vice must pardon beg, and cringe For leave to do him good.--(Cheers)

I cannot but think (continued the patriotic Baronet) that a rejection of his claims, founded on an act which was one of heroic virtue, will be the foulest blot and dishonour, not to my friend, but to those who es ince not only a disinclination, but a determination not to comply with what anti-the voice of the public loudly demands (Much cheering.) To talk of freedom is a farce, until there be full representation of the people in the Commons House of Parliament.

In fact, writers like Mr. BENTHAM, who disdain the employment of conventional language, sometimes form parallels, which, if not exactly after the manner of PLUTARCH, often come much closer home to that order of understanding, from which robes and furred gowns do not exactly hide all ;-an increasing body, we trust, and one which cannot possibly be too large.

"J. C. Hobhouse, Esq. the intrepid friend of public reform," was then drunk, when Mr. HOBHOUSE rose, and eulogized, in the strongest terms, the rare combination of modesty and bravery in his gallant friend.

"John George Lambton, Esq. M.P. the spirited and independent supporter of the rights and liberties of the people," was then drunk, when Mr. LAMBTON acknowledged the favour done him, and pledged himself to maintain an identity of principle with the electors of Southwark. The Tree of Liberty planted at Durham should not want his culture. (Fleor, Gallant Chairman, it might extend to a spirited naval officer, Lord Coch hear!) He hoped that if any act of grace were bestowed upon the rane, whom he verily believed to have been the victim of a foul con spiracy. The health of Samuel Whitbread, Esq. M.P. was then drunk, and acknowledged in a few suitable words by the Hon. Member,

CHRISTOPHER H. HUTCHINSON, Esq. M.P. on his health being pro

It is not to be imagined that, in the foregoing very general outline, we have supplied anything like an adequate idea of Mr. BENTHAM'S book. The general heads to which we have reduced his matter, is by himself, as we have already said, divided into nineteen sections, the detail under each of which exhibits that logical acuteness and industrious working-out of his conclusions from his premises, for which he JOSEPH HUME, Esq. M.P. on his health being drunk, expressed his is so particularly distinguished. The portion of incidental information hope that the Electors of Southwark would, in the event of a new elecderivable is also very considerable. Uniting these recommendations, tion, replace their Representative in his honourable post, free of expense. therefore, to the noble disdain of all compromise with honest conIn all his public life, his (Mr. Hume's) object was to disencumber the victions which breathes in every line, and to a fearless and unsophis-wheels of Government from the clogs which impede it, and to make men show a disinterested patriotism. (Hear. hear!) ticated exposure of enormities, which fortunately are now beginning to strike the common-sense of all mankind, we hesitate not to re-posed, coupled with that of the Reformers of Ireland," eulogised his commend this very singular and characteristic publication, both to our readers and to the public at large. At no time can strictures of this nature be more serviceable, than at a period in which legal and political venality turns short round on detection, and, with astonishing powers of face, seeks to transfer abuses of long standing into "vested rights," and absolutely to claim a title to defraud, from the length of time in which fraud has been practised with impunity! We should by no means wonder, if compensations to the existing profiters by much of this flagrant and unequivocal swindling was to be parliamentarily demanded; and to meet the shameless proposal, nothing can be so useful as the diffusion of such a due notion of the peculation on the part of the public, as will lead to a general and popular opposition to it. Exposure is the most effectual Reformer in modern times; and it remains to be seen whether even all-influential Chancellors can in the long run effectually resist it. Q.

INDEPENDENCE OF SOUTHWARK, AND PURITY OF
ELECTION.

The Seventh Anniversary Dinner of the Friends to this cause was celebrated on Tuesday at the Horns Tavern, Kennington. About 200 persons sat down to dinner, amongst whom were Sir Francis Burdett, Messrs. Hobhouse, S. Whitbread, Lambton, Hutchinson, Hume, &c.-Sir Robert Wilson, Bart. M.P. officiated as Chairman.

Mr. WETHERSTONE, after dinner, proposed the health of "Sir Robert Wilson, our gallant patron, and honest representative." (Loud cheering.) The Gallant Officer said, that it was probable, before the next session, he (Sir R. W.) should have to pass the ordeal of their judgment, which he would do fearlessly, as he had maintained his engagement, and shrunk

Gallant Friend, Sir Robert Wilson, who had served every where; and when his country did not know where to find him, he was sure to be found at the post of honour and danger. I stand (said Christopher H.) amongst you as representing the Reformers of Ireland; I have ever been a Reformer from my earliest life; but I lament the infatuation which is spreading over the Councils of England. They cannot have security while seven millions are persecuted. (Applause.) Lam sure, that in the last war, if what would England do without her? Even the Protestants of Ireland Napoleon had landed a few troops, Ireland was gone from England-and are insulted by the cruel proscription and persecution of six millions of their Catholic brethren. As an Irishman myself, I blush for my country. I never go to bed at night, or open my eyes in the morning, without feeling that I have yet a great work to accomplish for her moral and social reformation. (Hear, hear !)

The CHAIRMAN then gave "The Cause of Civil and Religious Liberty all over the world;" after which Sir Francis Burdett, the Chairman, &c. retired.

MONUMENT TO MAJOR CARTWRIGHT.

A Public Meeting was held on Monday at the Crown and Anchor Tavern, of the friends and subscribers to this intended monument, The Chair was taken by Sir FRANCIS BURDETT, who said that the purpose of their assembling was to perpetuate the remembrance of one whose long and laborious life had been devoted to those great principles upon which liberty depends, and to the devising means whereby that liberty might be obtained and secured. He was known by the various works with which, from time to time, he had enlightened the public mind-inculcating the rights of his countrymen, and aiming to promote their freedom. Major Cartwright was one whom, whether regarded in public or private life, it was impossible not to venerate and love. Consistency was a prominent

A

Indeed.

Jolin Cartwright; what are your tities to me?(Hear, hear!) I fear
we shall not easily see his like again; I fear we must call him the Ulti-
mus Anglorum-the last of Englishmen."-(Great applause.)
J. C. HOBROUSE, Esq. M.P. could not refuse, in justice to his own
feelings, to join in this tribute of respect, on so interesting and affecting
an occasion, to the memory of one who advocated the principles of re-
form. It was reform alone, and the men who plead for it to the utmost, te
which the people of England yet must look for salvation.
Several sums were then subscribed, and the meeting adjourned.

UNITED PARLIAMENT.

HOUSE OF LORDS.

Monday, June 20.

COURT OF CHANCERY.

Earl GROSVENOR presented a petition from a Mr. Gunnell, complaining that he had been kept out of an annuity bequeathed to him by the Duke of Queensberry, and had received no interest upon it. The LORD CHANCELLOR observed, that the Duke of Queensberry had left his immense property in a most involved and complicated manner, and the Court of Chancery had done every thing in its power to remove the difficulties and accelerate the payments. As to the rule about the interest payable, it was the law, and he could not alter it. He would stake his credit and character, that not one respectable Counsel could be found who would not say that more had been done in this case than any Judge ever before was known to do.

feature of his character. He was the same under all political aspectsthe undaunted patriot, in the midst of dangers and in the worst of times. (Hear, hear!) I cannot, said the Hon. Bart., by any stretch of imagination, conceive of any Greek or Roman virtue surpassing the public and private worth of my deceased friend. His whole life was a life of principle-a bright display of the love of general liberty and of individual benevolence.-(Great applause.) I never knew a man who had such an extensive aim; the happiness of the human race was his object, and he would have been at any time proud to have sacrificed his life in this sacred cause. These sentiments followed him to his death-bed, and his last thoughts were those of his country. His last efforts were transmitted to me, and I saw no indications of decaying intellect, no abatement of the fire of patriotism.-(Great applause.) No man had more opportunities of advancing himself in the world-none in the race of excellence more likely to attain the goal. He possessed every requisite for any line of distinction; a powerful understanding, unconquerable energies, firmness of purpose which would flinch from no danger, and all these united to mildness, an amicability, a gentleness, which won every heart.--(Great applause.) His character was purely English. No tinsel, no glittler; all was solid and sterling worth; the very nature of his mind led him to a straight-forward, manly, upright, British course. some objected that he was too uncompromising and impracticable. I doubt, whether if so, he was not therefore the wiser and the honester, or at least the most unsuspected.-(Applause.) By this unbending integrity, I think he has more advanced the great cause of Constitutional Liberty and knowledge, than by adopting a more pliant course. views were too extensive, his virtues were too great for the times in which he lived-(Applause.) He lived not in times when any thing was Lord GROSVENOR said, he would insist on the prima facie hardship of to be obtained; and this must serve as answer to those who ask, "what was the amount of his labours?" But he advocated principles in which the rule, which deprived the claimants of all interest on the arrears on all are interested; he called forth the energies of the British people to Lord REDESDALE said, the rule was beyond the power of the Judge.great Constitutional topics; and by this uncompromising spirit, in an age He had heard much said about delays, and many of these delays were when nothing was to be gotten by a more subservient policy, we have at least this benefit from his labours—that we may hope that his bitterest attributed to the Noble Lord on the Woolsack; but he believed the chief opponents will grant us something, though they are not prepared to give delays were occasioned by the practices of the Solicitors, who were now us all we have a right to demand.-(Great applause.) The more closely the chief parties in raising the clamour against the Noble and Learned I contemplate his character, the more I am convinced that it stands with- Lord. The LORD CHANCELLOR remarked, that a great deal of calumny had out a parallel in this country, and I think it not produced, nor produceable, in any other country. I see so rare a combination of heroic devot- been thrown upon the Court, by persons who knew nothing of its prac edness, and the gentlest virtues of humanity, such a freedom from the tice. If the obnoxious rule were per se wrong, why had not their Lordpaitriness and ostentation, the vacillating and timid policy of time-serv-ships long since altered it? But he must maintain the utility of this very ing, self-seeking, psuedo-patriots,-that I look on it as debt from his rule, as he did not consider it proper to be paying off interest till it was countrymen, to inark, by some public monument, their gratitude for the known whether there was enough to pay the principal. If, however, devotedness of his life, spent in their service, and for the maintenance of their Lordships thought that the property of the country could go on their noblest privileges.-(Great cheering.) securely in despite of rules of law, and without the benefit of the Court of Chancery, they had better send him to the Old Bailey and hang him. He trusted, in saying this, that their Lordships would not suppose he felt improperly in this case!

His

Sir FRANCIS then read the several Resolutions, which announced the expediency of continuing open the list of subscriptions until a sum not exceeding 2.000Z. should be raised, in order to perpetuate by a suitable monument the great public worth and private virtues of Major Cartwright. It appeared that 5007. had already been subscribed.

annuities.

1

Tuesday, June 21.

QUARANTINE LAWS.

Mr. RETT said, that he had known Major Cartwright for more than forty years, and first met him in a society constituted for promoting Parliamentary Reform; a project which he who had been dubbed "the heaven-born Minister"-(A laugh)-abandoned, but to which Major Cart-goods liable to infection should be well aired for a certain period previous wright adhered consistently to the last. No man was more free from personal ambition. He was the patriot, not of England, but of the world; he sought no liberty for his country but what was beneficial for mankind. (Hear, hear!) His friend too was no visionary character-he did not neglect domestic duty to promote any wide universal scheme of speculative liberty.-(Applause.)

Mr. GALLOWAY said, that the opponents of Major Cartwright's political views had talked much of moderate reform, but had shown as yet nothing of practical result. The Non-reformers are a powerful body; and the united energies of all friends to real reform are called for, to effect any thing like success. The Major may have not done much by effects, but he had left an example worthy of eternal admiration; and what brighter or better legacy can be bequeathed, than a good and glorious example? (Hear, hear !)

FRANCIS CANNING. Esq. of Warwickshire, bore testimony to the public and private virtues of their deceased friend. Mr. STORCH had known the late Major 43 years ago, and enjoyed his acquaintance to his death. He was one of the society instituted for Constitutional Information, of which the other members were Dr. Jebb, Mr. Horne Tooke, Dr. Brockersby, and Mr. (afterwards Sir Samuel) Romilly. Major Cartwright was one of that body, and a more firm, able, temperate, or consistent advocate of freedom never existed. His inemory cannot die, for it will live in his immortal works. (Applause.) Mr. HILL the Barrister, with much feeling and energy, eulogised the

character of the deceased Patriot.

Dr. GILCHRIST had witnessed the benevolence of Major Cartwright to the distressed Spanish Refugees, to whom his house-his purse-his heart were always open. He knew no distinction of sects or creeds. He asked He only inquired, was no man what country or colour he belonged to. he" an honest mán, that noblest work of God."-(Applause.) When the Greeks were trampled on, he assisted them with money and counsel. He heeded not the outcry against him, that he was "a radical." " Why, Sir, (exclaimed the Doctor.). “too am a redical reformer! I glory in the title, though if I lived for a thousand years, I don't take on me to say, "I will never change my mind, so help me God!"-( Hear, and a laugh.) I honour the deceased patriot-John Cartwright. Plain English

The Earl of DARNLEY observed, that some regulations respecting quarantine he believed to be necessary, bút he conceived that great caution was required, and it was a very proper rule that all descriptions of to their being delivered. In agitating the question and exciting alarm, while the intention was only to obtain a relaxation of the laws, Parliament had shown itself penny-wise and pound foolish: it had occasioned great inconvenience for a slight benefit. The best authorities gave their opinion in favour of the contagious nature of the plague; and said that it had been imported at different times in cotton goods or other merchandise into Cephalonia, Corfu and Silesia

Lord LIVERPOOL agreed with the Noble Lord, that the non contagion of the plague had not been established. The committee, therefore, never differed on the subject, but as to what were the best precautions and most •ffective regulations. He for one, would rather err on the side of caution He willingly allowed than that of rashness in so important a matter. that neither in England nor the north of Europe bad this scourge for a long time appeared: but still be would not expose this country to its visitation, by rashly adopting the principle of its non contagious effects. The object of the present bill was two-fold-1st, to shift the expense of quarantine from the owners of the ships exposed to it, to the country whose health it was necessary to protect; and secondly, to abolish penalties which were unnecessary, or to mitigate those which were too severe.

Lord KING observed, that his Noble Friend's idea with respect to the Had his Noble friend lived in the times to contagious nature of the plagur, was just as absurd as the opinion held of witchcraft not very long ago. which he alluded, he would no doubt have been upon the same principle an enemy of witchcraft, and would probably have quoted the opinions of Learned Judges on the same side! The Bill was then read the second time.

COUNTY COURTS BILL.

The House went into a Committee on this Bill; after which the ChairThe man moved that the report he received this day three months motion was agreed to, and the bill was consequently lost. The chief ground of opposition stated by the Lord Chancellor to the measure was, the want of a clause for compensating those officers in the existing Courts whose income would be affected by the bill. His lordship recommended a commission to inquire into the subject before any measure should be submitted to Parliament.

JUDGES' SALARIES BILL.

Lord LIVERPOOL, in moving the second reading of one of the Bills respecting the Judges' salaries, gave it as his opinion, that all offices in Courts of Law which were sinecures, ought to be abolished, and that those which were efficient ought to have suitable salaries; and in this way only should they be paid.

Lord LANSDOWN remarked, he was ready to admit that justice had in general been administered by the Judges, without any political bias; but to increase their salaries to a great amount had a tendency to affect that purity which was so desirable, and therefore a proposition for that object ought to excite the vigilance of Parliament. The Noble Marquis adverted to the state of the judicature of Wales, and regretted that, while pains were taken to assimilate other jurisdictions, this should be left in so ano

malous a state.

was,

Lord ELLENBOROUGH did not approve of the measure proposed. There
he said, great inequality in the retired allowances given. The
Paisue Judge had a salary of 5,500l. a year while performing the duties
of his office, and a retired pension of 3,500 The Chief Justice had a
salary of 10,000 a year, and his pension was only 4,000l. This glaring
disproportion should be corrected. He objected to the manner in which
the bill proposed to consolidate certain offices. The public would obtain
no advantage by these measures, and he thought the objects might have
been accomplished by better means.
The LORD CHANCELI OR wished the sale of offices in Courts of Justice to
be done away with. He had always thought the practice very improper.
His reason for so saying was, not that any Chief Justice had ever made an
improper use of the patronage possessed, but because Public Opinion
never could be satisfied that they might not. The administration of jus
tice should be placed far above suspicion, and the possibility of that
suspicion was a great objection to the sale of offices. But he had another
reason for wishing the practice to be done away with, which was, that
persons who bought offices naturally thought themselves very ill used if
any reforms were made which affected their interests. As to the increase of
the salaries, the Chief Justices had received no augmentation for a series
of years
If patronage was given to them in place of salary, the conti
nuance of that system was the fault of Parliament, not of the Chief Jus-
tices. With respect to the low salaries of the Puisne Judges, he could
only say that all the Judges he had ever known had always done their
duty in such a way that it could not have been better performed had their
salaries been ten times greater. This arose from the circumstance, that
the great security for the good conduct of the Judges in this country was,
that the public eye was always cast upon them. With respect to the
office which he now held, many erroneous notions prevailed. No effort of
his had yet been able to convince the public of the real fact with regard
to the office of Chancellor of Great Britain, which was, that its emoluments
did not produce one farthing more than they did a century ago, but in
truth a great deal less Much had been said of the patronage of the
Court of Chancery-of offices gives to relations and friends; but if it did
not turn out upon investigation, that he had been more sparing of patron-
age than any of his predecessors had ever been, then let him stand con
victed before their Lordships. With regard to what had been observed
on the state of judicature in Wales, he should only say, that ill as the
Welsh Judges were paid, for one appeal or writ of error that came from
them, there were a hundred from the English Courts.

After a few more observations, the bill was read a second time.
Friday, June 24.

MISCONDUCT OF DR. FREE.

Lord DACRE presented a petition from Sutton, in Bedfordshire, to enlarge the limited time allowed for proceedings against Dr. Free, the Rector, respecting whom circumstances occurred of so disgusting a nature as to provoke the indiguation of the parishioners. The Bishop of Lin coln had proceeded against him in the Court of Arches, which admitted the truth of the chargés, but its proceedings were very limited in such cases. The Bishop said, it was his duty to proceed, but that it was very hard" that a Bishop should be put to an expense of 4001. or 500.

EQUITABLE LOAN BILL

The LORD CHANCELLOR opposed the third reading of the bill for instituting a Company for the purpose of lending on pledges sums under 101. at 20 per cent, interest less than do the pawnbrokers. Lord DACRE contended for the bill, which was, however, lost by a majority of nearly two to one, being 27 to 14.

Lord NUGENT said, that he had had two petitions placed in his hands, from the householders of West Looe and Banbury. They treated of a subject which was of importance, as it affected the rights of individuals; and as it related to the privileges of that House. Both prayed for an inquiry as to the right of voting, and as to the mode in which Members were returned to that House. The Noble Lord then detailed the praetices complained of at West Looe, and said he had it in contemplation to move for a Select Committee to inquire into the subject early in the next Session.

After a few words from several Members, the petition was ordered to be

The LORD ADVOCATE moved the third reading of the Stabbing and Shooting (Scotland) Bill. Mr J. P. GRANT objected to that clause which made it capital to throw vitriolic acid, or other substances, with the intent to disable, murder, or injure the human frame. He would therefore move that that clause be expunged.

The LORD ADVOCATE said, that the crime was of a dangerous character; and the certificates of two medical gentlemen gave a frightful picture of the effects it had upon its victims. The cheek of one of the sufferers had mortified, and the face of another had become one mass of ulcerated substance. (Hear!) He had been requested, not by the manufacturers of Glasgow, but by the common operatives themselves, to give them the protection of the law. If a person cut, or stabbed, or fired a pistol at another, the prosecutor could have the evidence of the injured party; but the vitriolic matter might be thrown so suddenly in the face of an individual, that he could not identify the perpetrator. As he only wished to try the effect of the measure, ke would limit its operation to the space of five years.

Mr. Secretary PEEL said, that as milder punishments had failed, it was but fair to try the experiment of additional severity.

Mr. HUME hoped that the bad spirit which prevailed among the masters and men would soon cease, and of that he had some expectations, after the unanimous regret which they had expressed.

Mr. J. P GRANT withdrew his motion, and the Bill was then read a third time and passed.

Tuesday, June 21.

COMBINATION LAWs.

Mr. MAXWELL presented a petition from the weavers of Glasgow against the re-enactment of the Combination Laws The Hon. Gentleman thought it might prove expedient to inquire whether combination in certain cases ought not to be allowed; and whether the weavers as a trade should not be bound by indentures, so as to ensure the production of good workmanship; but the indenture stamps should in that case be reduced.

Mr. PEEL stated that the Committee appointed to report on the effect of the repeal of the Combination Laws, in proposing a remedy for existing evils, would be found, he was very sure, not to have overlooked the great public rights of both the classes principally concerned. As to the effect which the Hon. Gentleman had attributed to high taxation and low wages, the state of the poor's rates would by no means establish his argument: in the course of the years 1823 and 1824, they had declined, as compared with their amount in the years 1817 and 1818, in these proportions: -la the whole of England generally, 27 per cent.; in Staffordshire, 36 per cent.; and in Lancashire as much as 45 per cent.-The petition was ordered to lie on the table.

UNITARIANS.

Mr. W. SMITH presented a petition complaining of the situation in which the petitioners were placed by the laws affecting the profession of certain religions opinions. At the time a bill which he had been instramental in carrying through Parliament was passed,-such bill having for its object to protect Unitarians in certain cases from the legal consequences that might attach to the impugning of the doctrine of the Trinity,-it was said that he (Mr. Smith) had made a declaration whereby he agreed, as to all cases not provided for by such statutes, to leave the Unitarians liable to all the visitations that they might be still exposed to from the common law. Now, most unquestionably, he had never made such a declaration. On a former occasion, he had had an interwiew with the Archbishop of Canterbury, for the purpose of explaining the principle of the bill he was then about to bring into the House. The Archbishop told him, that if his object was only to remove such penal liabilities as operated to prevent the fair and friendly discussion of the doctrinal points to which the Unitarians excepted, he was willing to consent to the repeal of thos statutes that might be thought to staud in the way of such a discussion; but, of course, not extending this understanding to any denial of Chris tianity in general, or to blasphemy; both of which he (Mr. Smith) himsel Mr. LAMBTON noticed a statement which had been made in the Morning proposed to except out of the operation of his bill. The object of his bill, Herald, with regard to his conduct in the Committee on the Hull Docks the Act of 3d Geo. IV. was simply this-to put Unitarian Dissenters o: The whole of thellegations, he said, were calumnious, and it had the same footing, as to the consequences of professing certain peculia been originally his inition to move that the Printer be called to the bar; tenets, as all other Protestant Dissenters had been placed by the Act o but as that would havepa vindictive appearance, he would content himself Toleration. Now it bad been clearly stated by Lord Mansfield, that by simply saying, that the charges were grossly false. The allegations unconformity, simply and as such, was no offence at common law. were three-First, That he had never attended the Committee; Second, Nothing could be clearer than this fact-that it was only the denial of That he had not heard one word of the evidence; and, Thirdly, That he | Christianity in general, or blasphemy, which was an offence made penal

Bill

HOUSE OF COMMONS.
Monday, June 20.

MISREPRESENTATION-MR. LAMBTON.