No. 912. MONDAY, JULY 25, 1825. THE POLITICAL EXAMINER. Party is the madness of many for the gain of a few.-Pore. DISCOVERY OF JUNIUS. BY MR. COVENTRY.-SELFISII AND VENAL ARISTOCRACY. It is singular enough, that after the employment of so much conjecture and industry in unsuccessful attempts to trace the author of JUNIUS, and the production of so many volumes which have merely exhibited the humble ambition of reaching probability by a species of negative induction, that a work should suddenly appear, which not only goes direct to its object, but in our opinion triumphantly attains it. Short of positive demonstration, a stronger body of circumstances was never brought together to clear a doubt, than the muster of facts by which Mr. COVENTRY identifies JUNIUS with that conspicuous nobleman Lord GEORGE, afterwards Viscount SACKVILLE. Not precipitating himself into the field upon the mere strength of a favourite notion, fruitful in nothing but plausible conjectures and indefinite plausi bilities, he industriously searches into motives and predisposing springs of action; supplies a number of striking argreements and coincidences, the fortuitous existence of which would be next to miraculous; lays down a series of distinctive particulars, all of which must apply to the Author of JUNIUS, and all of which, among the many persons to whom these letters have been attributed, apply to Lord SACKVILLE only; lastly, he furnishes a brief summary of the life of that nobleman to its very close, in order to show, that from first to last it supplied all manner of support and no sort of contradiction to the hypothesis. So decisive appears to us to be the result of all this labour, that in the remainder of this article we propose little beyond allusion to it, as a settled matter, in order to throw together a few observations on the description of political character to which JUNIUS aud Lord SACKVILLE belonged. It is by no means extinct, although happily undergoing a considerable modification, from the best of all possible causes-the rapid growth of general information and consequent influence on the part of the public at large. We have always thought, that next to the political trickery and cabal in the discreditable reign of CHARLES II, the struggle of parties from the accession of GEORGE I. to the close of the American war, is, in a certain point of view, the least honourable to native English character. In saying this, we allude not so much to the grand march of public events, to which the remark will by no means generally apply; but to the low trickery and venal character of the aspirants after power, and the eternal conflict of petty intrigue in the administration of the affairs of the country. What a picture of aristocratical and oligarchical influence is afforded by the Memoirs and Letters of H. WALPOLE; by the Diary of BURB DODDINGTON; by the Memoirs of Lord WALDEGRAVE; and by the Parliamentary Logic of WILLIAM GERRARD HAMILTON. More injurious and more wicked political agents, it would be easy to find; but in respect to littleness, Lilliput itself, sketched in a great measure from the study of them, could not furnish completer minikins. The elder PITT did something towards the depression of this jobbing race; and however indisposed in other respects to the school of politics of his son, we are satisfied that his original popularity and ascendency were serviceable in this respect. A predominant influence for a certain time is every way preferable to that systematic jobbing in the formation of administrations, and that eternally recurring scramble for honours and emoluments which followed, with little cessation, from the accession of the Brunswicks, to that of the second WILLIAM PITT. To the breaking up of such system, we owe, in a great measure, the more direct operation of public opinion. The pledged support of a certain number of influential families and leading boroughmongers, was for many years nearly all that was necessary to form a cabinet; and although, to a certain degree, this remains the case at present, the disposition of the people at large must be much more consulted than heretofore. In short, It is to be observed, that this forms no part of the object of Mr. COVENTRY, who, in the course of his very able investigation, displays the usual partiality of most writers for the primum mobile of their labours, even in the midst of representations which render his hero a very jesurical and disgusting personage. This partiality, however, detracts very Inte from the value of a work so faithful in facts, aud the merit of which ies in auother direction. both Ministry and Opposition must be popularly supported from without, to be very mainly effective within. A philosophical history of the decline and fall of the Whig Opposition would form a very instructive course of reading to the student in modern British politics, and show the growing away of society from a theory with great accuracy, as well as the unavoidable fate of a theory thus abandoned. What a number of fine political axioms have been scattered to the winds by the decline of the systematic opposition plan, on the principle of a party confederacy for the attainment of power and emolument. Let them laugh who win; but there is nothing more amusing to us than the occasional triumph of the Couriers, the Posts, and the Bulls, at this consummation; not but that now and then a misgiving takes placethey are not altogether against a "constitutional" opposition, not they. To be sure they are not; but it is precisely on the same principle, that a rich and well-endowed Church would vote against the annihilation of the devil; not to mention that they are beginning to open their eyes to the working of that mighty current in general society, which has been, is, and will be, so operative upon the science of English government. In fact, a glimpse of a great truth is becoming apparent to all parties-namely, that the complexion of government in this country must, in the long run, take its tone from the people, and follow the tone of public sentiment rather than lead it. Fortunately, too, this is a species of parliamentary reform, which cannot be impeded; and one which visibly marches on, amidst the affected sneers, the scurrilous invective, and the real alarm of the abettors of intolerance and oligarchical domination, from the occupant of the woolsack to the meanest of the hirelings which corruption and sinister interests at once engender and protect. We have been led into the foregoing remarks by a conviction that JUNIUS, whether regarded as Lord SACKVILLE or not, is to be ranked among that order of patriots, the decreasing comparative influence of which we are disposed to hail as a public good. Able and elegant as the Letters under that signature indisputably are, and sound as are some of the constitutional doctrines which they occasionally affect to support, nothing can be more apparent than that they are the result of that species of political enmity and party hostility, which are ultimately resolvable into the meanest feelings of self-interest, and the most undignified species of ambition. We make this assertion independently of the numerous degrading proofs of direct personal animosity in which these famous epistles abound. Looking at the doctrines of the writer without reference to his presumable motives, we seldom witness the recognition of any of those broad general principles or fundamental truths, the express or implied admission of which is always necessary to a clear development of prinsiples. Even on points of British policy, Ife upheld rotten boroughs; was a strong advocate for the American Stamp Act, and the taxation of the colonies without representation; and expresses himself decidedly in favour of impressment. In short, he was a quick and an able gladiator within a circle, a most dextrous wielder of the dagger and small sword in the dark; but it is rather for his abilities in the employment of his weapon, than for his principles or his object, that Junius has obtained so much admiration. The skill of an assailant may claim attention, whatever his cause; and without giving in to the puerility of the Laureate in his unutterable "Vision of Judgment," rancorous personal animosity and the selfishness of party indisputably formed the immediate incentives of the anonymous writer of these far-famed letters. Without knowing anything about the matter, we might venture to denominate him one of those lettered aristocratic traders in power, honours, and emoluments, who regard the government of the country as a fair subject for a scramble between a few leading families and their clients. However forcibly, elegantly, or pointedly everything is argued, it is in this spirit; and it is almost impossible for a man of a decent share of experience to read half a dozen letters, without being as satisfied of the narrowness of the writer's object as of his literary superiority. So much for Junius, as unknown; but identified as Lord SACKVILLE, how strong a light is thrown upon that intriguing and trafficking grade of high-born politicians, whose rank only renders their meanness, pride, and selfishness the more conspicuous! Doubtless this Noblenian, independent of birth and education, possessed talents which might sufficiently sanction his ambition to share in the administration of the government of his country; but the whole course of "We are told by some gentleman, Ob! do not break the charter! do not take away their rights that are granted to them by the predecessors of the Crown Whoever, Sir, wishes to preserve such charters, without a due correction and regulation-whoever wishes for such subjects, I wish them no worse than to govern them. Put this people, Sir, on a free footwords, and they denying our authority, and preventing the execution of ing of government; do not let us be every day asserting our rights by our laws. support itself, and proceed in the manner we have begun, and I make no Let us persevere in refining that government which cannot doubt, but by a manly and steady perseverance, things may be restored from a state of anarchy and confusion, to peace, quietude, and a due obedience to the laws of this country." 66 his career, previous to the affair of Minden, exhibits him as one of! those arrogant intriguers who hold themselves entitled by birth and station to monopolise whatever the crown and people have to bestow, and who are guided in the whole of their public conduct by views in the highest degree selfish and mercenary. Lord ORFORD forcibly describes the haughty conduct of SACKVILLE, when Irish Secretary to his father the Duke of DORSET; and he early acquired a sinecure in the usual bargain-and-sale style of the low species of ambition, which is specially oligarchical. With respect to Minden, we are disposed to acquit him of the imputed cowardice; but it is evident that he ruined himself on that occasion by the domineering self-sufficiency of his character, which could not patiently submit to command, or These fine sentiments brought him who delivered them into office, forget the influential patrician in the soldier. That his conduct was and the result is before the world of the precious endeavour to somewhat too promptly punished in the first instance may be enforce such admirable notions of Government on a sturdy and able conceded; but he subsequently was indulged with the trial that he set of Merchants, who were determined to debate on politics which demanded, which sanctioned the steps previously taken. Let this affair they did not understand." When we contrast the sound heads be taken as it may, we look with very little respect on a man who and practical abilities of the fathers of the American Revolution with prostitutes fine literary and general talents to a mere scheme of per- the tribe of hollow, venal, and feeble theorists, which made up the sonal vengeance, and who makes assumed patriotism a medium for NORTH Administration, and advert to this aristocratical flight, it is the venom of private animosity, and a craving anxiety to recover for- scarcely possible to avoid laughter. But such is the usual tone of the feited honour and emoluments. We are not insensible to the occa- Oxford and Cambridge breed of Statesmen of high rank, who, if sional services of Junius on points of constitutional interest; but they enter the military, stride on to command, and if they carry their exercised simply in the gratification of private views and passions, family influence into Parliament, are in the habit of stepping, they say little for anything but the talents of the author; and given as a matter of course, into diplomacy and office, whether they are up the instant his own turn is served, merit very little acknowledgment fit for it or no. Such, at least, has been the case; but we repeat, from the public. Such, no doubt, has been the exact character of that we deem this jobbing species of influence decidedly on the much open and avowed opposition, and it is the growing clear-sight-wane. As the science of Government becomes better understood, edness of the public as to the nature of the game which is putting and the principles connected with social happiness and prosperity an end to it. Reverting to Lord SACKVILLE, he stands a melancholy more generally studied, it is not so easy for a Noble youth redolent instance of the insufficiency of great talents alone, when debased and of the Cam and the Isis, to take the public by storm in a classical alloyed by aristocratical pride, selfishness, and prejudices, to constitute maiden speech, and job with the Minister or Opposition on the either a great or a good man. Fallen in public estimation, no strength of the eight, ten, or a dozen dead votes within the command matter whether by misfortune or misconduct, does he adopt the of his family. Much of this, no doubt, still exists; but it is necessa. manly and open public course, in order to retrieve his place in the rily more covert and less presuming. A flimsy train of Constituopinion of society? Nothing less: his parliamentary opposition, his tional generalities, illustrated by felicitous classical quotation on the anonymous exertions, and borough-mongering and family influence, side of popularity, or an emphatic pronunciation of our "happy are all exercised to the recovery of mere place; and he finally returns Constitution in Church and State," with the defence of some antito power as the principal patron and conductor of the blessed Ameri- quated abuse by an emphatic pronunciation of Nolumus leges Anglia can war, from which post he retires more degraded and discomfited mutari, on the side of Toryism, will no longer suffice to save appear than ever. At this time, when a similar sprig of aristocracy is returnances. Not only so; the higher talents even of the SACKVILLES of ing from a colonial government, covered with anything but glory, this class are not sufficient to conceal the hollowness of the mutual it may not be amiss to make a brief extract from a speech of Lord connivance of the give-and-take system, which renders the Govern SACKVILLE'S on American affairs, spoken just before his acceptance ment a virtual Oligarchy, in the midst of all sorts of blazing rhetoric, of a seat in the NORTH Cabinet. The subject was the rectification of antithetical eloquence, and artificial intellectualgladiatorship,-asystem the government of Massachusets. the Blues of the Confederacy, with the least possible real concern to in which the prize is sometimes carried by the Greens, and sometimes by the people as to which side may triumph; although often, like the coloured factions of the Circus, they are worked up into an absurd fury on the occasion. * "I wish to see the council of that country on the same footing as other colonies. There is a degree of absurdity at present in the election of the council. I cannot, Sir, disagree with the Noble Lord, nor can I think he will do a better thing than to put an end to their town meetings. I would not have men of a mercantile cast consider themselves as ministers of that country. I would not have such men every day collecting themselves together, and debating about political matters. I would have them follow their occupations as merchants, and not consider themselves as ministers. I would also wish that all corporate powers might be given to certain people in every town, in the same manner that corporations are formed here; I should then expect to see some subordination, some authority and Again: order." "I would wish to bring the Constitution of America as similar to our own as possible. I would wish to see the council of that country similar to a House of Lords in this. I would wish to see chancery suits deter mined by a Court of Chancery, and not by the Assembly of that province. At present their Assembly is a downright clog upon all the proceedings of the Governor, and the council are continually thwarting and opposing any proposition he may make for the security and welfare of that government. You have, Sir, no government-no governor; the whole are the proceedings of a tumultuous and riotous rabble, who ought, if they had the least prudence, to follow their mercantile employments, and not trouble themselves with politics and government, which they do not understand. * We of course allude to the return, not of VERRES from Sicily, but of Lord, C. SOMERSET from the Cape of Good Hope, whose case we will only so far prejudge as to observe, that nothing short of family boroughs could have prevented enquiry long ago. Of all men, these ducal younger brothers are the most unfit for colonial government. Like Lord SACKVILLE, they are almost always of opinion that those plebeian merchants and others have nothing to do with the laws but obey them, and that Governors should be impeded as little as possible by either Councils or Assemblies. Like too many of the Roman Patricians, they deem the provinces to exist only for the benefit of the Procousul, and act accordingly. The Press, and the diffusion of education and information, which is one of the glorious fruits of it, have effected mighty wonders for Great Britain, in the midst of much very equivocal and much of decidedly bad government; and we are satisfied that what has been acquired is but a sample of what is to follow; and among that which is to follow, we hesitate not to hold a virtual triumph over a weak and wicked attempt to make the Government of the country and the of families and their retainers, divided into factions, and struggling emoluments of employment, the patrimony of a jobbing combination with one another for no other earthly object than the power, wealth, and aggrandizement, which are the fruit of victory. What ancient priesthood was that, in which he who slew the present possessor succeeded to the office? Behold a type of our systematic Ministry and Opposition. It is said, that the God served in this instance felt neither interest nor concern in the transition. A sensible Deity! LITERARY NOTICE. Q. History of the Expedition of the Emperor Napoleon to Russia in 1813. We need scarcely remark that the Russian campaign, whether we regard the gigantic nature of the contest, the character of the parties, the magnitude of the results, or the intense interest of the details, is one of the finest subjects an historian ever had; and we cannot perhaps pay the Count Segur a greater compliment than by expressing our opinion, that he has shown itseir equal to his task. His mind has grasped the whole of his subject, and he has the art of making the reader's comprehend it also; while such is the vividness of his descriptions, and the terseness of his style, that the perusal of the work leaves on the mind a succession of striking pictures. Throwing aside all the "art and mystery" of warlike operations, he says as little as possible of the mere routine of marches, battles, and sieges, but is admirably clear and minute in those details which are essential to the understanding of the causes of success or failure. Above all, he is most instructive and delightful in his account of what may be called the moral feeling of the contending parties—their sensations of hope or despondency, and the relation existing between generals and soldiers. This includes an excellent picture of Napoleon's mind: never was a mental struggle better depicted, between strength and weakness, ambition and tenacity of power in possession, energy and apathy, care and neglect, foresight and blind reliance on chance. The feelings of this extraordinary man on many trying occasions which occurred during this eventful campaign, are pourtrayed with a power that excites our sympathies in the highest degree: the difficulties which surrounded him at every step; the mode in which they operated on his peculiar temper; his vacillation between the different courses to be pursued; the distraction which his awful responsibility produced amid such conflicting circumstances; the loss of physical energy from the reaction of an over-excited mind, at those crises when more than his ordinary vigour was required to save his army and his crown; -all this is narrated with a truth and knowledge of human nature which we never found in any other military historian. In a word, Count Segur knows how to carry his reader along with him, without once causing his attention to flag: in idea we are present at the setting out of the Grand Army; we partake of the exultation and proud confidence of success inspired by the imposing spectacle of the long glittering files, composed of 400,000 disciplined and well-appointed troops, descending from the hills to cross the Niemen and plunging into a vast hostile territory; we enter into all the plans, the hopes and fears, of their leader; we share the general impatience to overtake the enemy, and bring so mighty a power into action; at first we are elated with the rapid and easy advance, as if the heroes of Marengo and Austerlitz were indeed to prove themselves invincible; but soon we begin to doubt whether a barren pursuit be conquest; we look back wistfully at home receding, and resources becoming daily more distant; we feel drawn into an entanglement by the ruthless but shrewd policy which burns and destroys all shelter and food at our approach; we experience the tormenting distraction between the shame and even danger of retreat, and the still greater danger of proceeding; we can hardly condemn the choice of the more hazardous alternative; we witness with pain the daily thinning of the ranks by hunger, disease, and the sword, but are buoyed up with the idea, that the retreat of the Russians must have a speedy limit-that they will make a decisive effort to save their rich and splendid capital-the day for that effort comes, and our hopes are at once realized and defeated; the generals and the soldiers do all that military talent and human courage can accomplish, but the directing mind is wanting at its greatest need-Napoleon, overcome by anxiety and acute sufferings of body and mind, has lost for the time, all those qualities which before distinguished his generalship, and cannot be induced to give the orders obviously necessary for the consummation of a victory three parts won by his lieutenants; the Russians are vanquished to no purpose but that of teaching them greater prudence; Moscow is taken, only to be burnt; we plunge into all the horrors of fire, pillage, and starvation; a month is wasted in the inactivity of despair; a disorderly retreat commences, the snows begin to fall, and at length the iron hand of a Northern winter seizes the fugitive and disorganized columns; we hear the terrific shrieks of the thousands of wounded, of women and children, abandoned from day to day; the savage Cossacks swarm around, and numerous hostile armies block up the road homewards; the daily bloodshed and miseries are so great that it seems impossible to avoid immediate and total extermination; yet is hope often revived by the heroic deeds and insulated successes of the veteran corps; the mind is relieved from the sickening contemplation of so much wretchedness by the romantic exploits of the Neys, the Murats, the Eugenes, the Labedoyeres; but the season advances, the all-subduing frost becomes so intense that friends and foes are involved in one common destruction, and almost cease to fight; and finally we cannot avoid a melancholy wonder, that even ཟ 20,000 emaciated stragglers should re-enter that Poland which a few months before they had quitted in glory and prosperity! With such impressions did we lay down the Count Segur's history. We more than doubt our ability to convey them to the reader by this slight sketch; but if we have said enough to arouse his curiosity to see a work uniting the interest of a highly-wrought romance with historical reality, we are sure that he will be gratified by a literary banquet of no common kind. IRELAND. SPEECH OF MR, O'CONNELL. Speech delivered by Mr. O'CONNELL, at an Aggregate Catholic Meeting, We extract the following very striking and forcible passages from the held in Dublin on Wednesday week: "Let us look back to the suppression of the Association as a matter of history. What crime was the Catholic Association guilty of? I myself had the misfortune-(I may now say it, as the Session is over)-I had the misfortune to sit for six or seven nights in the gallery of the House of Commons, and surely no man could be doomed to a more bitter infliction. (Laughter.) I heard the endless drawling of WETHERELL, the English of seven or eight adverbs, and two pronouns as outriders. (Great Solicitor-General, who, they say, sports a substantive with an equipage laughter.) Hour after hour I heard his leathern lungs labouring with senseless and indefatigable clamour. (Loud laughter). I have read somewhere in Shakespeare, of a man whose brains are compared to two grains of wheat, in the midst of a hundred bushels of chaff, and you would search for ages before you would be able to come at them (laughter); but you might search Mr. Wetherell's head in vain. for the two grains of wheat, you will only get the chaff for your pains after all. (Immense laughter).-The next precious object that I was compelled to eyes with most sanctimonious grimace. I protest he reminded me of the endure was BANKES, who has a conscience, forsooth! and turns up his pickpocket in the play, who is to preach a sermon, and while he is in the most flowery passage of his text, has his hand in his neighbour's pocket. (Laughter). Mr. Bankes's attitude strongly reminds me of this character.-Well, I next heard the ferocious nonsense of LETHBRIDGE. God! how I wish I could exhibit him before you on that table, that the people of Ireland might see what sort of a creature it is that opposes their freedom. I could almost endure slavery-no, that I could not reconcile really almost drives me to insanity, even at my sober time of life and myself to under any circumstances; but its horrors are aggravated-it turn of mind, to see that an animal of that description (laughter), that has no more thought or intellect than the wooden likeness that you could make of him-that such a wooden head should be one of the leaders of the party who keep the country enslaved-who deprive you, my Lord, of your rightful honours and hereditary peerage, and strip us of our natural birth-right-our civil freedom. I also saw (and it left an impression indelible upon my mind)—I saw Mr. BRIGHT, the Member for Bristol. I always entertained a natural abhorrence of Titus Oates, who had the Bible in one hand, and-not a sword in the other, but he had what was who, with a Bible in one hand. and a public pension in the other, put so much worse than a sword, namely, a corrupt Judge and a packed Jury, many innocent men to death through the instrumentality of the forms of justice. Oh! how the English boast of their intellect, and of the superiority of the Protestant over the Catholic. Let them point out to me one single period in Catholic history, when such horrors, such terrific iniquities were perpetrated, as those which were produced by the machinations of Titus Oates; not by an infuriated people, acting under the maddening influence of a sudden momentary irritation, but sanctioned by ermined Judge, assisted by a Grand Jury and a Petty Jury, who are all the regular and deliberate progress of judicial form, authorized by an (Hear, hear!) When I hear English intellect and English liberality now proved and admitted to have been a congregation of assassins. extolled, I remind them of Titus Oates. Talk not of Catholic despotism taunt not Spain with her perfidy, or the miserable Ferdinand with his cruelty; Titus Oates surpasses them all. The picture of Oates was constantly present to my imagination: the beau ideal which I had formed to myself of this hero never faded from my remembrance, but I looked in vain for the original until I beheld Mr. Bright, the Member for Bristol. that Titus who regretted if he had done no good action in the course of a (Laughter.) Mr. Bright shall be my Titus. (Renewed laughter.) Not day, but the Titus who felt melancholy and self-condemned in the evening if he had not hanged a Papist or two in the morning. (Much laughter.) When I recollect the immense majority that followed this man's insolent harangue, and the shout that ran along the outward benches; the cry after cry reiterated by the pensioners of the Treasury; the clamour with which they crushed all further discussion, and the eagerness with which they rushed to a division, I own that my heart is oppressed, and my reason frightened, for I know that the only hope of resist every possible attempt to continue their slavery." (Hear, hear!) relief for the people of Ireland, depends upon their firm determination to Alluding to that precious farrago, the Duke of York's Speech, the Orator proceeded." I say the Duke of York did not make the speech in question. (Laughter and applause.) Whoever made such a speech must have been stark staring mad. In the first place, it attributes perjury to his father; next, it is directly against the constitution; and again, none war. but a madman would pledge himself never to change an opinion, for he thus selects a personal and capricious opinion in the teeth of reason.”. "Hitherto the Catholics have been trampled upon with impunity, but it may not be ten years before England will have to encounter a foreign At this moment, can she drive the French forces out of Spain? I Can she controul the Austrians in Italy? Can she-nay, dare she, assist the struggles of the wretched Greeks, who are about to suffer the bloody thraldom of Mahometan power. I shed a tear over their misfortunes; but can England relieve them? No-England's arm is paralyzed; she bas not the dominion or influence to which her wealth and her commercial advantages entitle her in the scale of nations. The Liverpools, the Goulburns, and the Lethbridges, choose to go to battle with one arm bound up. They had determined to bandage that arm that had never struck a blow in vain. Let them set that arm at liberty, and we may defy the efforts of all the congregated Despots of Europe. (Cheers.) The progress of liberty will be more rapid than the advance of science, if only the dolts, and drivellers, and idiots, will cease to listen to the advices of the Bankes's and the Lethbridges, and adopt the sentiments of the Burdetts and the Broughams." (Hear.)-"We have much to contend with; there is, to be sure, much of the English mind studiously prepossessed against us. I read the other day of a Meeting of the But terworth people, held at five o'clock in the morning. They breakfasted a little after six upon tea and tracts. (Laughter.) From what occurred afterwards, I am strongly tempted to suspect that there was a squeeze of lemon in the repast. (Laughter.) The Morning Herald lately brought a Report of another Meeting, at which they indulged in the most vehement invective, and the bitterest vituperation against the Catholics, and when an unfortunate solitary Papist, who went in from curiosity, said, I am on the other side, be good enough to allow me to say a few words,' he was immediately laid hold of by the whole congregation, male and female, and, if a Constable had not been on the spot, by some good fortune, some of them, I fear, would have been indicted for a Popish murder. (Laughter.) There is a class connected with Butterworth, who are conscious that they possess no theological knowledge, and do know that they are totally ignorant of all human acquirements, as well as theological science, and who therefore endeavour to make up for their deficiency in these respects by the inveteracy of their rancour and the virulence of their language. These penny Parsons of Butterworth make it their business to work in an under-current; they go from house to house talking of the bloody Papists, and narrating fictitious miracles and massacres. These people have great influence, which they derive from the writings with which England is inundated. Who can open a book, from the costly folio down to the penny primer, that is not filled with abuse of the Catholics?" My Lord, I have wearied the meeting. (Cries of No, no!) I have only one thing to announce, which, however, I do not think will be considered tiresome. The New Association is to spring into life. (Vehement cheering.) There is the first card of administration [holding up the ticket]. (Loud cheers.) That Association has the sanction of the Noblemen and Gentlemen who composed the Committee, and it plainly has the concurrence of this Meeting. (Cheers, and cries of Yes, yes!) But I have something still better to say-there shall be, there is a new Catholic Rent. (Loud cheering.) The new Rent cannot be connected with the Association; it must be perfectly distinct. I must take it at my own personal risk, and I am ready to meet that risk. (Cheers.) Not that I apprehend that any legal punishment can be fairly visited upon me; but if they were to distort the law, and to procure, what I am sure they cannot, a packed and perjured Jury, the risk is solely mine, and I am quite ready to meet it.-[To describe the sensation that was created by the delivery of this sentiment, is utterly beyond our capacity; the whole Assembly simultaneously rose and evinced their respect and gratitude by waving of hats and handkerchiefs, and by loud cheers.] I shall receive this money, and I shall have vouchers for every sum that passes through my hands." : NEW JURY ACT. The following are the principal clauses :Qualifications of Jurymen.-Ten pounds by the year, above reprizes in lands or tenements, in fee simple, fee tail, or for the life of himself or some other person; or 201. by the year held by lease for 21 years or upwards; or assessed to the poor rate or inhabited house duty to the amount of 201.; or who shall inhabit a house with not less than 15 windows. The exemptions are Peers, Clergymen, and Dissenting Preachers, provided they follow no other occupation (except that of schoolmaster); Lawyers of every description, actually practising; Officers of the Law Courts; Coroners, Jailors, and Keepers of Houses of Correction; Medical Men of every description; Officers of the Navy and Army; Officers of Customs and Excise; Sheriffs' Officers; High Constables and Parish Clerks; and all persons under 21 and more than 60 years of age. Want of qualification to be a just cause for challenge. No person arraigned for murder or felony shall be allowed more than twenty peremptory challenges those of non-qualification not included. Extra Parochial Places to be attached to an adjoining Parish at a Special Petty Sessions before the 1st of July. Justices to hold a Special Petty Sessions the last week in September, of which notice is to be given to the High Constables before the 20th of August, af which the Church wardens and Overseers are to deliver in their lists on oath. The Justices may male alterations in them, and the amended lists delivered to the High Constables to be returned to the next Sessions. Jurors not to be summoned to the Assizes who have served, or attended being summoned, within two years; not to the Sessions who have been summoned and attended, or who have served, within one year; each person after attending is entitled to a certificate on applying to the Clerk of the Peace, and paying him a shilling for it. Penalties on High Constables for neglect of duty in any of the particulars, not exceeding 104. nor less than 40s. On Churchwardens and Overseers, the like penalties for neglect. SIR WALTER SCOTT IN IRELAND. It was generally rumoured in the fashionable circles on Saturday, that this distinguished individual would honour the theatre with his presence this evening, and the theatre was filled with beauty and fashion. During the first and second acts the curiosity of the audience was confined to significant "Nods and becks and wreathed smiles," which could not be mistaken; but at length the name of "Sir Walter Scott" echoed from every part of the theatre, and the clamour became Sir Walter, who sat, as if to escape observation, on a truly deafening third seat, in one of the boxes under the galleries, accompanied by his son, Captain Scott, and a party of ladies and gentlemen, did not at first appear to comprehend what all this applause was about, and assisted in it by clapping his hands; but soon all the thunders of the pit ascended: every hat was doffed; every back was turned to the stage; not even a word from the performers could be heard; even the fascinations of Miss Foote failed in attracting. Mr. Abbott now came forward, and said Gentlemen, might I beg to ask, what can, be the cause of this disturbance ?" "Sir Walter Scott! Sir Walter Scott!" was shouted forth by a hundred voices at once. This exclamation caused a burst of laughter, in which Sir Walter himself heartily joined. He then rose amid the most velement applause all darted their desiring eyes upon his visage, while he spoke nearly as follows:-" Gentlemen, I thank you: as I am not conI was the object of it. Believe me, gentlemen, I can never be forgetful scious of having merited this kindness, I was not until this moment aware of the honour you have done me." Sir Walter then sat down, whilst loud applauses filled the entire theatre. The play then proceeded, with an occasional slight interruption, caused by the anxiety of those in the gallery to get a sight of the Great Unknown." From the few words which Sir Walter Scott uttered, it could be easily perceived that he has a strong Scotch accent. Age has blanched his and full, with a prominent nose, good forehead, and a light blue eye. In locks. His face is precisely that which is termed a Scotch face, large fact, he reminded us very much of that worthy man," rest and bless him," Old Mortality. and even the populace assembled outside cheered him on entering his When Sir Walter was leaving the theatre, the applause was renewed, carriage. In the course of the evening there was a cheer for Thomas Moore, whose parents sat in the next box to Sir Walter. (From the Freeman's Journal.) This distinguished person visited St. Patrick's Cathedral on Saturday, Walter is a tall, lame man. gray-haired, fresh-coloured, bushy-eyed. He and spent some time at the monument of Swift, within its walls. Sir is greatly flattered by the bust at Milliken's: his forehead is not so prominent or intellectual, his eye not so shrewd or penetrating, but yet there is a strong likeness. The bust is Sir Walter with half a score years fewer than he has now to reckon, and every thing intelligent and striking in the visage in high relief. The general deportment of the baronet was simple, unaffected, and courteous. (From the Dublin Morning Register.) proceeded to the residence of the Provost, and was introduced by him to Sir Walter Scott visited the Bank of Ireland on Monday; he then the College library. The door of the library was guarded by a surly porter, and not even the ladies who came to catch a glimpse of the ** Great Unknown" could obtain admission. This is worthy of that College abhorrent to the pursuits of literature, and disgraceful to the country. A where a system of exclusion and illiberality has long prevailed-a system curious circumstance occurred during Sir Walter's visit on Saturday to the library adjoining St. Patrick's Cathedral. The deputy librarian, who Unknown," wished to take him by surprise, and thereby prove his own happens to be a collegian, having got into conversation with the dexterity. With this view he exclaimed, "Oh, Sir Walter, do you know that it is only lately I have had time to get through your RedgauntThe Clerk of the Peace to issue the warrant in the first week in July let."-Sir Waiter: "Sir, I never met with such a book." The librarian to the High Constables, who are to issue their precepts to the Church-stood rebuked, and said nothing. Sir Walter is exceedingly lame. The wardens and Overseers to prepare lists before the 1st of September, lameness, we should think, by his manner of walking, proceeds from a which lists are to be placed on the Church doors the three first Sundays hip-disease, with which he was probably afflicted in his youthful days. in September. The sketch given of him in Peter's Letters is extremely faithful. Great BAD MEASURE. Mr. EXAMINER,-I think you and I shall confer a favour on society, if I write and you give publicity to a few remarks respecting the winemerchants' quart bottle:-Why, Mr. Examiner, 'tis nothing like a quart! No, not even in shape; for, instead of the aldermanic and portly paunch which it used to possess, it is now as taper at the waist as any of the A medical well-laced belles who frequent the Opera or Covent Garden. friend assured me, that the wine-merchants' bottle, instead of 32 ounces, only contains 27; but he added, to save his own credit, that he always made a point of giving full measure to his patients. We have our pounds, our yards, and our quarts of ale, and penalties attached to the infringe. ment of weights and measures; then why, in God's name, Mr. Examiner, should ten quarts of wine be palmed upon us for twelve? Many of our young sprigs of nobility boast, after a Bacchanalian combat, of having consumed three or four bottles a man, and bear their heads so high, on this account, as if they could carry off the whistle from Sir Robert Lawrie of Maxwelton, and blow on it "his requiem shrill," as he did over the strong-headed Dane whom he left under the table (vide Burn's Whistle, a ballad). But, Mr. Examiner, is it not extraordinary, that heads that are strong enough to bear this quantity should be sufficiently weak to be gulled by this palpable deceit of the wine-merchants? Deduct the tops, bottoms, and drainings of bottles, and their three bottles will be but little more than twe. I have as yet only looked to the subject as connected with frand, and argued that the Legislature should take cognizance of it on this account: I am not much of a politician, Mr. Examiner, but it strikes me there is another reason why the Legislature should take notice of it. Would it not materially increase the revenue if the wine-merchants were to recur to the true quart bottle? I answer, "Yes!" (Exempli gratiâ) Three friends meet, and on their meeting, surely two bottles of wine cannot be deemed too liberal a libation to conviviality and friendship. We will assume that they would drink two bottles of wine, and I maintain that they would drink them whether they contained two full quarts, or one-sixth less (which I conceive to be the ratio between the proper quart and that which is palmed upon us by the merchant), thus, if the wine-merchant were to give us full measure, there would be a consumption of one-sixth part more of wine than there is at present; and, consequently, the revenue on this article would increase in the same proportion. AN ADVOCATE FOR FULL BOTTLES. HYDROPHOBIA. The alarm of hydrophobia, which is no doubt in itself a serious evil, whatever may be the probability or improbability of serious consequences, has naturally called forth many suggestions for preventing the effects of the nuisance of dogs in large cities. One plan, we think, is unexceptionable; as dogs are taxed, none should be allowed to exist in cities without a collar, on which should be placed the name and residence of the owner, which would at once secure the payment of the tax, and make the master known in case any mischief was done. It is not only accordant to reason, but to law, that every man shall be answerable for the damage done by the animals he chooses to keep.-Globe and Traveller. The dogs with which Edinburgh is infested, are now muzzled, in consequence of a proclamation to that effect.-Edinburgh Times. A Correspondent recommends that, during the hot weather, those who Our corresponkeep dogs should give them a regular supply of water. dent asserts, that it is principally owing to the want of water in the summer months, that so many poor dogs run mad.-Herald. Is it not contrary to all pathological analogy, that a morbid poison should produce a disease different in its whole character and diagnostics from that by which such poison is generated? The disease called hydrophobia, which is said to result, in the human subject, from the bite of a rabid dog, does not bear any resemblance to that under which the dog labours; and, not to say it irreverently, we should think it quite as philosophical to say, that the variolous virus would communicate the hooping-cough to an oyster.-Hereford Independent. BELFAST.-We are sorry to observe, that proper attention is not paid to the order of the Magistrates, respecting dogs being permitted to run through the streets unmuzzled. A child has this moment been severely bitten by a ferocious animal, at our Office door. The Police Constables should be compelled to put in force the order of the Magistrates. Northern Whig. FROM THE LONDON GAZETTES. Tuesday, July 19. BANKRUPT. J. Hudswell, Manchester, hat-manufacturer. Solicitors, Messrs. Hurd and C. H. Moring, Pope's-head-alley, Cornhill, merchant. Solicitors, Messrs. ment's Inn. E. Williams, Southampton, shoeseller. Solicitors, Messrs. Osbaldeston H. Congrave, Chapel street, Edgware-road, tailor. Solicitor, Mr. Dig- THE FUNDS.-Consols continue to exhibit very little fluctuation, but the indication has been rather for a rise than otherwise; and the quotation for money for the 26th August, on account of the great scarcity of money stock being nearly the same, the state of the market is very unusual. In Foreign Stock's little business is doing; but they are upon the whole rather higher, particularly the South American. In respect to New Companies, we have to notice with some pleasure the formation of a Haitian Mining Company, under an exclusive grant from the government of Haïti, of all the mines in this country, including those which have already been profitably worked by the Spaniards. Other speculative purposes are combined with the primary object, and we are assured that the project is what it pretends to be, and no scheme for mere gaming As a means of introducing science, knowledge, and improvement, into the Black Republic, it has our best wishes; and such, we are told, is no small part of the benificent inducement of those who institute and encourage it. purposes. New 4 per Cents. 104] STOCKS YESTERDAY. Ditto Scrip (1825) 2} } dis. Ditto for Account, 22 THE EXAMINER. LONDON, JULY 24, 1825. WE learn by the French papers, that an Army of Observation is to formed on the Pyrenees, preparatory to the abandonment of Spain by the French troops, with the exception of the occupation of certain garrisons. What a light does the necessity of this expedient throw upon the character of the Government so wickedly restored, and of the state of the country which is panting under its senseless oppression and foreign imposed domination! What adds to the melancholy state of the case is, that no sort of approximation seems to be making to a settled government of any kind; and that most unhappy of political states of existence is endured by Spain, which implies that better can never be ensured, but through the medium of worse-in plainer English, that another internal civil conflict must precede all approach to good government. It is a most extra The American journals contain a curious document from the state of Georgia, in the form of a Report laid before the House of Representatives of that State, by a Committee appointed to inquire into the operation of certain laws imposed by Congress, which particularly affect the States in which Negro Slavery exists. ordinary paper, which, if the free and strong language tolerated in America were not pretty accurately estimated, might lead to a conclusion that the Southern States were about to separate from the Union forthwith. The cause of all this ire is an ordination by Congress, preventing the temporary imprisonment of the Black and Coloured seamen of trading vessels, while they remain in the ports of the State in question. Such imprisonment the Congress feel not W. Moore, Houghton, Cumberland, butter-merchant. Solicitors, Messrs. only to be oppressive and anti-commercial, but opposed to treaties Birkett and Co. Cloak lane. with the Powers to which such ships belong. The resemblance of the American Slave logic to the similar argumentation of our West Indian Man-owners is very striking. They will separate-they will fight-Rome and Sparta possessed slaves, and so will they. Sparta! the good Christians!-that most barbarous of all communities runs in their heads, does it? But what has become of Rome, and what is Sparta now? They will maintain a state of slavery, they exclaim; how certainly in the long run will they not! Looking to |